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With almost 80% of the fighting forces composed of child soldiers, this is one characterization of the ‘new wars,’ which constitute the dominant form of violent conflict that has emerged only over the last few decades. The development of light weapons, such as automatic guns suitable for children, was an obvious prerequisite for the involvement of children in modern conflicts that typically involve irregular forces, that target mostly civilians, and that are justified by identities, although the economic interests of foreign countries and exiled communities are usually the driving force.
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Chapter 14
The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering
Elisabeth Schauer and Thomas Elbert
Abstract With almost 80% of the fighting forces composed of child soldiers, this
is one characterization of the ‘new wars,’ which constitute the dominant form of
violent conflict that has emerged only over the last few decades. The development
of light weapons, such as automatic guns suitable for children, was an obvious pre-
requisite for the involvement of children in modern conflicts that typically involve
irregular forces, that target mostly civilians, and that are justified by identities,
although the economic interests of foreign countries and exiled communities are
usually the driving force.
Motivations for child recruitment include children’s limited ability to assess
risks, feelings of invulnerability, and shortsightedness. Child soldiers are more often
killed or injured than adult soldiers on the front line. They are less costly for the
respective group or organization than adult recruits, because they receive fewer
resources, including less and smaller weapons and equipment. From a different per-
spective, becoming a fighter may seem an attractive possibility for children and
adolescents who are facing poverty, starvation, unemployment, and ethnic or polit-
ical persecution. In our interviews, former child soldiers and commanders alike
reported that children are more malleable and adaptable. Thus, they are easier to
indoctrinate, as their moral development is not yet completed and they tend to listen
to authorities without questioning them.
Child soldiers are raised in an environment of severe violence, experience it, and
subsequently often commit cruelties and atrocities of the worst kind. This repeated
exposure to chronic and traumatic stress during development leaves the children
with mental and related physical ill-health, notably PTSD and severe personality
E. Schauer (B)
Department of Psychology, University of Konstanz, Konstanz, Germany;
vivo International, Konstanz, Germany
Statements quoted in the text originate from the authors’ own work with formerly abducted
children and former child soldiers during diagnostic interviews or therapeutic work in Northern
Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo in the framework of project interventions of the
NGO vivo. All clients have personally given written informed consent for publication of their
experiences. Some have in fact urged us to tell the world what happened using their own words.
E. Martz (ed.), Trauma Rehabilitation After War and Conflict,
DOI 10.1007/978-1-4419-5722-1_14, C
Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010
312 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
changes. Such exposure also deprives the child from a normal and healthy develop-
ment and impairs their integration into society as a fully functioning member. This
chapter presents in detail the cascade of changes that prove to be non-adaptive in
a peaceful society. Further, ex-combatants experience social isolation arising from
a number of factors, which include host communities’ negative attitudes towards
ex-combatants and their psychological problems causing difficulties in social inter-
action. The risk of re-recruitment is high when ex-combatants fail to reintegrate
economically and socially into their civil host communities, which may cause sub-
stantial economic development issues, and a new turn in the cycle of violence
becomes inevitable. We therefore conclude that the provision of extensive mental-
health services needs to be an essential part of demobilization and rehabilitation
programs. This will improve the individual’s functioning, it will build capacity
within the affected community, and it may be designed to break the cycle of
In this chapter, we include formerly abducted children’s description of selected
experiences of child soldiering. The reader might be faced with emotional reac-
tions, due to the detailed first-person reports. All narratives originate from either
clinical diagnostic interviews or testimony established during psychotherapy with
NET (Narrative Exposure Therapy). All children, who are voicing their life expe-
riences, have been part of an already completed or on-going mental-health project,
implemented to psychologically rehabilitate the beneficiaries by the NGO vivo.
Child Soldiers Characterize ‘New Wars’
In 2004, political scientists counted more than 42 wars and armed conflicts world-
wide, almost all of them in developing countries (Schreiber, 2005). Observers
of these current ‘new wars’ (Kaldor, 1999) or ‘complex political emergencies’
(Ramsbotham & Woodhouse, 1999) have noted that the main target of the war-
ring parties is the civilian population, and the systematic atrocities, massacres, and
bombings are often applied as rational strategies within current warfare. Never
before in history have child soldiers played such a prominent role, constituting 80%
of the fighting forces. This is one indication that we are witnessing a qualitative
change in the way wars are waged and in the way organized violence is exerted;
in other words, a transformation in the ‘culture of violence’ cannot be overlooked.
Researchers have noted that the following are new characteristics or trends (Elbert,
Rockstroh, Kolassa, Schauer, & Neuner, 2006; Kaldor, 1999):
Fighting is dominated by irregular forces, including paramilitary units, rebel
forces, mercenary troops, and foreign armies that intervene in civil wars. As out-
lined below, a clear separation between civilians and soldiers disappears. Forcibly
recruited child soldiers belong to the usual repertoire of most forces in the new
wars. Parties to the conflict are frequently led by powerful warlords, with little or
no power of the state.
Conflicts are justified by identification with ethnic groups, cultures, or religions,
while actually the conflicts are driven by economic factors: warring parties get
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 313
resources from supporting foreign countries and exiled communities, in order to
control local resources, like minerals, oil, or drugs.
Warfare strategies include systematic atrocities, like massacres and mass rapes, to
frighten civilians and to make regions uninhabitable for the group to be expelled.
Another reason for the prevalence of atrocities in current wars is the assumption
that they help to unite the group committing the atrocities. Easily available small
weapons are sufficient for this type of warfare.
Children have increasingly become victims and perpetrators of warfare (Redress,
2006). Crimes against humanity, like hunting humans, mutilations, and mass rape,
are not an exception, but may be a characteristic of adolescent gangs that have gotten
out of society’s control. Some have argued that the ability to be cruel is a way to exert
negotiating power in this context, which may explain why there is little intervention
of the ruling groups to prevent atrocities. Internationally agreed upon, undesirable,
and prohibited war outcomes, which in fact are a hallmark of today’s conflicts, have
been defined (Hicks & Spagat, 2008) and the phenomenon of child soldiering is one
of them.1
The proportion of civilian casualties in armed conflicts has increased continu-
ously during the twentieth century and is now estimated at more than 90%. About
half of the victims are children (UNICEF, 2002). More than 2 million children have
died as a direct result of armed conflict over the last decade. More than three times
that number – at least 6 million children – have been seriously injured. Between
8,000 and 10,000 children are killed or maimed by landmines every year (Pearn,
2003; UNICEF, 2005). Of the ten countries with the highest rates of deaths of those
under the age of 5 years, seven are affected by armed conflict (UNICEF, 2005). The
World Bank reports additionally that the average mortality rate of children under the
age of 5 years increased significantly as a consequence of war (Collier, 2003).
War-related injury means wounds in the body and the mind. Traumatic stress can
also occur from painful and frightening medical treatments and living with disabil-
ity, especially in resource-poor countries. It is estimated that 4 million children have
acquired disabilities after they were wounded in conflict over the last decade. For
example, 75% of the injuries incurred from landmines in rural Somalia are to chil-
dren between the ages of 5 and 15 years (ICRC, 1994). All of these samples include
formerly abducted children and child soldiers. The lack of appropriate and timely
1According to Hicks & Spagat, 2008, others are high mortality to civilians versus combatants;
increased injuries to civilians versus combatants; torture of civilians or combatants; rape or sexual
humiliation of civilians or combatants; sexual humiliation of civilians or combatants; mutilations
of civilians or combatants; kidnapping and hostage taking; disappearances; summary execution
of captured prisoners; terrorist attacks; assassination of civilian leaders; attacks on religious and
medical personnel and on medical units; use of particularly undesirable or prohibited weapons
(e.g., landmines and booby traps); suicide bombers disguised as civilians; child death or injury;
female civilian mortality or injury; elderly civilian mortality or injury; violence to non-combatant
indigenous groups; use of human shields; initiating weapon fire from among civilians; locating
headquarters or weapons storage among civilians; combatants taking civilian appearance during
military operations (e.g., not wearing uniforms); combatants disguised as humanitarian, peace-
keeping, or medical workers; leaving landmines or unexploded ordnance; destroying infrastructure
essential for civilian survival (e.g., food, water sources, hospitals).
314 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
medical assistance during child soldiering is an additional serious humanitarian
Among a number of at-risk populations, children of war and child soldiers are
a particularly vulnerable group and often suffer from devastating long-term conse-
quences of experienced or witnessed acts of violence. Child war survivors have
to cope with repeated and thus cumulative effects of traumatic stress, exposure
to combat, shelling and other life-threatening events, acts of abuse, such as tor-
ture or rape, violent death of a parent or friend, witnessing family members being
tortured or injured, separation from family, being abducted or held in detention,
insufficient adult care, lack of safe drinking water and food, inadequate shelter,
explosive devices and dangerous building ruins in the proximity, marching or being
transported in crowded vehicles over long distances, and spending months in transit
camps (Barath, 2002; Boothby, 1994; Elbert et al., 2009; Karunakara et al., 2004;
Mollica, Poole, Son, Murray, & Tor, 1997; Schaal & Elbert, 2006; UNICEF, 2005;
Yule, 2002). These experiences can hamper children’s healthy development and
their ability to function fully, even once the violence has ceased.
Furthermore, destruction brought by war is likely to mean that children of war
and child soldiers are deprived of key services, such as education and health care.
A child’s education can be disrupted by armed conflict, due to abduction, displace-
ment, absence of teachers, long and dangerous walks to school (e.g. landmines,
snipers), and parental poverty (e.g. inability to provide school fees and uniforms
and the necessity for children to contribute to household income). Schools can be
caught up in conflict as part of the fighting between government forces and rebel
groups or can be used as centers for propaganda and recruitment. Attacks on and
abductions of teachers and students are a frequent phenomenon of global warfare.
The same can be observed for hospitals, doctors, and nursing staff. Health centers
often become a direct target, the medical supply is cut off during intense periods
of fighting, and health personnels are frequently kept from accessing the sick and
injured as a political strategy (Cairns, 1996; Sivayokan, 2006; UNICEF, 2005).
The social consequences of growing up in shattered, war-torn environments
include effects like alcoholism, drug abuse, and early unprotected sexual activity
(sex for food and security), which can result in teenage pregnancy and the contrac-
tion of HIV/AIDS (Kessler, 2000; Yule, 2002). The increased likelihood of HIV
transmission in conflict zones is mostly due to the breakdown of family, school,
and health systems, with their regulatory safeguards that could counter these risks
(UNICEF, 2005).
During 1990 and 2005, an estimated 30 million children were forced by conflict
and human right violations to escape their homes and are currently living as refugees
in neighbouring countries or as internally displaced within their own national bor-
ders. During flight, families may become separated. More than 2.5 million children
have been orphaned or separated from their families because of war in the past
decade (Pearn, 2003; Southall & Abbasi, 1998; UNICEF, 2005). The poor living
conditions, in which fleeing families find themselves, increase children’s vulnera-
bility to malnutrition, diarrheal diseases, and infections (Toole & Waldman, 1993).
In Africa, crude mortality rates have been as high as 80 times baseline rates among
refugees and internally displaced populations (IDP) (Toole & Waldman, 1997).
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 315
Often the period of exile runs into years and decades, and in such cases, children
may spend their whole childhood in camps and displacement. Nowadays, there are
entire generations of children who have never lived at home in Africa and Asia
(UNICEF, 2005).
The Use of Child Soldiers in Armed Conflicts
Prevalence and Phenomenon
A child soldier is any person under the age of 18 who is a member of or attached to govern-
ment armed forces or any other regular or irregular armed force or armed political group,
whether or not an armed conflict exists. Child soldiers perform a range of tasks including
participation in combat, laying mines and explosives; scouting, spying, acting as decoys,
couriers or guards; training, drill or other preparations; logistics and support functions, por-
tering, cooking and domestic labour; and sexual slavery or other recruitment for sexual
purposes (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007).
Hundreds of thousands of children are conscripted, kidnapped, or pressured into
joining armed groups. The proliferation of lightweight weapons has made it possi-
ble for children under the age of 10 years to become effective soldiers. Compared to
earlier weapons, which required strong physical force to be an effective fighter, this
is a notable change in technology that has allowed recruiting children as a new class
of fighters, which is a defining characteristic of the ‘new wars.’ The trend in using
children in armed conflict as soldiers is not diminishing. An estimated 300,000 child
soldiers – boys and girls under the age of 18 – are involved currently in more than
30 conflicts worldwide (Child Soldier, 2001; Jayawardena, 2001). Some 40% or
120,000 child soldiers are girls, whose plight is often unrecognized because inter-
national attention has largely focused on boy soldiers. In general, when people speak
of ‘child soldiers,’ the popular image is that of boys, rather than the thousands of
girls who comprise the less visible, ‘shadow armies’ in conflicts around the world
(McKay & Mazurana, 2004).2While the use of child soldiers as combatants is a
2According to the United Nations and Save the Children, key conflict areas where the problem of
boy and girl soldiers has been and remains acute today include Colombia, East Timor, Pakistan,
Uganda, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and west-
ern and northern Africa. Moreover, in Afghanistan, Chechnya, the West Balkans, Haiti, Liberia,
Peru, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone, recruitment and abuse of child soldiers have occurred. Like the
boys, typically the majority of girl soldiers are abducted or forcibly recruited into regular and
irregular armed groups, ranging from government-backed paramilitaries, militias, and self-defense
forces to antigovernment opposition and factional groups, which are often based on ideological,
partisan, and ethnic or religious affinity. Children are recruited and used in armed conflict in at
least 15 countries and territories at present which are Afghanistan, Burma (Myanmar), Central
African Republic, Chad, Colombia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), India, Iraq, Occupied
Palestinian Territories, Philippines, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Thailand, and Uganda. Countries
especially named for sexual exploitation of child soldiers – this includes boys as well as girls –
are Afghanistan, Angola, Burundi, Congo, Honduras, Cambodia, Canada, Columbia, Liberia,
Mozambique, Myanmar/Burma, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Uganda, United Kingdom, and USA
(Alfredson, 2001; Human Rights Watch, 2009).
316 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
contemporary development, children have continuously served throughout history
as servants, messengers, porters, cooks, and to provide sexual services. Some are
forcibly recruited or abducted; others are driven to join by poverty, abuse, and dis-
crimination, or to seek revenge for violence enacted against themselves and their
families. When children are recruited into combat and servitude, they experience
sexual violence and exploitation and are exposed to explosives, combat situations,
and the experience and witnessing of killings (Pearn, 2003). Reports abound from
conflict zones of girls and boys being abducted and forced into sexual slavery by
militias or rebel groups (Southall & Abbasi, 1998; UNHCR, 2003; UNICEF, 2005).
Reasons for Recruitment of Children
The development of light weapons and small arms made it possible, for the first
time in history, to recruit children as fighters. Blattman (2007) summarized several
reasons why children and young adolescents have become the focus of recruitment,
because this possibility arose in the late twentieth century. The following arguments
should be interpreted as complementary facets of motivations for child recruitment.
First, the current demographic shift in poor countries (in part due to HIV/AIDS)
led to the largest population of children and adolescents ever, making this age
group most available for recruitment and abduction. Second, commanders (espe-
cially African) emphasize stamina, survival, and stealth of child soldiers, as well as
their fearlessness and will to fight (International Labor Organization [ILO], 2003).
This may be due to children’s limited ability to assess risks, feelings of invulnera-
bility, and short-sightedness (Brett & Specht, 2004). It is a fact that child soldiers
are more often killed or injured than adult soldiers, which can be explained by their
being deployed at the front line, e.g. to lay or clear mines, or as suicide bombers
because they provoke less suspicion (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers,
2008). Third, child soldiers are cheaper for the respective group or organization
than adult ones, because they receive fewer resources, including fewer and smaller
weapons and equipment.
