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What is Tradition?
Nelson
H.
H.
Graburn
I
n her opening essay
to
the wonderful catalog
of
the exhibition
Memory
and
Imagination:
The
Legacy of Maidu Indian Artist Frank Day,
Rebecca Dobkins (1997:1) asks the almost impossi-
ble question "What are the meanings of'tradition'?"
What a question! She might as well have asked
"What
is
life?"
And
at the Memory and Imagination
in Twentieth-Century Native American Art
Sympo-
sium on April 19, 1997, Frank LaPena and I were
supposed
to
answer this question in our thirty min-
ute presentations.1
Just as life has death as its opposite, so tradi-
tion is often said to be opposite to innovation. But
just as within Christianity and other religions there
is life in or after death,
so
there is a "tradition of in-
novation," as in contemporary Western art tradi-
tions,
or there may equally be the "innovation of
tradition," as in the commonly referred to "inven-
tion of tradition."
The
latter
topic
has been the sub-
ject of a growing body of literature in the last two
decades, following the publication of Hobsbawm
and Ranger's book by that title (1984).
In my discussion of tradition, I am indebted to
the work of Alice Horner, whose
Ph.D.
dissertation
in anthropology, "The Assumption of Tradition," is
perhaps the best thing ever written on the
topic
(see
Horner
1990).
Horner reminds us that tradition re-
fers both
to
theprocess
of handing down from gener-
ation to generation, and some
thing,
custom, or
thought process that is passed on over time. Thus
we can say, for instance, that a multi-generational
dance is an item of custom, a performance, and at
the same time, such a dance is an occasion for the
passing of the technique and the feeling of the per-
formance from older to younger generations. Until
recently, this handing on was a natural,
unself-conscious part of the dance. Until the conti-
nuity
was
threatened, until the possibility of the in-
ability to hand things down arose, people were not
so self-conscious of the process of the handing on of
tradition.
This takes us back
to
the origin of the concept
of
tradition in the European world, but
I
want
to
make
it clear that
we
can probably draw parallels in most
of the rest of the
world:
a consciousness of tradition
arose primarily only in those historical situations
where people were aware of change. Tradition was
the name given
to
those cultural features which, in
situations of change, were to be continued to be
handed on, thought about, preserved and not lost.
Although it is somewhat of an exaggeration, the an-
thropologist Claude Levi-Strauss (1966:233-34)
has divided up societies into two types: those that
believe that every generation recreates the past
and
that time is a series of cycles, which he calls "cold"
societies,
and those that are conscious of change and
of the irreversible direction of history, which he la-
bels
"hot"
societies.
In
a
lecture given at Berkeley in
1984,
he tried to trace the emergence of one kind
from the other by reference to ninth-to-eleventh
century Japanese Heian court society. During that
period the usual marriage rule requiring the mar-
riage of men to their cross-cousins (mother's
brother's daughters or father's sister's daughters)
broke down when people began to break the rules
and marry strategically for status and personal
gain. He was able
to
show
how
the former kind of
so-
ciety, found traditionally in much of the world, is
one
that reproduces the social structures every gen-
eration (so that men fell into the same positions as
their fathers and grandfathers, and women, their
mothers and grandmothers). Whereas in the latter
kind, every generation
is
different
and,
according to
the literature of that
age,
more
exciting,
so that new
family relationships and kinship structures were
formed every
time.
This kind of excitement and pe-
riod of intrigue
he
called
"The
Birth of Historical
So-
cieties."
Originally the concept of tradition, literally
from the Latin meaning "something handed over,"
in slowly changing societies was almost equivalent
to inheritance. Tradition was both the means of
Museum Anthropology
24(2/3):6-11.
Copyright ©2001 American Anthropological Association.
making
a
living and the
symbols,
stories, and mem-
ories
which gave
one
both identity and
status.