From a different perspective, becoming a fighter may be an attractive possibility
for children and adolescents facing poverty, starvation, unemployment, and eth-
nic or political persecution (International Labor Organization [ILO], 2003). Facing
these problems, children are ‘soft targets’ as recruits into armed groups and may
be more willing to fight for honour or duty, for revenge, or for protection from
violence (Brett & Specht, 2004; Redress, 2006). Fourth, children are also easier to
retain in the group. In our interviews (see below), child soldiers and child com-
manders argue that children are more malleable and adaptable, and hence easier to
indoctrinate. They stick more to authorities without questioning them. Moral and
personality development is not yet completed in children, reducing their inhibition
against performing crimes against humanity. Interviews with rebel leaders of the
Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) revealed that adults have been the most
skilled fighters, but also those who were most likely to desert. Despite being weak
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 317
fighters, young children have been most likely to stay, because they were easiest to
indoctrinate, while at the same time, it is more difficult for them to plot escape strate-
gies. Adolescents seemed to offer the best fit between malleability or likelihood
to stay and effectiveness as fighters (Blattman, 2007). In addition, Somasundaram
(2002) stated that military leaders in Sri Lanka prefer younger children because
of their suggestibility and fearlessness or weaker ability to estimate dimensions of
Enlistment and Recruitment
Pertinent Laws of War anonymously state that the enlistment, recruitment, use,
and/or deployment of child soldiers under the age of 15 are actions that are war
crimes according to the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the 1998
Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court.
These two guiding, international instruments have even been advanced by the
Convention of the Rights of the Child, which states a ‘straight 18’ approach to
recruitment in the 2002 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the
Child. The 1990 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child supports
the age of 18 as a minimum entry age of soldiering (more information on related
topics can be sought in Redress, 2006). There are hardly any systematic investiga-
tions of child soldiers, exploring their views, motives, and identities. We therefore
have performed semi-structured interviews in several regions of East Africa.
Forced or Voluntary Recruitment and Remaining?
A cautionary note to the reader: the following pages contain interviews with children, some
of whom report events that were exceedingly graphic or violent. These children have experi-
enced or observed these horrific events in environments of conflicts or wars, and thus, their
first-person accounts, while shocking, are needed to illustrate the nature and depth of the
issues. The editor.
K.G., a 16-year-old boy at the time of the interview (South Kivu, Democratic
Republic of Congo [DRC], March 2009), was an active recruit for 3 years, i.e. he
joined at age 13:
I think I joined freely. All my friends were already part of this group, even my uncle and
many of my cousins. The Mai-Mai had long been around us; in fact they had built shelters
next to our community in the forest. One day a friend of mine told me to come to the
football grounds for a game. There we saw the Mai-Mai and they were telling us that today
would be their pay-day, that a government official of the Congolese army would come and
give them their monthly wages and if we joined, we could all get a share of that money. It
didn’t take me long to decide. In those days I was frightened, since our home was attacked
almost every night by bandits and other rebel groups as well, what did I have to lose? Also
my parents were too poor to send me to school anymore. My mind was made up fast, I
joined my friends and from that day I never went home to my parent’s house again. I know
you think, how can I not think of home, but I never did. I was totally there in the forest
318 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
with the rebels, I only thought of today and the drugs we got there. One time my parents
tried to find me and buy me out with a goat, but I didn’t even look at them. Home did not
exist anymore you know, I was always under drugs from that day onwards. Also we had a
purpose. You know North Kivu is very rich, many people come and want to rule us, they
come and want our riches and we need to fight that, we need to fight for our freedom and to
fight for our village. Our commander used to talk to us about this every morning when we
met for morning assembly.
O.B. received therapeutic treatment for trauma-related mental health when he
was an 18-year-old (May 2006). He had served for nearly 5 years after being
abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda at age 14:
After two days, an assembly took place. Everybody was gathered. They talked about us
newly abducted children and they said: “you look like people who plan to escape and we
are going to make you rebels now.” They told us to lie down. Now we were surrounded by
40 rebels. They said: “do not raise your head or we will kill all of you.” We had to stretch
our hands forward and put our foreheads to the ground. They started beating my back. 350
strokes were given on my back and buttocks. After a while the pain was so big that I felt
that it would be better if I was dead. It was just too much to bear. Coldness started creeping
into my body. And the trembling started. And then it happened again. I looked at my body
from outside. I knew I would die. I saw death. It was in me. Death takes people’s soul. My
soul was already outside my body. I could feel pain, deep pain, but it was not from my
back, from the strokes, it was everywhere inside me now. Death was trying to take my soul.
Pain was everywhere in me. I could see death. You can see it when you are going to die.
I couldn’t hear anything. I also didn’t realise when it was that they had stopped beating me.
But then I heard a loud voice: “Get up.” I tried, but I couldn’t sit. I kneeled for almost one
hour. It felt like a very long time. I realised that all other children around me had died in the
beating. I could see them lying still and not breathing. They were lying all around me. Their
bodies were swollen and full of blood all over. The rebels dragged their bodies and dumped
them into the nearby river.
K.K.G., male, 16 years old at time of diagnostic interview (March 2009), spent
3 years as an active recruit, joining Mai-Mai, in North Kivu, DRC at age 13:
When you would not follow the commander’s rule, he could get very angry. People would
get beaten terribly for disobedience or if they were trying to escape. When their wounds
were open and bleeding, salt was rubbed inside their wound. In that the commander was
merciless. You had to follow the rules or you would lose the ‘protection’. When people did
something really wrong, they got killed as a punishment...I have seen 5 people being killed
for severe disobedience during my time with the group. They were crucified in the forest.
The commander would order them being nailed to trees at their hands and feet higher up
on tall trees. The nails were thick ones, like those you would use to nail big logs for the
roof of a house. You would first nail through the palms of the hand and later through the
feet, just below the ankle and then turn the nail around so as to fix the foot to the tree stem.
Sometimes the commander then ordered for people to be burnt with hot plastic again and
again until they had real holes in their bodies.
Even if it might appear so to the individual child, from a psychological and social
point of view, children’s choices to join and remain in armed groups cannot be
considered ‘voluntary’. In summary we propose the following reasons:
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 319
Children have no or limited access to information concerning the consequences of
their choice; they neither control nor fully comprehend the structures and forces
that they are dealing with.
Children have little knowledge and understanding of the mid- and long-term
consequences of their actions.
Children might be told and believe that they have to ‘stand up’ against an enemy,
who would otherwise kill them or hurt their families; they tend to trust and obey
caretakers’ and families’ or key community leaders’ judgement on this.
Children might believe that they have to take the place of a family member, who
would otherwise be enlisted, or to avenge a family member, who has been killed
by the ‘enemy,’ which might constitute a emotionally perceived life-threat for the
Conditions of civil war and armed conflict undermine the ability of families and
communities to protect the young of both sexes (Druba, 2002); parents might
then be driven to give in to the powerful influence of militia leaders of their own
ethnic group. Enlistment on the part of the parents or caretakers can never be
considered ‘voluntary’ on part of the child.
A large number of child victims of social chaos and violence become orphans,
refugees, or are only partly protected by adult care, as a result being left alone
in their struggle to survive social, emotional, and economic hardship, a poten-
tial push factor into recruitment. Interestingly, it is extremely rare for wealthier
children from urban areas to be recruited.
With systematic indoctrination and acculturation, a commander can, over time,
replace the position of a caretaker/parent and serve as an adult role model, which
children will naturally accept, and in fact, need to attach to for mentorship, guid-
ance, and survival; fellow child combatants can take the place of siblings and/or
replace the community peer group; this ‘surrogate family’ phenomenon does not
imply a voluntary choice by the child, but a forced adaptation and might, in fact,
be a sign of healthy development in the absence of other choices.
Children might feel that they have to protect themselves, if the official state struc-
ture, community, or family cannot; by perceiving to have no choice, they might
try to escape the violence and abuse around them – and enlisting might become
a perceived means of survival.
Girls might think that joining an army might protect them from being raped or
harmed by free-roaming ‘militia groups’.
During the initial period, children who have joined armed groups, whether vol-
untary or forced, are almost always subjected to harsh, life-threatening initiation
procedures, such as severe beatings, forced killings, magic-spiritual rituals (e.g.
tattooing, scarring, spraying with blood or ‘holy’ water), and forced drug intake,
in order to make them ‘proper soldiers’ and fear the repercussions of escape; such
practices tend to be forced on the new recruit and put children’s lives in danger.
Rarely do demobilized children share with their parents or communities the emo-
tional context of what they have experienced or how they were treated; as a result
of the lack of emotional communication, reintegration into local communities is
hampered by perceptions of the community’s view of the particular armed group
320 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
with which the child was associated. The individual needs and unique case of the
returning child are rarely considered. Stigmatization levels are high at the time
of re-entry into the community of origin and constitute a potential push factor for
Risk Factors for Recruitment
Known risk factors for becoming a child soldier are poverty, less or no access to
education, living in a war-torn region, displacement, and separation from one’s
family, with orphans and refugees being particularly vulnerable (Beth, 2001).
Somasundaram (2002) lists the following factors as catalysts for children to become
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) child soldiers in North-Eastern Sri Lanka:
death of one or both parents or relatives, family separation, destruction of home or
belongings, displacement, lack of food, ill health, economic difficulties, poverty,
lack of access to education, no avenues for future employment, social and polit-
ical oppression, harassment from government soldiers, abductions, and detention.
He also describes an emerging pattern of youth violence in the general population
after two decades of war in the affected communities. After growing up in a war
environment, male youth in displaced camps seemed to drift into anti-social groups
and activities when a natural disaster hit the coastal regions. Unemployed and left
out of school-based programs, some left to join militant groups, while other started
abusing alcohol and formed into violent groups and criminal gangs. Having grown
up immersed in an atmosphere of extreme war violence, many had witnessed hor-
rifying deaths of relatives, the destruction of their homes and social institutions,
experienced bombings, shelling, and extrajudicial killings (Somasundaram, 2007).
A similar pattern of ‘saturation’ can be assumed in children who grow up
in conflict-stricken communities, which later become recruitment targets of rebel
movements. This could constitute a pull factor for joining the movement. Further
reasons might be hearing false promises or relatives taking part in the movement.
As P.A.N., who was male, 29 years at time of diagnostic interview (March 2009),
served 1 year as an active recruit, and joined Mai-Mai in North Kivu, DRC at the
age of 15 years, described:
The whole village was overtaken by Hutu’s and even our houses and shambas (fields) were
occupied by them. The population of the villagers was living in displacement. My whole
family and all my relatives and friends were displaced. So we decided to protect ourselves
and our ‘earth’ and to fight. All young men were in this, family members, friends, the whole
community. You see our parents could not support us, there were no more school fees and
no more home. When I was 16 years old, I joined the Mai-Mai. We fought to eliminate the
Hutus, and there were two groups of them, the old Hutus who had come earlier and those
who came during the genocide of Rwanda in 1994. So I joined to help create a resistance
movement and to protect our home. During my time in the group, things changed of course
and later I stayed on also because I was afraid to be killed if I fled. But there was also the
other voice in me, which wanted to stay and learn as best I could to be a good combatant
and especially learn how to have enough inner discipline to be strong for the rest of my life,
so as to never be helpless again.
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 321
The Consequences for Children Who Have Been Combatants
Exposure to Traumatic Stress
Severe and traumatic stress and its deteriorating effects for mental health, such as
the development of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), a debilitating psychiatric
condition, gain more and more importance in the description of societies affected
by the new wars’ human rights violations. Our research has highlighted the role of
a ‘building block effect’: traumatic experiences build upon each other and cumula-
tively increase the chance of developing PTSD and depression (Karunakara et al.,
2004; Kolassa & Elbert, 2007; Kolassa et al., in press; Onyut et al., 2009; Schaal
& Elbert, 2006; Schauer & Elbert, 2010; Schauer, Neuner, & Elbert, 2005; Schauer
et al., 2003). PTSD patients have developed a ‘fear network,’ composed of intercon-
nected, trauma-related memories, in which even only peripherally related trauma
stimuli can cause a cascading fear response with flash-back properties. Therefore,
the cumulative exposure to traumatic stress constitutes a predictor of endemic
mental-health issues. We begin our discussion about traumatic stress with an
exemplary outline of the type and frequency of traumatic stressors in crisis regions:
V.A., a 20-year-old woman who, at time of therapy (May 2006), had spent
10 years in abduction with the LRA, Northern Uganda, reported:
I remember my life from around the time when I was 5 years old. I lived with my parents
in the hills around Gulu and we had a good time. When I was 7 years old, my mother got
poisoned and died. From then on, my step-mother took over the household and I suffered
a lot, she used to beat me badly. When I was 9 years old, a boy raped me while I was on
the way to the well to fetch water. When I was 10 years old, I got abducted by the LRA.
I witnessed how many other children got abducted and we were made to walk towards
Sudan. On the way, I saw how he beat many people to death, probably those who could not
keep up with the walking and the heavy loads. When we arrived at Kony’s place in Sudan,
I witnessed the torture and killing of a wizard. I was given to one of the elder women of a
commander as a helper. She was nice, but she died soon and from then on I was mistreated
by the co-wives. At age 11, I remember the commander coming home to the house early and
I had not cleaned-up yet; he beat me severely for that. From that day onwards he would do
it regularly. Sometimes so much that I had to go to hospital, but the rebels always took me
out again forcefully and brought me back before my wounds were healed. One day when
I was 12 years old, we saw how children in a school were forced to eat their own teacher
by the LRA; apparently the man had resisted giving food to the rebels. At age 14 years,
the commander started raping me and told me that I am now his wife. A few months later
I had my first baby. It was a beautiful child, but I did not know how to look after him, so
he died soon. In the same year, there was a fierce battle with the UPDF [Uganda People’s
Defense Force], an air attack, where many of our people in the settlement died. At age 16,
I gave birth to another baby. The next morning when I woke up, also he had died. He had
been tiny and weak and he probably died from the cold night air, since I had nothing to
cover him. One day soon after this we saw how the Lutugu people got hold of enemies and
poured boiling water over their bodies until they died. At age 18, I had to take part in a raid
on Lira IDP camp. We were trying to get new abductees and food, but people resisted, so 18
of them were killed by our group. At age 20, I gave birth to George in the bush. He is weak,
but he is still alive, I so much hope that he will grow up. That same year during an attack
by government soldiers, the rebels, including my husband, left me behind. I guess I was a
burden to them, since we women with small children were not able to run fast. He never
322 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
explained to me what he was thinking, he just left me behind and the soldiers brought me
to this reception center. In the future I hope to do small business. I am a bit worried, since
I can’t read and write. They want me to go back to my relatives’ place, but it is insecure and
rebel attacks are frequent. If I could choose, I would choose a safe place to live.
F.O., a 13-year-old boy at time of therapy (April 2006), who had spent 3 years in
abduction with the LRA in Northern Uganda, described his experiences:
I was born in 1994 in a small village in Uganda. My mother used to cook beans so well
for me and my father. When I was 6 years old, my parents had a fight and my mother got
wounded by my father with a knife. He would always start acting in a funny way when he
was drunk, he would act as if he was still a soldier in the bush. At age 7, I finally started
going to school, that was a good day. At age 11, I was abducted and that same day they
made me kill 3 of my uncles. A few days later, they ‘initiated’ me to be a soldier and gave
me 100 strokes of beating. One year later, I was forced to cut off both hands of a hunter with
a hapanga. In the same year, we fought a big battle with the UPDF, where my friend was
killed. When I started crying, the commander forced me to lie in his blood. Many battles
followed that one in the same year, also air attacks. We were often starving, since there was
no time to find food. Once we had to ambush a bus with civilians on the road towards Atiok
to get hold of food; many people died and got burnt. Two days later we were asked to attack
a camp. We were told to bring food and girls; we found three, but I was forced to kill two
since they couldn’t manage to carry the heavy loads and keep up. It wasn’t long after that
incident in the same year that I got a chance to escape during a battle with the UPDF. I was
13 when I reached this center.