So we
can say that even in situations where society stayed
almost the same from generation to generation,
"tradition," or whatever people of that society might
have called it in their own language, was something
pretty central
or
important. In situations of percep-
tible change, in Levi-Strauss's "hot" societies, the
concept of tradition has taken on even more impor-
tant, perhaps more ominous, meanings. In the Eu-
ropean Enlightenment of the eighteenth century,
when science and rationalism came to the fore, the
rulers began to think that society could be logically
rearranged for the calculated benefit of the majority
or for
everyone,
leading
to
notions such
as
the social
sciences, socialism, and the welfare state, so that
guided change was the norm.
The planners and rulers of that age often
thought that tradition, i.e., that which was handed
down unchanged, unthought out, unchallenged
from generation to generation, was perhaps a hin-
drance to the perfection of society. One began to
hear about the weight of tradition or people bound
by
tradition, as though it should
be
thrown aside or
destroyed. In fact, tradition became synonymous
with that which was being overtaken by science or
modernity. Tradition consisted of things on their
way
out.
With the rise of social evolutionary theory
in the mid-nineteenth century, this idea
was
given
a
scientific underpinning: in the survival of the fit-
test, tradition was doomed by progress, thought to
be an accidental survival of an earlier
age,
a carrier
of backwardness, such as feudalism and supersti-
tion and, most ominously, aspects or ways of life
which, it was hoped, like the major diseases, would
give way to progress and be destined for extinction.
Indeed, European anthropologists and folklorists
commonly studied and collected what they consid-
ered curious
customs,
games,
and beliefs among the
lesser educated and rural lower classes of their
soci-
eties,
believing them to represent the vestiges of
earlier forms of human
society.
Well into the twenti-
eth century, anthropologists and archaeologists
studied non-modern, usually non-Western, societ-
ies and technologies for clues they could give about
earlier eras and ways of life labeled, for instance,
Cave Man, Stone Age, hunting and gathering,
preliterate, small scale, or natural societies.
In the Western world a series of crises brought
about a change
from
this negative valuation of tra-
dition. One crisis came in the middle of the nine-
teenth century when science and evolution made it
appear that the Christian religion, the core tradi-
tion of the Western
world,
was perhaps itself an un-
necessary feudal tradition, an impediment to
reform or to the progress of science and
society.
This
was ironic
because it was Christianity that had sup-
plied most of the key social values which the social
sciences were trying to "scientifically" bring about:
egalitarianism, democracy, protection of the vul-
nerable, universal justice. At the same time as
Christianity was an expanding proselytizing reli-
gion,
it
was also
the main bulwark against the ram-
pages of capitalist expansion, against slavery, and
against the cruelties of forced labor, pillage and
rape.2
Christianity may have thought itself pro-
gressive, but it was also a "pre-modern tradition"
that was very much threatened by scientific ratio-
nalism, while it in turn threatened the ways of
life,
and particularly the religious beliefs and associated
arts,
of many smaller groups of
people
around the
world.
Another series of doubts or crises brought about
further changes in the status of tradition and tradi-
tional societies. Anthropologists, some missionar-
ies,
and other renegades, people often called
"romantics," thought that the maligned customs of
many conquered peoples were not only not neces-
sarily immoral, but often artistically and function-
ally equal or better than what was being offered by
the so-called civilized world. We can see some of
these changes of attitudes in the depictions of
colo-
nized peoples and in the growing appreciation of
their arts and crafts, which were collected not just
as booty but for their inherent beauty, craftsman-
ship or mystery. As the pace of change sped up all
over the world, scientists and others began to look
for and want
to
preserve the traditional,
i.e.,
threat-
ened
ways
of
life,
both because of their status
as
rep-
resentatives of other, disappearing
ways
of
life,
but
also for their aesthetic and functional values
as
well
as out of
curiosity.
We
can see even in the crude dis-
plays of dependent peoples and their arts in the
world's fairs and museums of the nineteenth cen-
tury (Benedict 1983) not
only
prurient curiosity but
plain admiration for their exhibition of forbearance
and humanity in the face of oppression, for the qual-
ity of their personal relationships, and their obvious
skills and creativity.