In a study by our group (Pfeiffer et al., submitted), which was carried out in a
representative selection of IDP camps of Northern Uganda during 2007 and 2008,
it was found that of the interviewed sample of 1114 children and young adults,
43% were formerly abducted children and many of them were recruited temporarily
as child soldiers. The most common traumatic life events of those who had been
abducted were forced to skin, chop, or cook dead bodies (8%), forced to eat human
flesh (8%), forced to loot property and burn houses (48%), forced to abduct other
children (30%), forced to kill someone (36%), forced to beat, injure, or mutilate
someone (38%), caused serious injury or death to somebody else (44%), experi-
enced severe human suffering, such as carrying heavy loads or being deprived of
food (100%), gave birth to a child in captivity (33% of women), were threatened to
be killed (93%), saw people with mutilations and dead bodies (78%), experienced
sexual assault (45%), experienced assault with a weapon (77%), and experienced
physical assault including being kicked, beaten, or burnt (90%). The PTSD rate of
the children, who were never abducted, was found to be 8.4%; of those who had ever
been abducted, 33%, and those who had spent more than 1 month in captivity, the
PTSD rate was measured at 48%. In this large, representative study, the children’s
mental-health impairment had remained chronic, because in a majority of cases,
the interviews had taken place years after they had come back from captivity. One
out of four former child soldiers reported to be still currently disturbed by different
intensities of self-perceived ‘spirit possession,’ which as our data shows is a way to
express and attribute symptoms of trauma-related illness and which in the studied
population correlates well with a PTSD diagnosis.
In another large study by Vinck and colleagues (Vinck, Pham, Stover, &
Weinstein, 2007), again in Northern Uganda, it was found that 82% of formerly
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 323
abducted children presented with PTSD symptoms. A follow-up review of Pham
and colleagues (Pham, Vinck, & Stover, 2009) with former abductees showed that
67% met the symptom criteria for PTSD; in those abducted for 6 months or more,
this rate rose to 80%.
In 2007, Bayer and colleagues (Bayer, Klasen, & Adam, 2007) carried out a study
among former child soldiers in Uganda and Congo. The interviewed 169 children
had a mean age of 15 years at the time of being interviewed. All children reported
that they had been violently recruited by armed forces at a mean age of 12 years.
They had served an average of 38 months in captivity. The most commonly reported
traumatic experiences were having witnessed shooting (92.9%), having witnessed
somebody being wounded (89.9%), and having been seriously beaten (84%). A total
of 54% of the children reported having killed someone, and 28% reported that they
were forced to engage in sexual contact. Further, 35% of the interviewed children
had exhibited a fully developed post-traumatic stress disorder.
The 2004 Derluyn et al. (Derluyn, Broekaert, Schuyten, & De Temmerman,
2004) findings are the highest symptom scores so far reported in formerly abducted
children. The study interviewed 301 former child soldiers who had been abducted.
All children were abducted at a young age (mean 12.9 years) and for a long time
(mean 25 months). Almost all the children experienced several traumatic events (a
mean of six traumatic events): 77% saw someone being killed and 39% had to kill
someone themselves.
Amone-P’Olak (2005) examined experiences of war, physical abuse, sexual
abuse, and related psychological disorders in formerly abducted girls in 2005. The
results demonstrated that 98% of girls had been threatened to be killed when dis-
obeying, 98% had thought that they would be killed, 99% only narrowly escaped
from death, 72% had been sexually abused by the rebels (in most cases forcefully
‘being given as a wife’ from the age of 13 years), 65% witnessed people being killed,
44% of the girls witnessed people being mutilated, 18% of the girls participated in
killings, and 7% were forced to participate in killing own relatives. On average, the
girls experienced 24 traumatic events during captivity.
The large ‘Survey of War Affected Youth – SWAY’ study (Annan & Blattman,
2006) found very similar rates and types of traumatic experiences as all of the above
mentioned. As an additional item, this study found that 23% of the children had
been forced to abuse dead bodies (see Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers,
2004, 2008 for a more comprehensive description of child soldiers’ experiences).
Post-traumatic Stress Disorder
K.K.G., male, 16 years, who, at time of diagnostic interview (March 2009), had
spent 3 years as an active recruit and had joined the Mai-Mai, in North Kivu, DRC
at age 13 years, reported:
When I was out in the forest, I was feeling nothing, I was drugged all the time. But after
I had come out and now since I stay in this transit center, I get these terrible nightmares.
324 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
They are always about the children we killed, especially their crashed skulls and I hear the
voice of my commander telling me to do things. I wake up and get so frightened. My heart
is beating strong these days and something in my head is so wrong. On one hand, I have
a new life and I have left the forest behind and also all the hardship of those days, on the
other, I think of the times and especially the drugs we had. Sometimes at night I walk out
of the building, especially when I get the dreams and stare at the sky. I would just wish that
my head gets normal again.
According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(American Psychiatric Association, 2000), a PTSD diagnosis is restricted to indi-
viduals who have experienced or witnessed at least one traumatic event in their life,
i.e. a stressor that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury, or a threat to
the physical integrity of self or other, and the subjective perception of intense fear,
helplessness, and/or horror. Victims, as well as eyewitnesses, can enter a psycholog-
ical alarm state during the traumatic event and a cascade of responses in the body
and mind is triggered which can damage both the mind and the body (Schauer et al.,
During life-threat, the defense cascade is activated as a coherent sequence of fear
responses that escalate as a function of defense possibilities and proximity to dan-
ger. These reaction patterns provide optimal adaptation for particular stages of the
imminence of threat. The actual sequence of trauma-related response dispositions
acted out in an extremely dangerous situation depends on the appraisal of the threat
by the victim in relation to his/her own power to act (e.g. age, gender), as well
as the perceived characteristics of the threat or perpetrator (Schauer & Schauer,
2010 this volume; Schauer & Elbert, 2010 this book). Repeated experience of trau-
matic stress forms a fear network that can become detached from contextual cues,
such as time and location of the danger, and thus may lead to psychological disor-
ders or non-adaptation (Schauer et al., 2005). Traumatic events can be man-made
or caused by natural disasters. The former may involve state-sanctioned or orga-
nized violence (e.g. being in a situation of war and combat, torture riots, terrorism,
and mass killing) or interpersonal violence (e.g. experienced or witnessed killing
or mutilation, severe physical or sexual assault, sexual abuse, rape, and domestic
violence), as well as catastrophes (e.g. car accidents, airplane crashes, and acci-
dents involving poisonous substances). Traumatic natural disasters may be severe
floods, hurricanes, earthquakes, or volcanic eruptions. After repeated exposure to
traumatic stressors, post-traumatic stress disorder is the most likely psychiatric con-
dition that emerges among a range of possible trauma-spectrum disorders including
depression, suicidality, and substance abuse. The considerable similarities and con-
sistencies in the clinical manifestations of psychological disorders across diverse,
affected groups globally tend to outweigh cultural and ethnic differences (Garcia-
Peltoniemi, 1998; Schauer & Schauer, 2010). Across cultures, defining symptoms
of PTSD are reported as follows (APA, 1994; Joshi & O’Donnell, 2003):
(1) Recurrent and intrusive distressing recollections of the event, including images,
thoughts, or perceptions (e.g. observable in children’s repetitive play or trauma-
specific re-enactments); recurrent and distressing dreams (e.g. for children,
nightmares with scary content of any nature); acting or feeling as if the
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 325
traumatic event was recurring; intense psychological and physiological distress
at exposure to internal or external cues (e.g. observable in constriction of affect);
(2) Persistent avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma and numbing of
general responsiveness;
(3) Persistent symptoms of heightened arousal and constant alertness. Children
often experience this as eating and sleeping problems, increased autonomic
arousal (e.g. sweating, raised heartbeat, and concentration difficulties), fore-
shortened sense of future (e.g. even small children can express hopelessness
in relation to ever growing up), recklessness and risk-taking behaviour, hyper-
activity, withdrawal, defiance, aggression, and also numerous psychosomatic
complaints (e.g. common are stomachaches and headaches) which result from
frequent alarm responses, easily elicited by trauma-related cues that may appear
in everyday life.
(4) In its most extreme forms, phenomena like derealization, depersonalization, or
symptoms that resemble psychosis have been noted.
In order to qualify as a psychiatric disorder, the disturbance must cause clinically
significant distress or impairment in emotional, social, occupational, scholastic, or
otherwise important areas of functioning. In children, this is also observable as loss
of acquired skills (e.g. an impact on the child’s developmental functioning, such as
the ability to speak), as well as its persistence for a certain amount of time.
Age at traumatization is not a consistent predictor nor a protector from traumatic
stress reactions and the expression of symptomatology (Berman, 2001; Elbedour,
ten Bensel, & Bastien, 1993). The age of the individual at the time of exposure
does not seem to mediate symptom expression over time for a majority of suf-
fering survivors. There are also no significant differences found in PTSD rates
across different developmental stages (Fletcher, 1996). Numerous studies suggest
that regardless of the passage of time, affected children and adolescents continue to
suffer from distressing symptoms, with PTSD being most persistent (Almqvist &
Brandell-Forsberg, 1997; Bichescu et al., 2005; Bremner & Narayan, 1998;
Dyregrov, Gjestad, & Raundalen, 2002; Elbedour et al., 1993; Goenjian et al., 1999;
Hubbard, Realmuto, Northwood, & Masten, 1995; Kinzie, Sack, Angell, Clarke, &
Ben, 1989; Kinzie, Sack, Angell, Manson, & Rath, 1986; Marshall, Schell,
Elliott, Berthold, & Chun, 2005; McFarlane, Policansky, & Irwin, 1987; Morgan,
Scourfield, Williams, Jasper, & Lewis, 2003; Perry & Pollard, 1998; Ruf, Neuner,
Gotthardt, Schauer, & Elbert, 2005; Sack, Him, & Dickason, 1999; Schaal &
Elbert, 2006; E. Schauer, Catani, Mahendran, Schauer, & Elbert, 2005; M. E. Smith,
2005; P. A. Smith, Perrin, Yule, Hacam, & Stuvland, 2002; Thabet & Vostanis, 2000;
Yule et al., 2000).
Post-traumatic Stress Disorder
Investigating more than 3,000 war refugees, we (Neuner et al., 2004; Schauer et al.,
2003) found that the greater the number of different types of traumatic events
experienced by an individual (e.g. torture, fighting, shelling, abduction, abuse/rape,
326 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
functional impairment
physical complaints depressive symptoms
traumatic event load
Probability for PTSD
1 2 3 4 5
Fig. 14.1 The probability to develop a PTSD increases with cumulative experience of types of
traumatic events experienced (upper left). Units on the abscissa correspond to classes of cumulative
experiences of traumatic stressors. The full range is about 25 different types experienced. Circles
indicate the observed average for PTSD for a particular event load. For those who have developed
a PTSD, depressive symptoms, functional impairment, and physical diseases also become more
likely with increasing exposure to traumatic stressors). Graph upper left: Data from survivors of
the Rwandan genocide, Kolassa et al., (in press). Other graphs: data from a survey in Sri Lankan
school children with PTSD due to the civil war, Schauer, E. (2008)
forcible female circumcision, car accident), the more likely the individual was to
have PTSD, with more pronounced symptoms. In our studies, PTSD prevalence
rates reached 100% for individuals having experienced a sufficiently large number
of different traumatic-event types (see Fig. 14.1). This building-block effect may
be a result of the development of a neural fear network, which is strengthened and
extended in response to each new traumatic event (Elbert et al., 2006).
During a traumatic event, perceptual and emotional features of the situation are
‘burnt’ into memory (Elbert & Schauer, 2002), forming the nucleus of a neural
network that is associated with the traumatic event. Subsequent traumatic events are
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 327
associated with similar elements of a hot memory (i.e. physiological, like heart beat-
ing, sweating, as well as an emotional-like feeling, such as helpless and horrified,
cognitive, such as I cannot do anything, and even sensory, such as man in uniform,
weapon). Network connections are strengthened through synchronous activation, so
that activity in one of the memory representations facilitates activity in the other.
Thus, memories of specific traumatic events will merge into an indistinct whole
and a fragmentation of autobiographic context-memory results (Elbert et al., 2006;
Kolassa & Elbert, 2007).
Research repeatedly has demonstrated the significant relationship between the
number of traumatic-event types experienced and the likelihood of developing post-
traumatic stress disorder and other disorders of the trauma spectrum: the more
exposure to trauma, the more likely the development of psychological disorders
(Allwood, Bell-Dolan, & Husain, 2002; Catani, Jacob, Schauer, Mahendran, &
Neuner, 2008; Catani et al., 2005; Elbert et al., 2009; Kolassa & Elbert, 2007;
Kolassa et al., in press; Macksoud & Aber, 1996; Neuner et al., 2004; Schaal &
Elbert, 2006; Schauer et al., 2003; Steel, Silove, Phan, & Bauman, 2002). This effect
of cumulative exposure makes ex-combatants a highly vulnerable group, as they are
exposed to a great number and outstanding diversity of traumatic stressors.
Living with Post-traumatic Stress Disorder and Trauma Symptoms
Literature consistently shows that post-traumatic stress reactions are not transi-
tory entities, but rather persist over time. Studies from Western countries, e.g. with
Second World War veterans or political prisoners, found that PTSD has a high long-
term stability, up to 40 years after the trauma (Bichescu et al., 2005; Lee, Vaillant,
Torrey, & Elder, 1995). Even when a decline in symptoms is observed, it does not
equate complete recovery. Presently, we know that the suffering felt by survivors
of violence will last a few months, but a countless number of severely traumatized
individuals, especially those who have gone through cumulative traumatic events,
could suffer for the rest of their lives.
V.O., male, who was 18 years at time of therapy (October 2008), was abducted
twice (first time age 4 for 7 years, second time age 13 for 2 years) by the LRA,
Northern Uganda. He explained:
My younger sister Aciro doesn’t get those problems that I have, when I forget every-
thing and act in strange ways when the memories from the bush come back. We are
alone, since my parents have been killed and living in a small hut in the camp makes
life difficult when this thing comes over me. When my mind goes away, then my sis-
ter runs out and locks me up in the hut. Later, when I have stopped acting out and lie
down to sleep and stay quiet, she comes back. It can happen twice a day that I for-
get time and wake up in a strange place where I don’t know how I got there...but
this didn’t just start when I had reached home. Even out in the bush, when I would
sit somewhere, I started to see the film of how I had killed in front of my eyes and I
also started thinking of how my father and mother were killed by the rebels, especially
how they were cut. The memories came back so much and it is all mixed in my mind.
Sometimes I would sit and a cold feeling would creep into my body and I would start
328 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
shivering and from a distance pictures of the killings came to appear in front of my eyes.
I used to cry so much and a great sadness had come into me. Problem now is that people in
the community think I am crazy and they want to take away our ancestral land from us, but
digging and harvesting is the only source of income we have.
In terms of magnitude, some research suggests that a critical mass of survivors
never recover from PTSD, but that figure can be much higher after exposure to
extreme, multiple, or deliberately inflicted psychological trauma. Systematic torture
or child soldiering, for example, can result in much higher rates of PTSD; some
authors report rates of up to 90% of survivors being affected (Basoglu et al., 1994;
Derluyn et al., 2004; Moisander & Edston, 2003; Mollica, McInnes, Poole, & Tor,
1998; Neuner et al., 2009). There is emerging clarity to the question of what type of
traumatic experiences will lead most likely to the development of trauma-spectrum
disorders. Perpetrator events, as well as surviving rape and cruel torture, seem to
have a predictive power in terms of likelihood of development of psychological
disorders. One example is given by O.B., a male, 18 years at time of therapy (May
2006), whose time as an active recruit was 5 years, and who was abducted by LRA,
Northern Uganda, at age 14:
Around 5 pm, we found more people. It was a man and his wife. In the distance, I saw two
children playing, boys of school-going age. I cannot say whether they had seen us coming.
The parents, however, looked so frightened when they saw us. People know that rebels do
bad things. The commander “A. Smart” said, come here and sit down. He asked them: “what
were you doing?” The people said: “we were just at home.” He replied: “we are going to kill
you.” The people looked frozen. Smart said: “look down.” Then he recruited two people,
Okello and me and he said: “Cut off their necks or I will kill you.” I was trembling with
fear. I knew that those who don’t kill will be killed themselves. These rebels had spent a
long time in the bush and had grown beards. I hadn’t even been in the bush for 1 year.
I was still considered newly recruited. Everybody had a gun, except me. I felt different to
them. I didn’t have a friend in the group. I also had different thoughts. Many of them had
no fear and no mercy. They liked killing. The commander gave me the hapanga and told me
to kill the man. Okello was given the woman. Rebels don’t kill people twice, they do it in
one stroke. So I knew it had to be one stroke. They had shown us at other times when they
killed how to do this. I cut hard and through the bones in the back. The head did not come
off completely, but the man was sinking forward. I was trembling. I looked around and I
saw that Okello had killed the woman. Then I saw the children. They had come closer and
they saw their parents now. They started crying. I still held the hapanga in my hand. All the
rebels noticed the children. Nobody spoke. I started thinking of my mother and became sad.
The memories of the day of my abduction and how the rebels had killed my mother came
back. Then the command for movement was given. I moved with the hapanga in my hand
as we went away. If you show how you feel you will be killed.
Another example is provided by F.O., a male, who was 13 years at time of therapy
(April 2006), and who had spent 3 years in abduction, with the LRA, Northern
One day, when I was 10 years old, I had gone to collect firewood outside in the bush with
my 3 uncles. As we were just tying up the logs, the rebels came. We had not heard them
coming. They told us to sit down. There were 5 of them. In fact, they were younger than my
uncles, all between 12 and 15 years. They were wearing dark green uniforms and had dread
locks and gum boots. They had guns and they were pointing them at us. They said: “who are
you?” And we tried to tell them that we are village people trying to collect firewood. They
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 329
tied my uncles’ arms on their back and seated us apart. Since they did not tie me up, I was
sure they would kill me first. My heart was racing, I had such fear. I started shaking all over
my body. They told me to bend forward to the ground while being seated. That way I could
not see a lot anymore what was going on around me. I could not hear anything anymore;
there was this high tone in my ear. A gun was pressing into the back of my neck. Next, we
were told to get up and carry the luggage, which they fixed on my uncle’s head...When
morning came, we stopped near a river. We were told to sit down. I looked at my uncles and
felt such pity for them. They looked as if they knew that they are going to two
rebels got up and we were all told to get up. We walked some distance to a clearing under a
tree. They told my uncles to lie down on their stomachs face down about three meters apart.
They gave me a big stick and told me to kill them: “hit them on the back of their heads”. I
was starting to shake. I threw the stick away and said: “I cannot do that. I have never killed
anybody.” I was so frightened my body was gripped by fear. They picked the stick back up
and handed it to me: “You hit or you will be killed first.” There was no escape. The gun was
pointed at me. I aimed and closed my eyes. I started hitting the back of my uncles’ heads.
I hit three times on my first uncle. He kept so quiet. No sound from him. The rebels stood
behind me: “if you hit slow we will stab you from behind.” Again, three times on the back
of the head of my next uncle. I was shaking with helplessness. Great sadness came over
me. The rebels said: “if you cry now we will kill you.” I hit my third uncle on the head.
Again complete quietness. There was blood and a cracking noise every time I hit. Finally
the rebels pulled me away. I prayed for the dead, as I was sitting there in sadness. I thought
of my mum, I was sure she could have helped me if she would have been here. I feel so
frightened that the spirit of the dead will come and haunt me. I have seen children in our
tent here in the center at night getting haunted by the spirits. They shout and scream and
get possessed. But then I remembered my uncles well. There was Opio, the oldest, he was a
nice man; he would even wash my clothes for me and cook for me. Then there was Okumu,
he was a clever and kind man; he taught me how to read and write. Then there was Robert,
a good man; he would bathe with me in the river and treat me like a brother. I know they
would never mean to harm to me. I know they would never send a bad spirit for me.
Another example is given by M.O., a male, who was 19 years at time of therapy
(May 2006), and whose time as an active recruit was 8 years, having been abducted
by LRA at age 7 in Northern Uganda:
My sister was crying hard and she said: “I cannot walk anymore. See my feet, see how they
are swollen. Carry me, please carry me.” Our commander Bosco heard this. He was angry
now and said to me: “tell her to walk.” I was trying to pull my sister up, to make her stand
on her feet. I was so helpless and fearful. We were both crying now. I was a small boy, I was
eight years at the time and I could do nothing. My sister was six and she was tired, she could
not stand anymore. Then I saw Bosco bringing a hapanga. My mind was racing, I thought
he will kill both of us now. I had such fear in my chest. My heart was racing. He gave the
hapanga to me. Now I realized what would happen. Bosco said: “Cut your sister or you
both will die.” I didn’t move. Bosco slapped me with the blade of the hapanga on my back.
I just stood still. I didn’t move. Then he got the gun. He pointed it at me, “cut her and do it
fast,” was what he said. I saw three other rebels coming now. They all had guns and they all
pointed at me. I thought: “let me die as well.” I was not ready to move. Then I heard them
firing the guns just above my head. My heart dropped. I was full of fear, I started trembling.
They would not wait long now. I raised my hand and in this moment my sister cried. She
shouted: “Don’t cut me. We are one.” I was crying and shaking and I replied: “Forgive me,
I am forced to do this.” Bosco gave me a kick again. I raised my hand and now the hapanga
came down on the back of my sister’s neck. She lay there flat on her stomach with her arms
stretched out widely to both sides. Blood was coming out. She was still alive, the hapanga
had not killed her. Now the others took over and killed her. They had big wooden logs and
also took the hapanga and hit her hard on her head and she died. I looked at my little sister
330 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
how she laid there, arms stretched out, quiet now. My heart was racing. And her voice was
still with me, the way she had pleaded for her life. Such sadness settled now in me. My
sister was left on the ground and her voice was with me for a long time. Then it got dark.
I sat under a tree next to a mountain. There was food, but I could not eat. I also could not
sleep. I was thinking and thinking. The pictures were there and the voice of my sister in my
ear. I cried. In the morning, they gathered the group and the commander said: “if you don’t
walk, we will kill you just like we killed a person yesterday.” I could not get out of this
confused state for almost one week.
Yet, another example is given by A.A., a female, who was 15 years at time of
therapy (May 2006), and who was abducted at age 13 by the LRA in Northern
The commander looked around and saw me and my friend sitting in some distance and he
said: “call those two seated over there.” He called us to come in front. And he told us: “A
girl should be killed by a girl. Get the sticks and beat her to death.” I got so frightened
and started to shake. I said: “I don’t want to kill, I don’t know how to do this, I have never
harmed a person.” And he replied: “if you keep talking like this, then it will be Doris beating
you to death and not the other way around.” I feared so much now and they saw me shaking
and crying. They told us to lie down on the floor on our stomach and we received 10 canings
each from a boy, so as to make the fear and the crying stop. In my heart, I did not want to
kill. I knew I did not want this. Doris was lying on the ground next to us on her stomach.
We got up and lifted the sticks. They were about as thick as my hand wide and as long as
my arm. We started beating her. On her buttock, on her shoulders, on her back. I heard her
crying and shouting for help. Everybody was watching us. The commander sat right next
to us. We hit her again and again. I was shaking. It was such hard work, I was so helpless.
Doris cried and pleaded for help. The commander said: “if you don’t stop crying now, then
you have to kill a boy as soon as you are finished with her.” I felt so helpless. Then Doris
cried out my name. She shouted: “You are killing me, we are such good friends and now
you are killing me.” I slowed down the beating as much as I could and I answered her: “I
did not want to do this, I am forced to do this. If it was me, I wish I would not have to do
this.” After that she kept quiet. She was not crying anymore. We did not know when to stop
the beating, but the commander said: “Now she is dead, take her by the arms on each side
and pull her over to that place in the bush, then leave her there.“ Finally we were allowed
to leave the place. I went to where people were seated. I sat next to an older woman. Girls
who have freshly killed are not allowed to sit next to the boys. But there are older women,
who have killed often and know what to do, so you sit next to them. She consoled me and
she took me by the arm and told me not to cry. She said to me: “stop crying or else they will
kill you.” She sat near me and held my hand. After you kill you shouldn’t cry.
A study by Gloeckner (2007) found that the more violence children had been
forced to commit against others, the more PTSD symptoms could be expected.
Nader and colleagues (Nader, Pynoos, Fairbanks, al-Ajeel, & al-Asfour, 1993)
found that children who reported ‘hurting another human being’ scored highest
in terms of development of PTSD symptoms in war-exposed children in Kuwait.
Derluyn and colleagues (Derluyn et al., 2004) reported a prevalence of 97% post-
traumatic stress reactions of clinical importance in former child soldiers, among who
39% had to kill a person themselves and 77% of the children had witnessed killings
while in captivity. Other studies in veterans have furthermore shown that witness-
ing abusive violence and enormous cruelty was of especially high-traumatic valence
(Hiley-Young, Blake, Abueg, Rozynko, & Gusman, 1995; Nader et al., 1993).
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 331
The Impact of Trauma on the Body
Beyond psychological suffering from the symptoms of PTSD, traumatized popu-
lations show significantly elevated levels of physical morbidity and mortality. As
outlined above, in recent years, evidence has mounted that severe anxiety states –
stress at a traumatic level – lead to a functional and structural alteration of the brain
(Eckart et al., submitted; Kolassa & Elbert, 2007). The co-occurrence of several
pathogenic processes includes a permanent alteration of bodily processes, due to a
state of persistent readiness for an alarm response. Psychobiological abnormalities
in PTSD are observed as psychophysiological, neurohormonal, neuroanatomical,
and immunological effects (Boscarino, 2004; Kolassa et al., 2007; Neuner et al.,
2008; Schnurr & Jankowski, 1999). Trauma survivors, including child soldiers, fre-
quently report high rates of physical illness, involving a variety of physiological
systems. In a recent study (Sommershof et al., 2009), we observed a substan-
tial and clinically relevant change in immune function, based on a 34% reduction
of naïve and a 54% reduction of regulatory T cells following war and torture-
related PTSD. Thus, there seems to be a positive correlation not just between
developed psychiatric illnesses and prior trauma, but also a significant relation-
ship between the amount of traumatic exposure and poor physical health outcomes.
An emerging body of literature is successfully exploring the relationship between
trauma-spectrum disorders, foremost PTSD and increased somatic complaints, such
as cardiovascular, pulmonary, neurological, and gastrointestinal complaints; various
types of somatic pain; susceptibility to infectious diseases; vulnerability to hyperten-
sion and atherosclerotic heart disease; abnormalities in thyroid and other hormone
function; increased risk of cancer and susceptibility to infections and autoimmune
disorders; and problems with pain perception, pain tolerance, and chronic pain
(Altemus, Dhabhar, & Yang, 2006; Boscarino, 2004; Dyregrov & Yule, 2006; Elbert
et al., 2009; Escalona, Achilles, Waitzkin, & Yager, 2004; Ford et al., 2001; Ironson
et al., 1997; Joshi & O’Donnell, 2003; Karunakara et al., 2004; Kessler, 2000;
McEwen, 2000; Neuner et al., 2008; S. J. Roberts, 1996; Rohleder & Karl, 2006;
Schnurr & Jankowski, 1999; Seng, Graham-Bermann, Clark, McCarthy, & Ronis,
2005; Somasundaram, 2001; van der Veer, Somasundaram, & Damian, 2003). It is
important to keep in mind that in post-disaster/conflict regions, children and their
parents, who remain in the area or are forced to migrate (asylum seekers, refugees,
IDPs), have not only survived an unusual number and types of traumatic stressors,
but also had to endure poverty related or other social stressors and adversities, such
as domestic violence, family separation, and child labor (Catani et al., 2008; Catani
et al., 2009). Child soldiering additionally contributes to the already heightened
stress load due to adversity. Taking into account the absence of health services in
this context, high child, adolescent, and adult mortality, epidemic rates of disease
transmission, as well as low life expectancy rates in many of today’s (post-)conflict
settings come as no surprise (AACAP, 1998; Dyregrov & Yule, 2006; Ehntholt &
Yule, 2006; Elbert et al., 2009; Karunakara et al., 2004; Miranda & Patel, 2005;
Neuner et al., 2008; Neuner, Schauer, Catani, Ruf, & Elbert, 2006; Odenwald et al.,
332 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
Further Psychological Consequences of Trauma Exposure
There are a multitude of further psychological consequences of experiencing trau-
matic life-threat. In sum, the response to war-related trauma by ex-combatants and
former child soldiers in countries directly affected by war and violence is complex
and renders the survivors vulnerable to various forms of psychological disorders,
whereby stressors may have a different impact during different developmental peri-
ods. During childhood and adolescence, the mind and brain are particularly plastic
and hence, stress has a great potential to affect cognitive and affective development.
Exposure to significant stressors during sensitive developmental periods causes the
brain to develop along a stress-responsive pathway. As a consequence, the brain
and mind become organized in a way to facilitate survival in a world of deprivation
and danger, enhancing an individual’s capacity to rapidly and dramatically shift into
an intense angry, aggressive, or fearful fleeing/avoiding state when threatened. This
pathway, however, is costly because it is associated with increased risk of develop-
ing serious medical and psychiatric disorders, like the aforementioned PTSD, and is
unnecessary and non-adaptive in peaceful environments (Elbert et al., 2006; Teicher,
Andersen, Polcari, Anderson, & Navalta, 2002).
Chronic danger or exposure to extreme stress requires costly developmental
adjustment in children. Though the core symptoms of PTSD are the most exten-
sively studied psychological consequences of war, they are clearly not the only
ones. In addition to associated features like survivor’s guilt or shame and changes
in personality, survivors may also suffer from substance-use disorders, affective
disorders, including major depression, suicidal ideation, and various forms of anx-
iety disorders (Bichescu et al., 2005; Boscarino, 2004, 2006; Catani et al., 2009;
Johnson & Thompson, 2008; Keane & Kaloupek, 1997; Lapierre, Schwegler, &
Labauve, 2007; Odenwald et al., 2007; Schauer, 2008). Surviving traumatic expe-
riences might be followed by social withdrawal, loss of trust, major changes in
patterns of behaviour or ideological interpretations of the world, and feelings of
guilt and shame (Dickson-Gomez, 2002; Janoff-Bulman, 1992).
Drug Abuse
Parallel to the trafficking of light weapons, the global commerce of illicit pharmacological
stimuli served as an effective catalyst of war. (Maclure & Denov, 2006), p. 127
Systematic drug taking is especially reported among West African-based militia
movements. In fact, some authors consider hallucinatory drug intake a critical factor
that has contributed to the desensitization of boy soldiers during their prolonged
exposure to violent aggression and to prepare them for combat.