As manufactured goods replaced handmade
traditional utensils and skills were in danger of
be-
ing lost, a few upper middle class Euro-Americans
8 MUSEUM
ANTHROPOLOGY
VOLUME 24 NUMBER 2/3
encouraged the continuity of tradition, even teach-
ing themselves about techniques and materials
such as basketry, making them the recorders and
carriers of
culture.
A
moral superiority of the hand-
made and the personal began to grow (Lee 1991).
The so-called disappearing "savages" (meaning
people beyond the grasp of the law) were looked
to
as
human exemplars, not by all, but by a significant
few. All over the world, not just in the expansion of
Western powers, people began to feel what Renato
Rosaldo (1989) has called "imperialist nostalgia,"
the regret over having destroyed something or
someone after the fact. This is not just a Chris-
tian-based guilt, but
a
nostalgia for having changed
the world in a homogeneous direction, for having
eliminated ways of life and ingenious time-tested
customs that had suited
some peoples
for
eons.
This
form of nostalgia is one of many modern forms of
nostalgia which most of us come to experience; in
changing
societies,
it
is
often felt over the passing
of
a way of
life.
Perhaps even in Levi-Strauss's "cold"
societies nostalgia is felt about the passing of a
stage of life, such as childhood into adulthood, or
middle into old age.
Tradition is usually seen as the opposite to
mo-
dernity, yet it is much loved by modernity. Tradi-
tions are continually being created, not in some past
time immemorial, but during modernity. Even
these new, historically created phenomena are of-
ten quickly assumed to be age-old or timeless, be-
cause people want them to be so and because the
customs become invested with authority that
is
dif-
ficult to challenge. Here are some recent examples:
Anthropologist Edmund Leach became Provost of
Kings College, Cambridge, at a time in the 1970s
when women were first admitted. When this first
happened,
Prof.
Leach inaugurated a welcoming
ceremony for the young men and women
to
get used
to being in college together. This was a success and
was repeated every year. After
a
few
years,
the new
students began to believe that this must be an
age-old, medieval ritual still preserved by Kings
College!
Here in Berkeley, I recently saw an adver-
tisement in the Daily
Californian
about surrogate
motherhood, where the clients wanted the "in
womb," or "traditional" kind. It makes one wonder
how long commercially advertised surrogate moth-
erhood has been around and what the nontradi-
tional kind
is!
In these examples
we see
tradition as
either valued for its existence over time or, in the
second
case,
as a label for a superseded custom, one
which has been overtaken by something newer
(though not necessarily devalued or threatened
with extinction).
So far I have mainly been talking about the
meanings of tradition for the mainstream societies
which have come
to
dominate much of
he
world.
But
as smaller societies have encountered or been incor-
porated
into
the larger multi-cultural society, what
some have called the world system (Wallerstein
1974),
or systems of material and cultural flows,
capitalist or otherwise, almost everyone has come to
share the concept of tradition even if it is imbued
with different local meanings.
Many native peoples in North America are the
object of admiration of some members of the sur-
rounding society: they have survived in spite of all
the pressures towards assimilation or extinction in
the near past, they have come to represent tradi-
tion, they are survivors from other ages par excel-
lence. But as we all know, this force of imperialist
nostalgia can be dangerous, too: it can be a judg-
mental force which looks to Native Americans as
representatives of a frozen
past,
some
sort of indica-
tor against which to measure the speed of change
or
the measure of progress in the ever fickle main-
stream society. This is an attitude which then only
judges native peoples positively if and when they
act
like
the past and don't show that they
live
in the
modern world,
too.
This romantic image is perpetu-
ated through the media and even in educational in-
stitutions. At the same time it may be purposely
adhered to by Native Americans who want to
commoditize their time-honored traditions, perfor-
mances, and cultural products. Unwittingly, many
Native American habits, for instance religious be-
havior, just by being handed on relatively un-
changed, can become subject to inspection and
commoditization.