Utas and Jorgel (2008) described, in their account of the ‘West Side Boys’ child
soldiers of Sierra Leone, how most fighters used drugs in abundance: crack cocaine,
smoked heroin, ephedrine, benzodiazepines, and marijuana:
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 333
Drugs were used in military navigation both to enable soldiers to act courageously and
ultra-violently, and also to make fighters relax in extreme settings of fear. (Utas & Jorgel,
2008, p. 502)
Drug abuse may also develop as a means of coping with PTSD (Chilcoat &
Breslau, 1998; Shipherd, Stafford, & Tanner, 2005). Gear (2002) notes that sub-
stance abuse can be seen as a way to escape the emotional burden associated with
extreme poverty and unemployment, at the same time being an attempt to cope with
trauma-related symptoms, and thus, is a form of self-medication. In several sam-
ples of Somali (ex-)combatants, our group (Odenwald, Hinkel, & Schauer, 2007;
Odenwald et al., 2007) found that those with PTSD used more drugs in order to ‘self-
medicate,’ especially those who indicated that drug use helped them forget stressful
war experiences (Odenwald et al., 2005). The main drug (ab)used in Somalia are the
leaves of the khat shrub that contain the amphetamine-like cathinone. In these stud-
ies, we could clearly demonstrate that PTSD leads to higher khat intake and this, in
turn, leads to a higher risk for the development of psychotic symptoms, such as para-
noia. In a large cross-sectional household survey, involving 4854 randomly selected
persons of the general population of Hargeisa, Somaliland, we (Odenwald et al.,
2005) observed that 12 years after the end of the liberation war and 6 years after the
last fighting, 16% of the ex-combatants were severely impaired by complex psycho-
logical suffering, mostly severe psychotic disorders intermingled with drug abuse,
trauma-related disorders, and emotional problems. In most cases, uncontrollable
behaviour, like aggressive outbreaks, had led to the situation that helpless family
members had chained them for years to concrete blocks or trees in the backyard of
their compounds or that they had ended up in prison. Among the male adult popula-
tion, former combatants with civilian war survivors and persons who never had been
confronted with war (i.e. those who managed to flee abroad before the war) were
compared. The rate of 8% of PTSD, depression, and drug abuse disorder in the
civilian war survivors doubled among the group of ex-combatants, and reached less
than 3% in those without direct war exposure. In a city like Hargeisa the Capital
of Somaliland, every fourth household had to care for one severely affected, dys-
functional young man in the household, drawing resources from all members of the
household and forcing the household to lose out on the support and capacity of one
male family member.
Depression and Suicidality
The significant correlation between post-traumatic stress disorder and clinical
depression is scientifically well known. In a large study by Vinck and colleagues
(Vinck et al., 2007) in Northern Uganda, it was found that 52% of formerly abducted
children suffered from depression symptoms. A follow-up review of Pham et al.
(Pham et al., 2009) with former abductees showed that 40% fulfilled the symp-
tom criteria for major depression. In our study (Pfeiffer et al., submitted), using a
child soldier sample again from Northern Uganda, 16% of children who were ever
334 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
abducted had a fully developed major depression, with this rate increasing to 24%
in those who had stayed in captivity 1 month or longer.
The most disturbing finding is the risk of suicidality in the former child soldier
sample of Pfeiffer and colleagues (Pfeiffer et al., submitted). In this group, 34%
of children showed a risk of suicidality (17% of children at high risk), with this
rate rising to 37% (25% at high risk) in those who were forced to stay in captiv-
ity for 1 month and longer. Post-Vietnam studies showed highly elevated risks of
suicide among ex-combatants and veterans of war (Hendin & Haas, 1991; Kang &
Bullman, 2008; Lester, 2005). Having been an agent of killing and having been a
failure at preventing death and injury of others are especially related more strongly
to general psychiatric distress and suicide attempts (Fontana, Rosenheck, & Brett,
The few investigations that there are among children indicate a significant cor-
relation between a childhood diagnosis of PTSD and suicidal ideation. Guilt might
play an important mediating factor. In the case of child soldiers, the guilt about hav-
ing killed members of the family, friends, or community members emerged as a key
predictor of suicidal ideation (Pfeiffer et al., submitted). Authors suggest that suici-
dal ideation may be increased additionally when the child’s functioning is impaired
(Famularo, Fenton, Kinscherff, & Augustyn, 1996). In an epidemiological study
in the LTTE-controlled areas of North-Eastern Sri Lanka (Elbert et al., 2009), we
observed a highly significant relationship between PTSD and risk for suicide, which
was diagnosed for 26% of the children with PTSD, but only for 7% of children
without PTSD. The reasons for these epidemic proportions are unclear. Researchers
suggest that for some youngsters, self-poisoning seemed to be the preferred or only
method of dealing with difficult situations (Eddleston, Sheriff, & Hawton, 1998).
Child soldiers might simply lack adequate coping or interpersonal skills, such as
the ability to communicate anger and sadness, or might not be able to place trust in
supportive and positively guiding relationships with adults.
Dissociation and Derealization
Another, so-called associative feature of severe child traumatization, often seen in
former child soldiers, is the phenomenon of ‘dissociation.’ During times of trauma,
fight or flight responses are rarely options for children, as they are often physi-
cally unable to defend themselves or escape. The most readily accessible response
to the pain of trauma may be to activate dissociative mechanisms, involving dis-
engagement from the external world. Biological defense mechanisms are activated
by the central nervous system, such as depersonalization, derealization, numbing,
and in extreme cases, catatonia and ‘tonic immobility’ (Perry & Pollard, 1998). The
individual cascade of defense mechanisms that a survivor has gone through during
the traumatic event can replay itself whenever the fear network, which has evolved
peritraumatically, is activated again by internal or external triggers. Whereby
some survivors have experienced mainly peritraumatic sympathetic activation
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 335
(fleeing-feeling anxious; fighting-feeling angry and acting out), others went through
the whole defense cascade, with parasympathetic dominance as an end point (e.g.
tonic immobility, no more voluntary movement, sensory de-afferentation, loss of
muscle tonus, fainting) (Schauer & Elbert, 2008).
Thus, peritraumatic dissociation might be allowing the child to psychologically
and physically survive the trauma. Over time, however, it often becomes non-
adaptive, emerging at inappropriate times during, for example, situations that may
trigger verbal or nonverbal/bodily memories of earlier trauma or at any other time
of perceived emotional threat. Children who have learned to cope with trauma by
dissociating are vulnerable to continuing to do so in response to minor stresses.
The continued use of dissociation as a way of coping with stress interferes with the
capacity to fully attend to life’s ongoing challenges. During dissociative episodes,
the child may stare off and appear as if he or she is daydreaming (Sack, Angell,
Kinzie, & Rath, 1986). Such children may be misdiagnosed, e.g. as suffering from
ADHD, inattentive type (Joshi & O’Donnell, 2003). Other children may freeze in
response to certain activating stimuli. Caregivers or teachers may misinterpret this
reaction as an act of defiance. If confronted, more anxious children can quickly
escalate to feeling threatened, ‘frozen,’ and ultimately resort to a classic fight or
flight response by becoming aggressive or combative over relatively minor events
(Joshi & O’Donnell, 2003; Schauer & Elbert, 2010). Other children may react to
stressors by dissolving into regressed, dissociative states that may contain micro-
psychotic episodes, including auditory command hallucinations. It is not uncommon
for severely traumatized children to hear voices commanding them to harm them-
selves or others, which is a dangerous, unpredictable condition. Consequently, such
adolescents can be erroneously misdiagnosed as suffering from a primary psychotic
disorder, such as schizophrenia.
Anti-social and Disruptive Behavior
PTSD is also significantly associated with negative behavior against an individual’s
own family, the expression of anger and hostility to others, and self-harm (Burton,
Foy, Bwanausi, Johnson, & Moore, 1994; Deykin, 1999; Deykin & Buka, 1997;
Dodge, 1993; Dutton et al., 2006; Friedman & Schnurr, 1995; Golding, 1999; Joshi
& O’Donnell, 2003; Lewis, 1992; Perry & Pollard, 1998). Research shows that
former child soldiers have difficulties in controlling aggressive impulses and have
little skills for handling life without violence. These children show on-going aggres-
siveness within their families and communities, even after relocation to their home
villages (Wessels, 2006). In a qualitative study, Magambo and Lett (2004) reported
that former child soldiers in northern Uganda mainly applied physical violence to
resolve conflicts. Although the children sympathized with victims of violence, they
could not even think of non-violent alternatives, reflecting an absence of adequate
social skills.
Most former child soldiers have spent several critical years of their develop-
ment in captivity, under the constant threat of abuse and manipulation by their
336 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
commanders. Most probably, this period affects the development of a personal
and collective identity (Kanagaratnam, Raundalen, & Asbjornsen, 2005). In
general, children exposed to war and child soldiering show a strong identification
with their own group (Gloeckner, 2007; Jensen & Shaw, 1993) and develop a world-
view dominated by political and nationalistic categories (Punamaki & Suleiman,
1990), which often includes pro-war attitudes (Feshbach, 1994). In the Gloeckner
(2007) study, it emerged that the longer children had stayed in abduction, the
stronger was their rebel-related collective identity. But it may be that their col-
lective identification might occur post hoc after return to their home communities.
Gloeckner explained that questions and discussions of family and community mem-
bers about the cruelty of the LRA’s actions may activate a process of reasoning
about what had happened. Former beliefs about ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ actions might
clash with current ones, and in order to regain cognitive homeostasis, identifica-
tion with the rebel group is aspired. Interestingly, this study showed a positive
correlation between collective identification and reactive aggression (physical and
verbal aggression and anger). In addition, Gloeckner ( 2007) reported that formerly
abducted children with PTSD might be especially vulnerable to accepting simplistic
models of ‘good versus bad’ – a black and white worldview, which is a known cog-
nitive distortion. Although a rigid political view might be protective during exposure
to war events, it might facilitate violent behavior after returning from the fighting to
individuals’ home communities.
Children living in conditions of political violence and war have been described
as ‘growing up too soon’ and ‘losing their childhood’ (Boothby & Knudsen, 2000;
UNICEF, 2005, 2006). Levels of conscience seemed to be significantly related to the
severity of PTSD symptomatology, but also with negative schematizations of self
and others and lower self-efficacy ratings (Goenjian et al., 1999; Joseph, Brewin,
Yule, & Williams, 1993; Saigh, Mroueh, Zimmerman, & Fairbanks, 1995).
Ideological Commitment
There is also the discussion on ideological commitment of former child sol-
diers to a cause and its influence on mental health. Some studies (Muldoon &
Wilson, 2001; Punamaki, 1996) indicate a protective mechanism, associating strong
ideology with good mental health in adolescents, however, mainly in individu-
als who were exposed to low levels of political violence. A recent study among
Tamil child soldiers shows that this protective mechanism only worked in the
group of those who were not among the highest exposure intensity group, e.g.
length of exposure, being wounded, having killed, having tortured, direct combat
(Kanagaratnam et al., 2005). Tibetan refugee children also reported that the sense of
participating in their nation’s struggle against an oppressor and their strong Buddhist
beliefs would have protected them against mental-health difficulties and acceler-
ated the healing process (Servan-Schreiber, Le Lin, & Birmaher, 1998). Cognitive
appraisals of experiences seem to matter in symptom development in various forms
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 337
and strong feelings of guilt and responsibility might increase trauma symptoms. In
Kanagaratnam’s study (Kanagaratnam et al., 2005) personal achievement in combat,
popularity, knowledge and experience acquired by being a combatant, friendship,
and the support of the community were considered as the best of combat life by the
youngsters; death of friends, killings of their own people, guilt of being responsible
for unnecessary killings, and being confronted with morally conflicting situations
were the worst experiences for most of them.
Cognitive, Educational, and Occupational Impairment
When comparing abductees with non-abductees, Blattman (2006) came to the
conclusion that especially traumatic experiences during abduction had an adverse
impact on education, less years of schooling, greater reading problems, lower occu-
pational functioning, and lower work quality later in life. What research has shown
is that exposure to trauma in formative years may affect the maturation of the central
nervous system and the regulatory neuro-endocrine systems, as outlined above.
Resulting from exposure to traumatic stress and PTSD, the inability to concen-
trate and learn often translates into a refusal to attend school and eventual drop-out
(Dodge, 1993). In a study by Duncan (2000), college enrollment rates continued to
drop at each subsequent semester until, by their senior year, only 35% of students
who had suffered multiple abuses were in attendance. In addition, adolescents with
PTSD, compared to adolescents who have suffered a stressful experience but did
not develop PTSD, were shown to have significantly lower scores on a standardized
achievement test compared to their controls (Saigh, Mroueh, & Bremner, 1997).
A study by McFarlane and colleagues (McFarlane et al., 1987) showed that
18% of surveyed children after a disaster were underachieving educationally after
8 months; this figure had a statistically significant increase to 25% at 26 months.
The underachieving children were also those with the highest trauma symptom
scores and with the most days absent from school, reporting headaches, stom-
achaches, and feeling miserable and worried as their reasons for absenteeism. Perez
& Widom (1994) asserted that child abuse represents a significant risk factor for
poor long-term intellectual and academic outcomes, e.g. lower IQ and reading abil-
ity. Findings of low IQ in traumatized children were also described by Mannarino
and Cohen (1986). In his book ‘Scarred minds,’ Somasundaram (1998) presented a
list of psychosocial problems in adolescents, sampled from six different schools and
colleagues across the war-affected North-Eastern educational zones of Sri Lanka.
Within that study, 28–65% of children reported loss of memory, 33–60% loss of
concentration, and 35–60% loss of motivation to achieve in education.
Besides psychometric testing for psychiatric disorders, our group (Elbert et al.,
2009) undertook cognitive and memory tests in a sub-sample validation group of
Tamil school children, residing at the time in the LTTE-controlled areas of North-
Eastern Sri Lanka. This region had been affected by two decades of civil war at
the time of assessment in 2002. All traumatized children with a diagnosis of PTSD
338 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
in the sample reported lasting interference of experiences with their daily life. The
neuropsychological testing and the investigation of school grades validated mental-
health outcomes further and accentuated some specific cognitive problems that were
associated with PTSD, especially the deficiency in memory functions. In fact, the
affected children’s performance decreased with the number of traumatic events
experienced. The children’s grades in school, when averaged separately for the two
groups and across disciplines, reflected that the problems in functioning were mental
in nature, with a focus on deficits in the verbal abilities.
Employment possibilities are already scarce in post-war societies, and resear-
chers observe that finding a job is even more difficult for ex-combatants (Gear, 2002;
Heinemann-Gruder, Pietz, & Duffy, 2003). Mogapi (2004) reported from the South
African DDR program that ex-combatants, who suffer from a trauma-spectrum dis-
order, have clear-cut difficulties on the job, suffer increased concentration problems,
and are more likely to act out aggressively in difficult situations, which eventu-
ally leads to job loss. In turn, the situation of unemployment causes feelings of
helplessness and thus aggravates symptoms of depression in a downward-spiral
Transgenerational Effects
Psychological exposure and suffering from trauma can cripple individuals and fam-
ilies, even into the next generations. After having experienced organized violence,
affected parents can leave an imprint in their grandchildren’s generation (Yehuda,
Halligan, & Bierer, 2001). Concern about consequences for offspring, whose moth-
ers were stressed during pregnancy, derives from evidence gained in experimental
biology, as intrauterine stress shows to affect neurodevelopment in animals, which
are thought to be relevant to cognition, aggression, anxiety, and depression in
humans (Seckl & Holmes, 2007). Chronic maternal stress during pregnancy, for
example, interrupts healthy regulation of hormonal activity including cortisol, which
easily crosses the placenta during the first two trimesters (Phillips, 2007; Sandman,
Wadhwa, Chicz-DeMet, Porto, & Garite, 1999; Sandman et al., 1999; Weinstock,
1997, 2005). Changed hormonal regulation then can promote a range of emo-
tional and cognitive impairments (Sapolsky, Krey, & McEwen, 1985; Sapolsky,
Uno, Rebert, & Finch, 1990). While the genome, the DNA sequence, remains unaf-
fected by acute stress responses, its readability (i.e. epigenetic alterations) may be
manipulated by a variety of conditions, notably stress hormones (Meaney, Szyf, &
Seckl, 2007). If a pregnant mother is affected by severe and chronic stress, epi-
genetic modifications in the child may act as a molecular or cellular memory that
tune the offspring for one or several generations for survival in a hostile environ-
ment, making generations more vulnerable for mental illnesses, including suicide
(Szyf, McGowan, & Meaney, 2008). The quality of how a mother is able to attach
to and care for her child alters the expression of genes in the child that regulate
behavioral and endocrine responses to stress, as well as hippocampal plasticity and
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 339
development. These effects may contribute to the development of differences in
stress reactivity and certain forms of pathologic cognition.
Literature shows that boys and men with war and combat experiences are more
likely to exhibit violent behavior (Begic & Jokic-Begic, 2001; Bryne & Riggs,
1996; Catani et al., 2008; Glenn et al., 2002). The same can be expected for men
who have a history of child soldiering. In families where men show violent behav-
ior against women, children are maltreated as well (Edleson, 1999; Levendosky &
Graham-Bermann, 2001). In fact, domestic violence against the child’s mother dur-
ing the first 6 months of life elevates the risk of physical child abuse three times,
while doubling the risk of emotional abuse and neglect of the child (McGuigan &
Pratt, 2001). Additionally, babies born to traumatized and socially stressed moth-
ers, which certainly can include formerly abducted child-mothers (i.e. women who
gave birth to babies in captivity), are born with a deformed stress regulating sys-
tem (HPA-a), which translates into babies’ higher and faster arousal peaks, longer
intervals of crying and irritability, and impaired affect regulation (Sondergaard
et al., 2003). Such behavior by infants is a challenge for any new parent, but is
a major challenge for a parent who her/himself suffers from a disorder of the
trauma spectrum, has little or no social support and lives in poverty. Parents of
‘highly stressed’ babies report less confidence and joy in their role as caregivers
and the phenomenon of ‘negative reciprocity’ starts to develop (Papousek & von
Hofacker, 1998). In fact, research shows that behaviourally inhibited children,
who are fearful and have a tendency to withdraw, were regarded by their moth-
ers as hard to soothe and received less care and less maternal sensitivity as a
result. This, in turn, heightened the children’s sensitivity to stress and changed
their internal stress-diathesis system towards a biased attention to threat (Fox,
Hane, & Pine, 2007).
A child with reduced abilities for affect regulation, in combination with one
or two traumatized primary caregivers, is a very great potential risk constellation.
Internalized affects of violent and neglectful caretaker models deform the psyche
and can also imprint on the next generation. As a result, the family suffers from
heightened levels of stress, and psychiatric symptoms can be evoked in people
who live with an individual who suffers from PTSD. Violence and trauma at the
time of parents’ childhood may result in problematic attachment relationships that
have long-term consequences for mental health and interpersonal relationships for
their children. An intergenerational cycle of dysfunction is set in motion (Bowlby,
2004; Grossmann, Grossmann, & Waters, 2005; Lewis, 1992; Qouta, Punamaki, &
Sarraj, 2003; Smith, Perrin, Yule, & Rabe-Hesketh, 2001; Solomon, 1988; Zuravin,
McMillen, DePanfilis, & Risley-Curtiss, 1996).
The amount of stress encountered in early life sensitizes an organism to a cer-
tain level of adversity; high levels of early-life stress may result in hypersensitivity
to stress later, as well as to adult depression. Beyond epigenetic factors, fearful-
ness and nurturance are transmitted from generation to generation through maternal
behaviour (Parent et al., 2005). Traumatized parents are challenged in providing
secure attachment, because post-traumatic symptoms of emotional numbing might
be hindering emotional closeness. Symptoms of hyperarousal, such as irritability,
340 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
might make it even more challenging to regulate babies and their own affect ade-
quately. Parental sensitivity in pre-empting a child’s need might be impaired, and
‘high expressed emotions’ without sufficient verbalization of the context can ren-
der a small child helpless in understanding parental motivation and intention. It has
been shown that if children live in such unpredictable reward–punishment environ-
ments, their psycho-physiological arousal is significantly heightened and will over
time lead to a changed hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis. Beyond coincidence,
researchers clearly note higher rates of psychiatric morbidity in children of sur-
vivors, compared with non-traumatized comparison groups (Ben Arzi, Solomon, &
Dekel, 2000; Bramsen, van der Ploeg, & Twisk, 2002; Dekel & Solomon, 2006;
Dirkzwager, Bramsen, Ader, & van der Ploeg, 2005; Franciskovic et al., 2007;
Solomon et al., 1992; Weinstock, 1997).
A partner, father, or grandmother suffering from traumatization can behave like
a distant, fearful stranger, who cannot tolerate closeness or emotional expression,
even within the family unit. Survivor’s intense and bizarre way of self-expression
in form of irritability, jumpiness, or hypervigilance may be so extreme as to appear
like paranoia and can engender fear, confusion, and a sense of powerlessness in fam-
ily members (Al-Turkait & Ohaeri, 2008; MacDonald, Chamberlain, Long, & Flett,
1999). On the other hand, children of survivors can be equally affected by their par-
ents’ symptoms of numbing and avoidance, which are associated with substantial
decrements in parent–child relationship quality and which prevent normal emo-
tional expression and closeness (Lauterbach et al., 2007). Consequently, children
are forced to operate within a domestic context in which intimacy, as well as affect
regulation, is severely impaired (Almqvist & Broberg, 2003). Avoidance symptoms
seem to have an additional deleterious effect on the parent–child relationship satis-
faction. Studies on fathers, who have experienced numerous war events, show that
feelings of detachment and numbing can carry over to their children, leading to
behavioural problems in the child (Ruscio, Weathers, King, & King, 2002; Samper,
Taft, King, & King, 2004). Based on the vulnerability of surviving a war or growing
up in a post-conflict setting, children, in turn, might also become more vulnerable
to forces that incite violence (Somasundaram, 2002; Uppard, 2003).
Social Stigma of Returning Girls and Women
Between the years 1990 and 2003, girls were present in fighting forces (govern-
ment forces, paramilitary/militia, and armed opposition groups) in 55 countries,
and in 38 of these countries they were involved in situations of armed conflict
(McKay & Mazurana, 2004). Girls’ roles typically overlap and include work-
ing as spies and informants, in intelligence and communications, and as military
trainers and combatants. They are health workers and minesweepers, and they
may conduct suicide missions. Other support roles include raising crops, selling
goods, preparing food, carrying loot and weapons, and stealing food, livestock, and
seed stock. It is important to understand that underlying these various roles and
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 341
activities, girls’ participation is central to sustaining a force because of their pro-
ductive and reproductive labor. As such, they replicate traditional societal gender
roles and patriarchal privilege, whereby girls (and women) serve men and boys.
Honing their labor is a foundation, upon which fighting forces throughout the world
rely (McKay & Mazurana, 2004). The following are three examples of the partici-
pation of girls. The first is described by V.A., a female, 20 years at time of therapy
(May 2006), who had spent 10 years in abduction with the LRA, Northern Uganda:
There were many other battles, but this had been the worst one I had been in. This time they
had sent us out to do work in Atiak at night. We separated in smaller groups and were told
to loot the IDP camp there. We were just about to enter when the dogs barked. I squatted
down with others and waited in some distance. The boys went ahead. The idea for us girls
was to shoot and scare soldiers and make the group seem larger. I had a newly abducted
girl with me. A bomb came so fast that I didn’t realise it even detonating. My body was
paralyzed and the bomb particles entered my body. My left arm, the inside of my left leg
and my right leg got wounded. We tried to flee, but I could just move a small distance. The
aeroplane came back to attack us, I ran, taking the newly abducted with me...
J.A. is a female, 15 years at time of therapy (May 2006), who spent 1 year in
abduction with the LRA, Northern Uganda:
It was evening and we were waiting along the roadside. We were many. Most of the rebels
had guns, just like government soldiers. We were in Anaka, hiding in the grass. We had
formed two groups on either side of the road. The rebels with guns were in the front line,
then the other children were seated further behind in the bush. I was in the back. The men
are the ones who do the shooting. Us girls were told to wait and ambush. The command for
the boys was to look out for army vehicles and shoot those. Then we heard the sound. It was
a lorry. It was noisy and colored like an army car. There were people seated in the cabin,
but also many on the back of the truck. My heart was bumping. I feared that these were
government soldiers and that they would attack us. But I saw civilians and calmed down.
The command for shooting was given. Then we saw the truck burning. There was a big fire
and people burnt. We took the loads and ran...
A.A. is a female, 15 years at time of therapy (May 2006), who spent 3 years in
abduction with the LRA in Northern Uganda:
They untied me and I was told to sit with a man. He was a lot older than me, he looked
mature, like a grown-up. I was 13 years at the time. I didn’t like him at first sight, but I had
to sit down next to him. He told me that he had sent the boys to go and get him a girl to
be his wife and that I am the one. Then he asked my name only. He spoke no more. My
heart was beating much. I was scared, since I was not sure what he meant. Some people
were cooking greens and I ate some food. After a while the man asked me to come with
him. We went to a clearing under a tree. First, I thought that he takes me aside from the
others, because he wants to kill me. He told me to lie and said that we would sleep there. I
lied down on my side, like going to sleep. He was upset about this and started to beat me.
I was surprised. He slapped my face and head. He said: “Don’t act stupid. You know what I
want from you.” Then he pushed me unto the ground and laid on me. My heart was beating
really fast now. He had a bad body smell. Then he forced himself into me. He said: “if you
cry, I will kill you.” When I heard his words, I got so scared that I actually started crying.
This made him put a gun to my head. He warned me. I could feel the gun. I stopped crying.
He continued raping me and when he was finished he left me alone. He told me to get up.
I was not able to. Everything in my body pained. From then on, he raped me every night. I
realised that this is how it would be for me. Every night we went to that tree.
342 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
Key gender-based experiences of both women and girls during armed con-
flicts consist of sexual violence, including torture, rape, mass rape, sexual slavery,
enforced prostitution, forced sterilization, forced termination of pregnancies, giv-
ing birth without assistance, and being mutilated (United Nations, 2002). Girls in
fighting forces in Mozambique, Northern Uganda, and Sierra Leone reported sexual
violence, and abducted girls were almost universally raped (McKay & Mazurana,
2004). As was the situation in Sierra Leone, sex labor in Angola was integral to the
function of girl soldiers (Stavrou, 2005). Again, depending on the context, when
they reach puberty, girls may supply reproductive labor through giving birth to and
rearing children, who become members of the force. For example, in the LRA fight-
ing force in Northern Uganda, the leader Joseph Kony has been prolific in fathering
large numbers of children, who have grown up in his force. Physically, girl sol-
diers are challenged to survive as they cope with illnesses, exhaustion, wounds,
menstrual difficulties, complications from pregnancy and birth, sexually transmitted
diseases, and a host of other maladies, such as malaria, intestinal parasites, tuber-
culosis, anaemia, diarrhea, malnutrition, disabilities, scars, and burns (McKay &
Mazurana, 2004; Stavrou, 2005).
Returning women, who are perceived to have had sexual relations with combat-
ants, whether forced or voluntarily and/or bring back children from such encounters,
belong to the most stigmatized group of survivors. An example is given by M.K.,
who is a female, 22 years at time of diagnostic interview (January 2009), and who
had been abducted for 6 months by Interahamwe groups, North Kivu, DRC:
Since I was able to run from the Interahamwe and have managed to survive the time in the
forest, my husband does not talk to me anymore. They found me in a village and brought
me to this hospital. Now I am pregnant from the many weeks of rape in the forest and I
am infected, there is a white liquid running from my vagina and great pain in my abdomen.
One of the nurses gave me a mobile phone the other day and I called my husband in Goma,
but he hung the phone up on me when he heard my voice; even though he was there the
night I was raped and abducted by the rebels from our own house. The worst thing is that I
had to leave my two small children behind that night. How are they doing without me? My
son was only 9 months old at the time and I was still breastfeeding him. Sometimes I miss
him so much that I have visions of him lying in a corner of the room here in the hospital
all naked and hungry and crying and I go there and take him into my arms and console him
until one of the women wakes me up from this day dream, I notice that I have tears running
from my eyes.
Most communities regard the illegitimate children as a shame, not only on the
child and mother, but also on the family and the community as a whole, sometimes
forcing mothers to choose either between their child or their community (Redress,
2006). Schalinski and research team (Schalinski et al., submitted) found that a great
number of returning women in Eastern Congo are living in forced separation from
their husbands and experience homelessness after they are back from captivity. This
is especially the case when they are feared infected with STDs and HIV and if
they bring back a child from the time in the forest. In many cultural settings, girls
are unable to get married or re-married and find it difficult to enter a new sup-
portive partnership, within which to bring up their children in civilian life. The
environments into which girls reintegrate are also problematic. Domestic violence
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 343
and sexual violence are more common in IDP camps and communities of war-torn
areas, as men can be traumatized, depressed, alcoholic, or otherwise aggravated, due
to the strain of war, which can contribute to violent behaviour (Redress, 2006).
Demobilization and reintegration services are still a novelty for formerly
abducted girls and women. Gender disparities that privilege boy soldiers over girls
mean that few girls enter or benefit from formal demilitarization and demobiliza-
tion or from rehabilitation and reintegration programs where the re-adjustment
process can be fostered. These programs are mainly designed to restore security,
and as female combatants are not seen as a major security threat, they are insuf-
ficiently targeted (Bouta, 2005). In a study conducted in five provinces of Eastern
Democratic Republic of Congo, 23 girls, as compared with 1,718 boys, were demo-
bilized by four international NGOs, despite girls being recruited or abducted as
extensively as boys; it was estimated that girls comprise 30–40% of children in
fighting units (Verhey, 2004). Girls’ and women’s full reintegration most likely
encompasses a much more holistic approach, including mental health, reproduc-
tive health and vocational training interventions, because it can not be assumed
that traditional socioeconomic support within marriage is an option for most female
The Challenges of Demobilization and Reintegration
of Child Soldiers
Most children get freed from captivity or from armed groups during combat.
A significant number has stayed out in the bush for several years during key phases
of their development, making them feel unfamiliar and at times afraid of civilian life.
Three examples follow. The first is K.K.G.’s experience, who is a male, 16 years
at time of diagnostic interview (March 2009), and who spent 3 years as an active
recruit, joining at age 13 years:
How did I get out? The MONUC freed me together with many others. It was a fierce battle
that day, but they won over us. My commander was freed too and he could go his way.
I think he lives in Kinshasa today. Those over 18 years could just take off after a few days,
they were given amnesty and some got offers by the Congolese army to join them. But we
children were taken to different child rehabilitation centers in the province. That is how I
ended up in Bukavu. When I was taken away the commander said to the UN people: “You
know that you are taking my son. I will get him back that is for sure. You just wait for me”.
Since that day I am afraid. I know he has made his way to Bukavu. He has already once
waited for me outside the gates of the children’s center, telling me to come back to the bush
with him. I don’t know what I should do? I fear him greatly, but I also fear this new life.