The native peoples of North America have al-
ways been conscious of their particular identities,
because all of them (except
one
3) were always in
so-
cial, trade, or warlike contacts with the people
around them. The concept of what was steadfastly
theirs,
the equivalent of the English words tradi-
tion, culture, heritage, must have been very strong.
Notice, I did not use the more neutral words habits,
doings, and customs, which although accurate do
not express the power and importance.that
we
now
attach to the words tradition, heritage, and culture.
And, except for
some
progress-minded
people
in the
Western world after the Enlightenment (and simi-
lar cases around the world) tradition is a strong,
positive concept.
Under the attacks suffered at the hands of ex-
panding Spanish, French, British and American
peoples, many Native Americans probably did not
at first know what hit them: was it an unprece-
dented apocalypse, a spiritual whirlwind, the end
of
the world, or what? But as soon as contacts became
more routinized, as in mutual trading, schooling,
missionization, they came to understand that even
if their lives were saved their lifeways were threat-
ened. Whitemen, the qallunaat (the thunder people
or the eyebrow people) as the Inuit called them,
were out to eliminate many of their/our traditions,
especially those of freedom of movement, language
and religious behavior.
Even so, ambivalence crept in. Right from the
time of first contacts, the European newcomers
wanted to collect many of the ingenious technologi-
cal items and beautiful products of the native peo-
ple.
They may even have admired their dances and
songs,
their fighting and hunting prowess as well as
their personal decoration, their women and chil-
dren, and sometimes even their physique and skin
color. It must have been a puzzling surprise when
some but not all native traditions were encouraged,
and frightening when it was always the outsider
who seemed to decide which traditions native peo-
ple could keep and which were punishable.
Homer (1990) has pointed out that in Africa it
was the British who respected native tradition
more than, say, the French or the German coloniz-
ers.
Unlike the post-revolutionary French and the
new nation of Germany, the British cherished very
much their own historical traditions at home. And
as soon as they learned this, the Africans knew that
they could continue many customs or get away with
many innovations in their own societies by calling
them traditions.
Horner also notes that this admiration of native
traditions was not a great feature of post-
revolutionary war American society. Once the di-
rect military onslaught on Native Americans
ceased, very little was clear to them about what as-
pects of their behavior would be tolerated. For in-
stance, polygamy was illegal in the U.S. and
potlatching was made illegal in Canada in 1884.
Peyote was illegal for anyone, and drinking alcohol
was made illegal for most native peoples. Laws dif-
fered from place to place, changed over time, and
might not have been enforced or were exceeded by
local troublemakers who still hated, feared or were
jealous of Indians.
But as the overwhelming power of science and
the faith in progress came to be questioned, nostal-
gia and romanticism softened attitudes. In the
wake of the agricultural and industrial revolutions
of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, local,
especially rural, traditions became the source of in-
spiration and identity in many European nations,
especially those such as Finland, Ireland, Hungary
and the German principalities which had no prior
independent statehood.
Folklore and archaeology, the ultimate collec-
tors of tradition, became valued professions which
provided ammunition for respect, freedom, and au-
tonomy, much as anthropology and ethnology have
for many other colonized
peoples.
Having traditions
and a culture became the sine qua non of nation-
hood. If traditions were threatened, scattered or
weak, they might be invented, collected, labeled,
celebrated and museumized, much as Handler
(1988) has shown that the French-Canadians of
Quebec have been doing in the past few decades.
And it is in roughly the same period that Indian
nations or peoples have felt free to do the same.
Though Indian arts and crafts traditions have long
gathered admiration and have been encouraged
both for collection, study and commoditization, this
by
no
means permitted full cultural freedom. For in-
stance, it has only recently been recognized or at
least granted that place names and relationship to
the land are crucial bearers, and parts, of tradition.
Even still, most native people don't have full free-
dom to inhabit or name their own parts of the earth,
although this is well under way over the whole Ca-
nadian Arctic and most of the Subarctic (Mul-
ler-Wille 1997).
Horner (1990:14-17) also raises consideration
of the idea of tradition as a reservoir. In modern
times,
when tradition is not everything but is
strictly defined as selected aspects of a past (though
not necessarily prehistoric) way of life, there often
appears the choice: shall we pick from (our) tradi-
tion or shall we go along with something main-
stream or more modern? This choice might be ideal
for many people of the world, were it
possible.
Tradi-
tion as a reservoir is the concept that tradition is a
strength to draw upon, a source of historically de-
fined identity, and a source of a sense of safety,
specialness, or difference. But the tradition as res-
ervoir concept still suffers from real world draw-
10 MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGY VOLUME 24 NUMBER
2/3
backs. Will the real world allow you as Native
Americans to draw from tradition, to use peyote, to
play gambling
games,
to marry multiple spouses, to
practice local medicine and healing, to teach your
children in your own
way,
or even to speak your own
language? These are very real questions, and al-
though some freedoms are greater now, there are
problems which will never completely go away in
the modern world.
An even greater problem with the idea of tradi-
tion as reservoir
is
the question of whether tradition
is still there or whether it has been drained away by
the forces of history. It is here where individuals
like Frank Day are crucial. Not only was he a man
with access to the reservoir of his own life experi-
ence, but he was willing to share and show the way.
And he shared his knowledge not only with his own
people directly, such as many northern California
native peoples who learned at first hand of whole
ancestral worlds that were disappearing, but he
shared with sympathetic outsiders,
who
for reasons
of
science,
humanity, or nostalgia, or all three, en-
abled his expressions and recorded his knowledge.
That is, they strengthened the reservoir and have
been more than willing to share the contents with
those who are the inheritors.
But the reservoir of tradition is not static. It
grows through activity and attention to mainte-
nance, it fills up with the creation and practice of
traditions. It does not know whether the traditions
are old, modified or new, but that they are tradi-
tions, that they are strong and that they are the
strength of the people. I have witnessed many na-
tive peoples in North America fighting for their tra-
ditions and continued identity in a rapidly
changing, threatening, homogenizing
world.
I have
long seen and helped the Inuit of the Canadian Arc-
tic fight to have their language be the language of
their schoolchildren, and now even the teachers are
trained in inuttitut (Crago et al.1992:121-170). I
have seen the people of Greenland reverse the trend
toward Danification, such that even the Danes liv-
ing in their country have to speak Greenlandic and
their children educated in it (Langgaard
1992:177-186). I have seen the Inupiat of north
Alaska and more recently the Canadian Inuit re-
cover both their rights to and their practice of whal-
ing (Doubleday 1994; Freeman, Wein and Keith
1992). In
1996,1
helped lead the formation of an in-
ternational native peoples whaling group, includ-
ing the Nuu-cha-nulth and other Indians, to
counteract the beef salesmen and self-righteous
Yankees
who
are banning traditional native ways
of
feeding themselves (World Council of Whalers
1997).
Closer to the California native experience, I
have seen the Tlingit and Tsimshian of the North-
west Coast come fully back into their traditions as
master artists, with the help of both other native
peoples and whites (Graburn 1993). And none of
these people are going backwards or leaving the
modern world at all. Tradition is not the opposite
of
modernity; perhaps it is modernity's strength, its
richness, and
one
of its essential sources of meaning
in life.
Notes
1.
This paper has purposefully been kept close
to the
style in which it
was
originally delivered at the sympo-
sium "Memory and Imagination in 20th Century Na-
tive American
Art" at the
Oakland Museum
of
California on April 19, 1997.
2 The Aborigines Protection Society (1838) developed
into
a
worldwide organization, allied with
the
anti-slavery movement, against the exploitation and
mistreatment of colonized peoples. Although
a
Chris-
tian society,
it
led directly to the more humanitarian
activist
(i.e.,
not strictly scientific) tradition in anthro-
pology which remains with us today.
3 The Polar Inuit of northwest Greenland are an excep-
tion. After hundreds of years of separation from the
Inuit
of
Canada,
the
Polar Inuit thought that they
were the only people left in the world at the time they
first encountered Europeans
in the
eighteenth cen-
tury.