B.O. is a male, 15 years at time of therapy (May 2006), who spent 4 years as an
active recruit, abducted by the LRA at age 12 in Northern Uganda:
On the 25th of December, Christmas day, we had gone out to get sugar cane. It was 6 pm in
the evening, just before it was getting dark. As we were already in the fields and harvesting,
the UPDF started firing. There were 7 of us rebels, but the soldiers were many. They were
all hiding in the ground. The firing started and I tried to escape. Suddenly a bullet hit me on
344 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
my back and it came out in the front, just above my heart. I started vomiting blood. There
was this piercing, sharp pain. When I was breathing, it felt like air was coming through
the hole. I was sure that now the time had come, I would die. I kept bleeding, I just let the
blood. I knew I must run, so I made it up to the end of this garden. I was so afraid that the
soldiers would come and get me. I had been left alone. The others had left me. I laid down
again with my face down on the ground and fell unconscious. Soldiers saw me and caught
me the next day. I was so frightened of them, you never knew whether they would kill you
now. They brought me to the nearest IDP camp, where they had a small military post. They
asked: “Where is your gun?”, “Where is your commander?” “Where are the other rebels?”
I told them how we got separated, that I had been alone...I slept in the barracks for two
more nights together with the soldiers. Finally they brought me to Gulu...Tomorrow I will
go back home. First my father has told me to see him in Kitgum, but he is a man who likes
alcohol much, he drinks a lot and is poor. I finally hope to live with my dear mother. The
thing that is most important for me is my education. I think I can make it, I want to go back
to school so much. I just have to find the necessary money. I am sure I will. And one day I
will be a tailor.
A. A. is a female, 15 years at time of therapy (May 2006), who was abducted at
age 13 by the LRA in Northern Uganda:
We were cooking as the intelligence boy came and told us that soldiers were moving towards
our settlement. We abandoned everything and UPDF started to chase us. We had been cross-
ing a swamp when we found the soldiers hiding. We were running on one side and soldiers
on the other. I could see them and at some point we just scattered. The UPDF saw me also,
but they did not aim at me. They saw that I was a girl. I saw many rebel children falling
and dying that day though. Ojok was also there. I liked him a lot. He had been the one
who abducted me. Ojok never got used to killing. He even refused to do it. I liked him for
that. He had a rank in the rebel group. Whenever Ojok saw me being sad, he came over to
me and told me that he will think of a plan to take me home. He was like a brother to me.
I saw him running and ran behind him. I got so frightened. Ojok told me that we are safe
and that I should not worry, but I knew it was not true. I knew we might die any moment.
We kept running. After some time I was hiding under a tree. Ojok saw that, he looked at me
and said: “Get up, we will go home now.” As we started off, we met another girl. We took
her along as well. In a way, both of us were afraid of Ojok. We could not be sure that he
would deliver us. Would he trick us? He reassured us that he would release us. We were so
far from a place of release. We had to walk another night and day to get there. On the way
we passed an old military camp. The soldiers called us and we went to them. They said:
“don’t fear, you are home now.”
Psychiatric distress and malfunctioning, especially when expressed as outward
aggression, irritation, an acting out of intrusions (e.g. flash-backs) and dissociation,
exacerbates ex-combatants’ difficulties in reintegrating into communities and the
wider society (Pfeiffer et al., submitted). Ex-combatants suffering from psychiatric
distress might face double stigmatization for having engaged in combat and for
being noticeably psychologically affected. Beyond the multitude of psychological
problems that former child soldiers might be struggling with, there are other hin-
drances that can adversely affect the successful reintegration. Child soldiers carry
a special burden of simultaneously being the recipient and perpetrator of violence
(Boothby & Knudsen, 2000); they are, therefore, a distinct group among children
and adolescents in war regions. They are victimized twofold, because they first are
exposed to traumatic experiences and later are blamed and stigmatized for the atroci-
ties they have committed (Bayer et al., 2007). In many cases child soldiers are forced
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 345
to commit atrocities against civilians, at times against own family and community
members, which they are required to do so as to cut-off return routes and to inflict
increased terror and psychological harm on home communities. These practices may
force the recruited soldiers to violate their own moral principles and to break from
any social attachment (Amone-P’Olak, 2007), ultimately resulting in a pull factor
for re-recruitment. This fact alone challenges their integration and re-acceptance.
However, after such traumatizations, not just the formerly abducted child, but
also the community has changed. On the communal level, the reintegration of ex-
combatants is a reciprocal process that happens within the host communities where
the former fighters are settled. The attitudes of the host communities towards the ex-
combatants are of particular importance for reintegration success (Kingma, 2000).
In some cases, because of assumed or actual abusive violence that combatants have
perpetrated against civilians during war times, the attitudes of host communities
towards former combatants are negative. There is no doubt, and there is empirical
evidence, that adequate social support and other supportive community practices
are truly important mediators of the expression of trauma-related symptoms (Ahern
et al., 2004; Basoglu et al., 1994; Brewin, Andrews, & Valentine, 2000; Coker
et al., 2002; Johnson & Thompson, 2008; Kovacev & Shute, 2004; Mollica, Cui,
McInnes, & Massagli, 2002). A strategy of social support can be an additional sup-
portive element for affected communities, who have lost children to abduction and
child soldiering; yet, this is possible only when a sufficient number of adult com-
munity members remain at least partly protected from the psychological impact
of armed conflict, organized violence, and forced displacement. However, many
key community members, such as parents, teachers, elders, counselors, nurses,
lawyers, and doctors in post-conflict settings suffer from physical, as well as mental
impairment, incapacitating their normal, healthy ability to function as caretak-
ers, providers, and role models. Neither local healers nor religious leaders, who
have traditionally offered health-related services, or carried out re-integration mea-
sures for individuals who had committed harm in the community, nowadays have
remained unaffected by the stressors of war and violence (Glenn et al., 2002;
Human Rights Watch, 2000; Kenyon Lischer, 2006; Pittaway, 2004; Solomon, 1988;
UNHCR, 2003; van de Put, Somasundaram, Kall, Eisenbruch, & Thomassen, 1998;
Widom, 1989). As members of the Children and War Foundation (Dyregrov, Gupta,
Gjestad, & Raundalen, 2002, p. 138) state:
There are some war situations that are so unprecedented, i.e. massacres in the community,
that no cultures have societal healing or coping mechanisms to apply.
Thus, the culturally indigenous mechanisms of healing and reconciliation at the
family and community level, which might have served in the rehabilitation of return-
ing child soldiers, are in most settings not available anymore. It is not surprising that
former abductees report difficulties when coming home to their community after
abduction, especially those who met criteria for symptoms of PTSD. Researchers
(MacMullin & Loughry, 2004; Pham et al., 2009) have found that formerly abducted
children in Northern Uganda do experience difficulties in psychosocial adjustment,
346 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
especially when suffering from clinical symptoms of the post-traumatic stress syn-
drome and depression. Affected youngsters not only experience more feelings of
hopelessness and fear, but also more difficulties with regard to peer interaction,
family interaction, and community activities, when compared with less clinically
impaired non-abductees.
In reintegration programs, ex-combatants with PTSD are considered an espe-
cially problematic group. Recent studies, which have examined the prevalence of
psychological effects after conflict, suggest that traumatic exposure and resultant
symptoms of PTSD and depression can influence how individuals perceive mecha-
nisms aimed at promoting justice and reconciliation. In 2004, Pham and colleagues
(Pham, Weinstein, & Longman, 2004) investigated this association in 2074 adult
survivors of the Rwandan genocide. The findings indicated that traumatic exposure
and PTSD symptoms were associated with negative attitudes towards reconcilia-
tion. Bayer’s group (Bayer et al., 2007) undertook a similar research, in that they
tried to understand the association of trauma and PTSD symptoms with openness to
reconciliation and feelings of revenge among former Ugandan and Congolese child
soldiers. The results indicated that those among the group of former child soldiers
(girls and boys alike), who showed clinically relevant symptoms of PTSD, had sig-
nificantly less openness to reconciliation and significantly more feelings of revenge
than those with fewer symptoms. Likewise, the children with PTSD symptoms
might regard acts of retaliation as an appropriate way to recover personal integrity
and to overcome their traumatic experience. In the former Yugoslavia, Basoglu and
team (Basoglu et al., 2005) similarly found that PTSD severely impedes processes of
reconciliation and reintegration: war survivors exposed to war-related traumata dis-
played stronger emotional responses to perceived impunity, including anger, rage,
distress, and desire for revenge, than those who did not experience war. Moreover
traumatized survivors showed less belief in the benevolence of people and reported
demoralization, helplessness, pessimism, fear, and loss of meaning in and control
over life. Vinck et al.’s (2007) study found a very similar association between sur-
vivors’ symptoms of PTSD and depression and their attitude toward peace. Those
who met the PTSD symptom criteria were more likely to favor violent means to
end the conflict, while those with depression symptoms were less likely to identify
non-violence means to achieve peace. In these populations, psychological symp-
toms associated with the trauma may be closely related to a desire for retribution,
rather than restorative ways to deal with past violence.
There seems to be also a link between symptoms of traumatization, aggres-
sion, and perceived stigmatization in returning, former child soldiers (Allen &
Schomerus, 2006; Annan & Blattman, 2006; Corbin, 2008; Pfeiffer et al., submit-
ted). In the United States, attitudes of the home environment were found to have a
high impact on adult ex-combatants’ ability to cope with war and trauma and the
subsequent psychopathological development. This effect has been conceptualized
as the ‘home-coming reception’ (Fontana & Rosenheck, 1994). Having belonged to
a faction that was very abusive towards civilians during the civil war in Sierra Leone
had a significant negative effect on reintegration (Humphreys & Wienstein, 2005).
Our study (Pfeiffer et al., submitted) showed that stigmatization of any kind (e.g.
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 347
being called names, such as ‘killer,’ being accused by community members to have
an ‘evil rebel mind’ or ‘disturbed mind,’ or being forcefully pushed away from the
well while fetching water) is reported by 73% of the formerly abducted youths. In
this study, stigmatization was also found to be associated with symptoms of PTSD
and clinical depression, as well as with elevated levels of aggression. Stigmatization
was connected more closely to heightened levels of psychopathology than to the
mere fact of having been abducted. The authors’ assumption is that children, who
have a mental illness as a result of their time in the bush and show symptoms of the
trauma spectrum, are the ones who are stigmatized, primarily because they behave
‘different’, e.g. experience nightmares, behavioural acting out, are prone to bizarre-
looking forms of dissociation, and choose to stay alone and distant from others. In
the same sample, increased levels of aggression (e.g. verbal, physical, anger, and
hostility) were found in the group of former abductees, with 31.6% showing height-
ened aggressiveness. Aggression was associated with having a history of abduction,
an increased level of perceived stigmatization, heightened symptoms of psycholog-
ical disorders, and having survived a higher number of traumatic experiences. The
score on aggression additionally showed a connection to higher identification with
the rebel group. Interestingly, having been forced to kill and the duration of abduc-
tion did not predict heightened aggression, suggesting that it is the overall score
of psychological symptoms, resulting from traumatic experiences during abduction,
which drives levels of aggression and stigmatization, as well as identification with
the rebel group. There were no gender differences in these findings.
Social isolation and the formation of ex-combatants as a distinct civilian sub-
group area consequence of the combined effects of factors, which include host
communities’ negative attitudes towards ex-combatants and their psychological
problems causing difficulties in social interactions. The risk of re-recruitment
heightens when ex-combatants fail to reintegrate economically and socially into
their civil host communities. When a sufficiently large number of former combat-
ants and of civilians are affected by war-related psychological problems, and remain
without assistance for psychological rehabilitation, the opportunity to initiate self-
sustained ways of living and with it, substantial economic development, will be
considerably reduced. Another round in the cycle of violence seems inevitable if
psychological wounds are not addressed. Children know that hidden weapons and
former comrades are always waiting somewhere out there.
I often think of all these children out there who still suffer and try to survive. So many
people out there went through the same thing as I did. When I go through town here, there
are so many children I recognize from the bush and they recognize me. Those who know me
from the bush when we meet say, “we came back, and now you are also back, who would
have thought?” If they can manage, I can also survive. When you ask me about 5 years
from now where I would like to be in life, then I say, if all goes very well I will survive and
be alive.” V.O., male, 18 years at time of therapy (October 2008), who was abducted twice
(first time at age 4 for 7 years, second time at age 13 for 2 years) by the LRA, Northern
348 E. Schauer and T. Elbert
Social and traumatic stress, caused by multiple experiences of violence, has a
severe negative impact for the reintegration of ex-combatants and child soldiers
on several levels. Rehabilitative efforts on all related levels are needed to increase
the successful reintegration of former combatants into civil society; most impor-
tantly, their mental-health needs must be attended to. A most likely, but largely
unstudied, driver of the cycle of violence might be the detrimental impact of expe-
riencing massive violence and abuse on individuals’ psychological functioning,
and the related social dynamics and consequences for communities. Reconciliation
and peace building might be impeded by the psychological problems of a crit-
ical mass of individuals. In particular, large-scale violence may cause patterns
of emotional and cognitive processing, which might feed into further violence
(Schauer & Schauer, 2010 this volume). War-related severe stress, even though
transient, indelibly changes an individual on various levels. On a cognitive level,
traumatic experiences shatter the most fundamental beliefs about safety, trust, and
self-esteem, which lend instability and psychological incoherence to the individ-
ual’s internal and external worlds (Janoff-Bulman, Berg, & Harvey, 1998). As
a consequence of a shattered belief system, the world is perceived as basically
unsafe, frightening, and evil. Victims feel weak, dependent, and without the con-
trol and competence that is vital for the psychological and cognitive coping with the
environment. Severely psychologically affected, formerly abducted children need
more clinical, therapeutic attention, rather than unspecific psychosocial or social
approaches. In reality, current rehabilitation interventions for former child soldiers
focus on brief vocational training, family tracing, and reunification. The latter two
are done with the assumption being that once a child lives with his or her family
again, the psychological wounds will automatically heal.
It must be clearly understood that as of today, no structures are in place to ade-
quately address the psychological rehabilitation needs of formerly abducted children
and child soldiers in the Great Lakes region of Africa or any other resource-poor,
conflict-stricken region of the world. In fact, child combatants have a particularly
high risk of being left out or marginalized by international programs in the reintegra-
tion process (Colletta, Boutwell, & Clare, 2001). They are especially vulnerable for
reintegration failure. Only in recent years, the fact that both these vulnerable groups
and ex-combatants in post-conflict countries suffer from psychological problems
has been recognized. The acknowledgement that many of them are unable to profit
from standard reintegration tools, due to severe psychological distress, daily mal-
functioning, and gender-based discrimination, is slowly leading to the inclusion of
special program steps for this group. The lack of programs is a clear neglect of the
international community’s obligation to psychologically rehabilitate former child
soldiers, according to Article 39 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of
the Child (United Nations, 1987).
In the absence of psychological rehabilitation services, efforts to promote social
reconstruction may be undermined, because rates of abduction are near 50% of
the overall population in war-affected regions, such as Northern Uganda, Angola,
and parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo (Pfeiffer et al., submitted; Roberts,
Ocaka, Browne, Oyok, & Sondorp, 2008; Vinck et al., 2007). A critical mass of
14 The Psychological Impact of Child Soldiering 349
affected persons in a given society can, therefore, be assumed lost as potential
pro-active, mediating community agents for change and development (Schauer &
Schauer, 2010 this volume). These child ex-combatants are, to a great extent,
impaired in their daily functioning. This outcome of traumatization has far-reaching
consequences for the process of reconciliation, peace building and development
within their communities and post-war areas at large. It might even fuel cycles
of violence, reaching into following generations. Providing them with specific,
trauma-focused, public mental-health services (see Chapters 9, 16) might be a key
component for breaking this vicious circle.