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Nelson H. H. Graburn is Professor of Anthropology
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... This paper is a research on the historicity of a tradition of Philippine Normal University (PNU). A tradition refers both to the 'process' of handing down from generation to generation, and some 'thing', custom, or thought process that is passed on over time (Horner, as cited by Graburn, 2001). The research revisits the tradition of celebrating PNU's foundation day. ...
Conference Paper
This paper is a research on the historicity of a tradition of Philippine Normal University (PNU). A tradition refers both to the 'process' of handing down from generation to generation, and some 'thing', custom, or thought process that is passed on over time (Horner, as cited by Graburn, 2001). The research revisits the tradition of celebrating PNU's foundation day. As such, the paper looks into this event's historical context and sources. PNU, being one of the oldest academic institutions, traces its roots to a teacher training school established in 1901. By tradition, the 1 st day of September has been regarded as its "foundation day." Historical evidence exists, however, that shows the institution was already in existence even before the date being celebrated as foundation day. Given the existence of various historical sources, there is a need to revisit this tradition and correctly recognize the foundation's actual date. Regardless of the school's collective memory and practice, historical accuracy must be the basis for celebrating significant events. In search of truth, historical research may at times yield 'facts' contrary to popular belief and practice. This is one of those cases.
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La traditionnalité est un axe stratégique important dans le secteur alimentaire. Pourtant, sa déf inition et son opérationnalisation restent imprécises. Cette recherche concept ualise la traditionnalité perçue d ’un produit alimentaire à l’aide de la Grounded Theory. À la suite du recueil des données empiriques auprès de tous les acteurs autour d’un produit traditionnel, producteurs, transformateurs, distributeurs, restaurateurs et consommateurs, un construit quadridimensionnel émerge : processuelle, identitaire, dynamique et rituelle. Cette conceptualisation propose un cadre de référence permettant aux managers d’un produit et aux producteurs de comprendre ce qui confère à leurs produits leur caractère traditionnel et comment le faire évoluer.
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Starting from a classic text regarding tradition, considered a product of modern societies that contribute to its invention and use in various contexts, the present paper connects results from field research conducted in two places in Banat. By using ethnographic description, it analyses how tradition manifests today, either in its patrimonialised dimension, through the Swabian practices from Deta, or in its living dimension, in the form of funerary rites from Denta.
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Jews who remained or returned to Portugal after the Expulsion (1496) and Inquisition (1536–1821) adopted and preserved different strategies to resist total assimilation, forced conversion and antisemitism. Today, Jewish communities are small and shy. At the same time, however, many Portuguese insist on an identification with a Jewish matrix. In parallel, there is an unprecedented effort to revitalize Jewish cultural memory in the public and private spheres. This article critically discusses the broad notion of Jewish identity and its representations in present day Portugal. It gives a succinct account of its existing Jewish communities, their power interrelationships and the categorizations used to label who is identified as a Jew. The article examines the making of cultural Jewish heritage and its paradoxes, considering the variety of agents involved and their agendas. While it will be argued that Jewish identity is certainly multidimensional, there are, at the same time, several contemporary native Jewish tangible and intangible cultural traces that are being neglected in the systematization process of Jewish memory and traditions in Portugal. Given the homogenizing tendencies of globalization and the particularizing local reactions to such trends, the present article describes and reflects on how the Jewish past in Portugal is intertwined with the present, and how the plural ways of perceiving Jewish identity and its cultural manifestations can be understood in a glocal frame, in terms of both discursive and material Jewish traditions. Based on a qualitative approach and a collaborative ethnographic method, the article analyzes how the Portuguese matrix of Jewish culture remains part of the Sepharad imaginary while it is subjected to the constraints of time and space.
Book
When is war just? What does justice require? If we lack a commonly-accepted understanding of justice – and thus of just war – what answers can we find in the intellectual history of just war? Miller argues that just war thinking should be understood as unfolding in three traditions: the Augustinian, the Westphalian, and the Liberal, each resting on distinct understandings of natural law, justice, and sovereignty. The central ideas of the Augustinian tradition (sovereignty as responsibility for the common good) can and should be recovered and worked into the Liberal tradition, for which human rights serves the same function. In this reconstructed Augustinian Liberal vision, the violent disruption of ordered liberty is the injury in response to which force may be used and war may be justly waged. Justice requires the vindication and restoration of ordered liberty in, through, and after warfare.
Chapter
As international lawyers, we know what international law is. But how should we approach “tradition?” Tradition, after all, is not a concept that has any meaning or relevance in the universe of the law, as long as the law is understood as it dominantly is as a set of rules produced according to certain predetermined formal processes. As a matter of fact, “tradition” has no existence at all in the formal universe of the law. How, then, can we address the (French) tradition of international law when our own disciplinary field does not provide us with the most elementary theoretical tools to analyze and, more crucially, to even define “tradition?” These tools must therefore be found elsewhere. The approach taken in this essay has thus resolutely set aside our own disciplinary field—international law—and has inquired into those other academic fields that scientifically engage with tradition. Rather than focusing on the content of tradition, disciplinary fields such as anthropology or sociology investigate the modus operandi of tradition, its fashioners and followers, its patterns and transmission processes.
Chapter
Contemporary textiles from South Asia have a rich legacy. They are steeped in tradition and bound within a complex history of global trade. This chapter traces and reground the context of "remaking tradition”, as the shared history between the modern nation states of Britain, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and India continues to inform new avenues of cultural expression. It explores a series of archival catalogs titled The Collections of the Textile Manufactures of India to obtain unique insights into the textile material culture of the Indian subcontinent. The story of Pakistani art is one of multiple shifts. It internalizes the wider discourse of colonialism, nationalism, and international modernism; it relates to visual traditions in the light of postmodernism and seeks to endorse its position in the contemporary arena of visual art making. The chapter also presents case studies of two of Pakistan's leading design brands Khaadi and Blocked.
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Religious tradition has long dictated the exclusion of women from Sanjōgatake, a sacred peak in the Ōminesan 大峰山 range, southern Nara 奈良Prefecture. Today, Ōminesan is a place where activities ranging from tourism to religious austerities all recognize, implicitly or explicitly, a “1300-year-old tradition” of female exclusion (nyonin kekkai 女人結界, nyonin kinsei 女人禁制) from the mountain. At the heart of this study is a constructed tradition—a narrative body of beliefs and practices that often belie or confuse historical and practical substantiation—and the people whose lives interact with that tradition in modern times. The dissertation features what may be understood as the “afterlives” of ancient histories and legends in the modern life of the mountain’s religious practitioners, residents, and patrons. It examines a diverse range of factors as windows to understanding how the tradition of female exclusion is deployed, challenged, and circumvented. These factors include law and female exclusion (the Meiji iii government’s legal abolishment of female exclusion in 1872), the process of conferring National Park (1936) and UNESCO World Heritage (2004) status on the peak and its effects, local religious and community management of the peak, individual and collective attempts to contest the ban, precepts and present-day religious practice, and economic and cultural benefits to the region. The first half of the study scrutinizes different aspects of female exclusion at Sanjōgatake through investigations into boundary lines, state ideologies and goals, cultural imagination (and thus, “imaginings”), and the institutional and administrative configurations that distinguish it specifically as a sacred site off-limits to women. Shifting focus outside the widely accepted dichotomy of male inclusion and female exclusion, the second half of the study considers challenges to the ban by both men and women and explores alternative religious practices, lifestyles, and economies—new realities engendered by exclusion. Previous studies that mention female exclusion highlight its underlying symbolics and traditional literary accounts within an imaginary and yet selfreplicating culture of barring women from certain “traditional” practices and sites. This study grounds such exclusion and its afterlives in a specific place, at specific times, and as affected by specific actors. By evaluating strategies surrounding exclusion and inclusion, highlighting how historical tensions play out, and emphasizing context and agency, I am able to elucidate local epistemologies that produce and maintain a socio-religious environment defined by gender. In doing so, I hope to offer a unique contribution to the study of Japanese religions and a new methodology for understanding the complex relationships between gender and sacred space in Japan.