Acknowledgements We highly appreciate the hard work and dedication of our team members at
the NGO vivo (, as well as the adjunct Department of Clinical Psychology at the
University of Konstanz, Germany ( Most importantly,
our respect and thanks goes to our local counselors and collaborating colleagues in the various
places of (post-)conflict, but especially to all the boys and girls who have experienced abduction
and child soldiering and who persevere so bravely in their struggle for a better tomorrow. Research
for this chapter was supported by the NGO vivo, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG),
the University of Konstanz, Germany, the European Refugee Funds (EFF and ERF), as well as the
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... Some boys join military groups for excitement and fascination, and to relieve boredom and idleness (Gates 2011). Yet these reasons have been overlooked in the reports I have read on child soldiers in Myanmar which emphasise its adverse effects on mental and physical well-being and child development and life chances (Boothby and Nichol 2010;Schauer and Elbert 2010;UNICEF 2002). Furthermore, Gurung's eagerness and willingness to work for the KIA contrasts with the downplaying of agency and volition in narratives emphasising forceable recruitment, poverty, displacement, and exclusion from education (Child Soldiers International 2015a, 2015bHuman Rights Watch 2002;Podder 2011). ...
... Gurung did not, in his opinion, experience any difficulties arising from his time in the KIA, contrasting reports in the literature that children suffer physical and mental health issues and difficulties reintegrating into civilian life (Boothby and Nichol 2010;Schauer and Elbert 2010). He has not since visited or worked for the KIA. ...
Myanmar has more child soldiers than any other country but the literature on this subject disregards their experiences. I analyse a first-hand account of child-soldiering in 2014 in the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), a non-state armed group in Kachin State, to understand motivations for associating with the armed group as well as the lived experience of being a child soldier. I critique claims made in the literature for their failure to appreciate agency and volition and positive experiences in accounts of passivity, innocence, and suffering. Most pertinently, the case study reveals ethnic heterogeneity and ethnicisation, challenging the portrayal of the KIA as an ethnic militia exclusively advocating for Kachin people, and bringing into question politicised ethnicity as the primary lens through which conflict in Myanmar is conventionally viewed. The limitations of Western child rights-based approaches in leveraging culturally sensitive analyses are also considered. This nuanced view of child-soldiering is a corrective to top-down political approaches to deciphering Myanmar’s conflict.
... This includes well-known multicountry studies such as the Machel Report (UN, 1996), involving six regional consultations and field visits to eight conflict areas; a series of five regional and three global reports published between 1998 and 2008 by a coalition of human rights organizations (CSC) with observers monitoring all countries in armed conflict; Brett and McCallin's study (1998) of child soldiers in conflicts in 26 countries; and annual global reports of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict since 2002. It also includes numerous thematic studies with detailed qualitative data exploring uses and causes of child soldiering, means of recruitment and retention, cultural and gendered aspects, social and health impacts, human rights violations such rape, displacement, genocide, and war crimes, as well as rehabilitation needs, child rights, resilience, and agency (e.g., Alfredson 2001Alfredson , 2002Cohn and Goodwin-Gill 1994;Drumbl and Barrett 2019;Haenen 2013;Honwana 2005;Kadir 2019;McBride 2013;Rosen 2017Rosen , 2015Schauer and Elbert 2010;Singer 2006;Wessells 2007). ...
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Despite surging attention to child soldiers and modern slavery over the past decades, their links remain politicized and neglected. This study develops a human rights approach that deepens application of international slavery law; exposes child soldiering as a neglected slavery issue; and confronts underlying legal, political, and ethical challenges. It addresses challenges of using slavery law to identify contemporary cases, then analyzes global data on child soldiering specifically, revealing patterns and trends with robust equivalencies to slavery. Ethical challenges are addressed by confronting slavery myths that distort legal discussions and intersectional elements of child soldiering. These legal, empirical, and ethical arguments reveal international law on child soldiering as deeply insufficient and support a paradigmatic shift in thinking toward antislavery rights as appropriate legal, moral, and programmatic tools to end child soldiering. This, in turn, demonstrates how a rights-based approach helps fulfill the promise of anti-slavery law even in politicized cases.
... This misnomer is supplemented by suggestions that the presence of youth in global matters of national security is mostly a modern occurrence (33). However, throughout history youth have been radicalised across a vast array of political, civil, social, ethnic, cultural, and religious contexts (34)(35)(36). This includes the presence of radicalised youth within the anti-colonial campaigns and partisan resistance movements that played out across the world in the early tomid 1900's (35), youth engaged in the nationalist sentiment evoked within the initial iterations of the Irish Republican Army (37,38), radical political rhetoric promoted across Zionist and Palestinian youth movements (35), and the attempted systematic indoctrination of a whole generation of youth within Hitler's Nazi Germany (32). ...
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Background: In 2018 in the Australian State of New South Wales, a specialist Countering Violent Extremism Unit was established in the youth criminal justice system. This was in direct response to a number of youth below the age of 18 who have been charged for terrorism offences and identified as involved in violent extremist acts. This youth-specific framework was the first of its kind in Australia. It was designed to provide multidisciplinary practitioner-based approaches for the early-identification, diversion, and disengagement of at-risk and radicalised youth offenders. Aims: This paper will explore the experiences and lessons learned by the Youth Justice New South Wales Countering Violent Extremism Unit. It will discuss the relevance of youth radicalisation within Australia's evolving national security climate. This includes emerging trends in relation to youth radicalisation to varied violent extremist ideologies. This paper will explore the specialist approach adopted for preventing and countering violent extremism through the identification, assessment, and case management of at-risk and radicalised youth offenders. Implications: The Youth Justice New South Wales experience indicates that youth criminal justice settings can be designed to tackle the challenges posed by at-risk and radicalised youth. The practitioner experience canvassed in this paper highlights that a pluralistic and non-punitive approach to supervision, client-focused assessment and case management processes, and widespread resourcing of multidisciplinary practitioners and programs can be used to account for developmental and psychosocial vulnerabilities in addition to violent extremism risk factors amongst youth offenders. These approaches should be supplemented by youth-specific countering violent extremism practitioner expertise, and a range of violent extremism case management and risk assessment measures.
... Similarly, the interrelated cluster of terms requires a closer investigation as separate terms and expressions when used together. When international treaties and local legal laws of Afghanistan and practice are considered, no uniform, universally accepted definition of a child is observed (Elisabeth & Elbert, 2010). The Afghan culture does have a clear view of what a child is, but when this view is placed in the socio-historical context, the clarity becomes somewhat diluted. ...
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This paper explores the cultural values that prevailed in Afghanistan to understand the recruitment and use of underage soldiers in the long-lasting armed conflict while comparing the existing domestic and international law. The study analyzed the effect of the traditions of Afghans on child soldiering. The method was doctrinal, and therefore, the collected and analyzed data was qualitative. The analysis was thematical, where each related idea was subjected to review and evaluation. The research found that since time immemorial, the Afghan culture traditions were conducive to underage soldiering for various reasons, including peace and justice where male and female child warriors are treated as heroes, perhaps more than any other member of the Afghan society. Due to the stated reasonings, the study established that more underage soldiers were used and recruited during the period of the British Empire, Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the civil war that caused the Taliban and Northern Alliance to resume control and in the post 9/11 phase of armed conflict in Afghanistan irrespective of domestic and international law that prohibited the recruitment and use of underage soldiers as it violated their basic fundamental rights of childhood.
... Most of them reported post-traumatic stress reactions. In addition, former child soldiers showed difficulties in controlling aggressive impulses and applied physical violence to resolve interpersonal conflicts (Schauer & Elbert, 2010). ...
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This paper presents an analysis of the ethno‐political socialization of young children in the context of intractable conflict, drawing on the case of Israeli society. The analysis is based on the integrative developmental‐contextual theory (IDCT), which proposes that in the context of intractable conflict, from a very early age onward, in‐group members acquire a socio‐psychological repertoire that consists of narratives, beliefs, attitudes, and emotions related to the conflict and to the rival group. IDCT highlights three central components that dictate the nature of this socio‐psychological repertoire: children's normative developmental trajectory, the context in which the development takes place, and the ethno‐political socialization that is performed by societal agents. We discuss the interaction between these components in socializing children's socio‐psychological repertoire, and ways to change the course of socialization in the context of intractable conflict towards peace‐oriented socialization.
This chapter is a general discussion of the entire manuscript and what can be deduced about children’s experiences as child terrorists and, later, as peace activists. Overall, the 24 subjects in this study became social justice activists, with the objective of championing human rights for all and the end to violence. The seven theories described in Chaps. 2 and 6 are applied to fundamental arguments and conclusions about child terrorism and peace activism. They also give readers an indication as to where the four themes of “metamorphosis,” “terrorist behavior,” “disillusionment,” and “anti-terrorist behavior” belong within the entire framework of this analysis. The last section of this chapter offers solutions to the problems of child terrorism. The solutions are separated into three categories: general perspectives, reintegration perspectives, and legal perspectives.
This chapter focuses on the challenges and opportunities associated with the implementation of peace education programs in Africa. Peace education programs are used widely to create peaceful environments for at-risk children. Their intended goals are to end violence through modeling human consciousness to resolve conflicts peacefully and to provide children with a stable socioeconomic future. Using a systematic review of literature, the authors examine how humanitarian agencies with support from the World Bank utilize peace education programs to create safety nets for former child soldiers in Africa. The challenges and opportunities of such programs are examined. The authors then propose for the adoption of a community-based participatory practice to facilitate the sustainability of peace education programs. The chapter will benefit at-risk children in war-torn African regions and all stakeholders involved in the creation of safe environments for children.
Crime fiction scholarship increasingly focuses on trauma in contemporary crime narratives but has largely neglected to investigate perpetrator trauma. This article contributes to filling this gap by exploring perpetrator trauma in We Hunt Together (2020), a British television crime series written by Gaby Hull, that portrays the consequences of perpetrator trauma on a former child soldier from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Babeni (Baba) Lenga, waiting for permanent residency in the UK. Viewers learn about his violent past through flashbacks and his involvement with Frederica ‘Freddy’ Lane which precipitates Baba’s present return to violence. Informed by crime fiction studies, literary trauma theory, and research on child soldier narratives, this study argues that perpetrator trauma complicates and renders agency ambiguous in We Hunt Together, where Baba’s story eventually leads to healing. Ultimately, the perpetrator trauma narrative of a former child soldier, focalised through Baba, brings together the themes of war, colonialism, and the growing use of child soldiers in the present, challenging the crime-solving plot by raising ethical and political issues of guilt and responsibility and problematising any easy distinctions between victim and perpetrator/criminal.
Individuals can assume—and be assigned—multiple roles throughout a conflict: perpetrators can be victims, and vice versa; heroes can be reassessed as complicit and compromised. However, accepting this more accurate representation of the narrativized identities of violence presents a conundrum for accountability and justice mechanisms premised on clear roles. This book considers these complex, sometimes overlapping roles, as people respond to mass violence in various contexts, from international tribunals to NGO-based social movements. Bringing the literature on perpetration in conversation with the more recent field of victim studies, it suggests a new, more effective, and reflexive approach to engagement in post-conflict contexts. Long-term positive peace requires understanding the narrative dynamics within and between groups, demonstrating that the blurring of victim-perpetrator boundaries, and acknowledging their overlapping roles, is a crucial part of peacebuilding processes. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Violence in childhood is a common and worldwide phenomenon. A distinction is made between physical violence, sexual violence, emotional violence and neglect. Violence can be perpetrated both by people from the immediate family circle and by extra-familiar offenders. Studies on the prevalence of childhood violence vary mainly due to methodological differences. There is also a high number of unreported cases of violence against children and the potential deaths of children from violence and maltreatment. Violence in childhood can have far-reaching and lifelong psychosocial and physical consequences. The trauma disorders that develop as a result of violence can be treated with evidence-based therapy approaches in childhood and adolescence. However, in addition to the classic trauma-focused elements, especially in the case of complex disorders, further skills must be learned and developed.
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In the laboratory rat and guinea pig, glucocorticoids (GCs), the adrenal steroids that are secreted during stress, can damage the hippocampus and exacerbate the hippocampal damage induced by various neurological insults. An open question is whether GCs have similar deleterious effects in the primate hippocampus. In fact, we showed that sustained and fatal stress was associated with preferential hippocampal damage in the vervet monkey; however, it was not possible to determine whether the excessive GC secretion that accompanied such stress was the damaging agent. The present study examines this possibility. Pellets of cortisol (the principal GC of primates) were stereotaxically implanted into hippocampi of 4 vervet monkeys; contralateral hippocampi were implanted with cholesterol pellets as a control. One year later at postmortem, preferential damage occurred in the cortisol-implanted side. In the cholesterol side, mild cell layer irregularity was noted in 2 of 4 cases. By contrast in the cortisol-exposed hippocampi, all cases had at least 2 of the following neuropathologic markers: cell layer irregularity, dendritic atrophy, soma shrinkage and condensation, or nuclear pyknosis. Damage was severe in some cases, and was restricted to the CA3/CA2 cellfield. This anatomical distribution of damage, and the cellular features of the damage agree with that observed in instances of GC-induced toxicity in the rodent hippocampus, and of stress-induced toxicity in the primate hippocampus. These observations suggest that sustained GC exposure (whether due to stress, Cushings syndrome or exogenous administration) might damage the human hippocampus.
"Civil war conflict is a core development issue. The existence of civil war can dramatically slow a country's development process, especially in low-income countries which are more vulnerable to civil war conflict. Conversely, development can impede civil war. When development succeeds, countries become safer―when development fails, they experience a greater risk of being caught in a conflict trap. Ultimately, civil war is a failure of development. "'Breaking the Conflict Trap' identifies the dire consequences that civil war has on the development process and offers three main findings. First, civil war has adverse ripple effects that are often not taken into account by those who determine whether wars start or end. Second, some countries are more likely than others to experience civil war conflict and thus, the risks of civil war differ considerably according to a country's characteristics including its economic stability. Finally, Breaking the Conflict Trap explores viable international measures that can be taken to reduce the global incidence of civil war and proposes a practical agenda for action. "This book should serve as a wake up call to anyone in the international community who still thinks that development and conflict are distinct issues." Source: Amazon --
Das Jahrbuch informiert über alle im Jahr 2002 ausgetragenen Kriege und bewaffneten Konflikte. Die Daten und Definitionen der AKUF bilden die im deutschen Sprachraum meisterverwendete Grundlage einschlägiger Publikationen.
In the early and mid-1900s, several African countries demobilized part of their armed forces. This book analyzes, in the light of Africa's large development challenges and continuing wars and insecurity, the question of how demobilizations have contributed to peace and human development. It also explores what we can learn from the different approaches that have been taken.
Human aggression entails a complex set of behaviors that vary markedly in structure, content, context, and consequences. An angry feeling, a thought of revenge, jostling and “horse-play,” teasing and derogation, fighting over a contested object, bullying and sadistic actions, murder, and the killing of others in the context of a revolutionary struggle or a conflict between nations, are all considered to be acts of aggression. They are grouped together because they have in common the intent to or actions that have the consequence of inflicting injury and harm to others. A major question that students of human aggression must address regards the functional similarities and differences between these diverse forms of aggression; that is, to what extent they arise from similar antecedents and have similar objectives or goals. A particular question which has been the subject of a number of inquiries that I have carried out in recent years is the relationship between individual differences in aggressive disposition and individual differences in readiness to support military ventures.
The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of the trends in the armed forces, demobilizations and military expenditures in Sub-Saharan Africa, since the early 1980s. For the aggregate data on the armed forces presented here the same database is used as compiled for BICC’s annual Conversion Survey (BICC, 1998). The initial source for 1981–93 data on armed forces personnel was the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA). These figures have subsequently been compared with data from a variety of other sources, including the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) and additional publications relevant to the topic. When support existed for a non-ACDA estimate, this was used. Data for 1994–6 stem from a variety of sources, including IISS, country studies and press clippings. Regular armed forces refer to government forces, excluding reservists, whether stationed within the country itself or abroad. Paramilitary troops, civilians employed by the armed forces are not included; also opposition forces are not included. The estimates are for the average size of the armed forces in the relevant year, but in many cases it is difficult to assess whether or not data conform to these definitions.