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Feminist Perspectives on Teaching Masculinities looks at teaching non-hegemonic forms of masculinities and highlights their diversity. The collection foregrounds and discusses concepts which are described and gathered as positive, caring, and inclusive masculinities, thus offering a timely and much-needed counterpoint to discussions of so-called toxic masculinity. The volume presents a wide range of theoretical reflections, case studies, and teaching resources for lecturers in higher education and practitioners in the fields of gender studies, pedagogy, and education. Its heterogeneity is based on an interdisciplinary approach, methodological variety, cross-cultural spectrum, and empirical richness, reflected in various contributions from Europe, Africa, US, and Asia. The international scope of the book and its transnational perspective is valuable in broadening perspectives on teaching masculinities. The presentation and discussion of national and local programs and campaigns promoting teaching practices on masculinities and gender provide further valuable insights into learning beyond stereotypes and realizing new concepts of masculinities. By presenting alternative performances of masculinities and fostering masculinities studies which are oriented towards gender equality and/or going beyond gender norms, Feminist Perspectives on Teaching Masculinities offers a strong response to the backlashes against feminism and gender studies from rising nationalism coupled with hegemonic masculinities. © 2019 selection and editorial matter, Sveva Magaraggia, Gerlinde Mauerer and Marianne Schmidbaur. All rights reserved.
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In 1991, the Inuvialuit community celebrated a successful bowhead whale hunt, the first to occur locally for more than a half century. This book focuses on two aspects of the whale hunt: it describes events prior to, during, and after the hunt, and documents the basis of Inuvialuit interest in the bowhead, the relationship between subsistence and cultural identity, and the re-emergence of Inuvialuit traditions. In Recovering Rights, 'rights' relates to the population recovery of the Western Arctic Stock of the Greenland right whales (bowheads), and to the recognition of the rights of aboriginal people to harvest local resources essential to their needs.
The Assumption of Tradition: Creating, Collecting, and Conserving Cultural Artifacts in the Cameroon Grassfields (West Africa) . Ph.D. dissertation in anthropology
  • Alice E Homer
Homer, Alice E. 1990 The Assumption of Tradition: Creating, Col-lecting, and Conserving Cultural Artifacts in the Camer-oon Grassfields (West Africa). Ph.D. dissertation in anthropology, University of California, Berkeley.
Ethnic Arts of the Fourth World: the View from Canada. In Imagery and Creativity: Ethnoaesthetics and Art Worlds in the Americas
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Graburn, Nelson H. H. 1993 Ethnic Arts of the Fourth World: the View from Canada. In Imagery and Creativity: Ethnoaesthetics and Art Worlds in the Americas. Dorothea S. Whitten and Nor-man E. Whitten, eds. Pp. 171-204. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Per 1992 Greenlandic is not an Ideology, it is a Language In Language and Educational Policy in the North
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Langgaard, Per 1992 Greenlandic is not an Ideology, it is a Language. In Language and Educational Policy in the North. Nelson H.H. Graburn and Roy Iutzi-Mitchell, eds. Pp. 177-178.
The Invention of Tradition
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Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Hobsbawm, Eric and T. Ranger, eds. 1983 The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge: Cam-bridge University Press.
Occasional Papers of the Canadian Studies Program. Handler, Richard 1988 Nationalism and the Politics of Culture in Quebec
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Berkeley: Occasional Papers of the Canadian Studies Program. Handler, Richard 1988 Nationalism and the Politics of Culture in Quebec. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Appropriating the Primitive: Turn of the Century Collection and Display of Native Alaskan Art
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Lee, Molly 1991 Appropriating the Primitive: Turn of the Century Collection and Display of Native Alaskan Art. Arctic Anthropology 28(1):6-15.
Claude 1966 [orig. 1962] The Savage Mind
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Levi-Strauss, Claude 1966 [orig. 1962] The Savage Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1984