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The “End of History” 20 Years Later
Abstract
Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the triumphant celebrations of the West, a new chapter of history has opened featuring the rising powers of Asia, led by China. Though embracing free markets, China has looked to its Confucian traditions instead of liberal democracy as the best route to good governance.
Will China manage to achieve high growth and a harmonious society through a strong state and long-range planning that puts messy Western democracy and its short-term mindset to shame? Or, in the end, will the weak rule of law and absence of political accountability in a one-party state undermine its promise?
Francis Fukuyama and Kishore Mahbubani, the Singaporean thinker who has become the apostle of non-Western modernity, debate these issues.
In this section we also republish a collective memoir by George H.W. Bush, Mikhail Gorbachev, Margaret Thatcher and François Mitterrand, recalling their fears and hopes two decades ago as they brought the Cold War to an end.
... In fact, Kuhn's "normal science", complemented by the condition to be permanent and "endless", "eternal", i.e., without those discontinuous periods of "paradigm change" metaphorically called 4 Many papers discuss Kuhn's conception relevantly to the present context (e.g., Kvasz 2014;Sismondo 2012;Wray 2012;Kindi 2005;Larvor 2003;Reisch, 2003;Chen, Andersen, Barker 1998;Corry 1993: Hoyningen-Huene 1993Keith, Zagacki 1992;Gernand, Reedy 1986;Moore 1980;Stanfield 1974;Shapere 1964); many others consider the conception of "scientific revolution" more or less creatively (by the by, including the present essay), but obviously inspired by his idea (as to the context here, e.g., Parrinder 2015;Kornmesser 2014;Roth 2013;Bland 2012;Kondratiuk, Siudem, Hołyst 2012;Wray 2012a;Barker 2011;Dorato 2008;2008a;Perla, Carifio;Barnet 2000;Dyson 1999;Kvasz 1999;Andersen 1998;La Cerra Kurzban 1995;Mayr 1994;Schipper 1988;Yalow 1986;Elguea 1985;Sterman 1985;Wieland 1985;Audretsch 1981;Brouwer 1980;Moravcsik, Murugesan 1979;Brown 1976;Klein 1975;Harder 1974;Kohen 1973;Musson, Robinson 1969;Sypher 1965). 5 The papers discussing the proper philosophical idea of Fukuyama (1989;2006a are sufficient (e.g., Ward 2021;Gøttcke 2019;Hughes 2012;Firchow 2002;Herwitz 2000;Aughey 1998;Pieterse 1992;Knutsen 1991;Prior 1991) are sufficient, but all of them do not refer to Kuhn's conception of scientific revolutions. However, the citied paper of Firchow (2002) relates it to Huxley's dystopia just as the present paper does, but here furthermore to Kuhn's "normal science" extrapolated to be "eternal"; and that of Ward (2021), to education. ...
This is a partly provocative essay edited as a humanitarian study in philosophy of science and social philosophy. The starting point is Isaac Asimov's famous sci-fi novella "Profession" (1957) to be "back" extrapolated to today's relation between Thomas Kuhn's "normal science" and "scientific revolutions" (1962). The latter should be accomplished by Asimov's main personage George Platen's ilk (called "feeble minded" in the novella) versus the "burned minded" professionals able only to "normal science". Francis Fukuyama's "end of history" in post-Hegelian manner is now interpreted to an analogically supposed "end of scientific history" without "scientific revolutions" any more. The relevant dystopia of the prolonged or even "eternal" period of normal science is justified to the contemporary institution of science due to mechanisms such as "peer-review", "impact-factor rating", the projects' competition for funding, etc. Positive feedbacks forcing all scientists needing careers to be more and more orthodox are demonstrated therefore establishing for that dystopia to be the real state of contemporary science. Two counterfactual case studies based correspondingly on Feyerabend's "Against method" (1975) if Galilei should make his discoveries today and Sokal's hoax (1996) if he suggested a scientific masterpiece to be really rejected by journals are discussed. Still one case study considering the abundance of Kelvin's "clouds" on the horizon of today's physics (dark matter, dark energy, entanglement, quantum gravitation, phenomena refuting the Big Bang, etc.) serves to verify the aforementioned conjecture that science has already entered that dystopia of eternal normal science. The conception of "ontomathematics" implying "creation ex nihilo" being scandalous for the dominating paradigm is sketched as an eventual revolutionary way out. An imaginary and utopic "happy end" reinterpreting the analogical "happy end" of Asimov's "Profession" finishes the essay "instead of conclusion" relying on the Internet and AI in an increasingly "fluid" and anti-hierarchical society.
... For a discussion of how Fukuyama himself was misread, seeFukuyama (2010). 16 Ariana Hernández-Reguant coined the term "late Socialism" to describe the period in Revolutionary Cuba after the fall of the Berlin Wall when the government adopts capitalist measures to ensure the survival of the socialist Revolution. ...
... This narrative is a kind of continuation of the Cold War, which did not end, despite Fukuyama's thesis, but acquired the new form of a Global War (Chandler, 2009;Fukuyama, 2010). The cornerstone of this narrative is the use of the term 'hybrid war', which designates different kinds of asymmetrical military actions, with the use of weapons as well as communication and media. ...
The current situation in Ukraine, which to some extent influences the social and political climate in Europe, may be perceived entirely differently from the position of an insider compared with that of an outsider, as well as from the perspective of the researcher and an individual person. This article is going to present and analyse the three prevailing narratives about the conflict, which shape the continuum for the multiplicity of individual stories, basing on the concept of strategic narratives (Berenskoetter, 2014). How is a Ukrainian self-victimizing narrative formulated out of the situation and what kind of national biography does it presuppose? What arguments are used to develop a Russian strategic narrative and what mechanisms distribute this narrative in media? How is the conflict moulded in a geopolitical narration? Finally, how do Ukrainians with different backgrounds perceive these narratives and what attitudes towards the situation they may have? This article aims to summarize the main discourses presented in Ukrainian society, an understanding of which is needed for personal narrative construction, reconciliation and security building. The final part of the article will present the personal stories of internally displaced people, obtained through the series of in-depth interviews, and highlight the possible options for peacebuilding and reconciliation in Ukrainian society.
... We do not know why, whether the problem is temporary, or what to do about it. After the Cold War, serious thinkers spoke about "the end of history" -humanity had found the two best solutions for progress: liberal democracy and free-market capitalism (Fukuyama, 2010). Western liberal, progressive democracy would continue to spread around the world. ...
From Fukuyama’s assertion of the “end of history” in 1989 to his latter acknowledgment of the significance of the non-Western “Chinese model” in his 2009 interview in the “Central Review” (themed “Japan Confronts the Chinese Century”), a mere two decades have elapsed, witnessing a notable transformation in Fukuyama’s perspectives.
This edited volume on governance in East and Southeast Asian societies highlights the complexities and challenges associated with political and economic transitions in the regions. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 was expected to herald a global era of liberal capitalist democracy, but the reality has proven to be more intricate and diverse. The paths taken by former socialist and colonized states have been influenced by various factors, resulting in distinct outcomes and blurring the boundaries between democracy and non-democracy. This volume aims to enhance our understanding of these complex issues by bringing together scholars from Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Japan, and China. The chapters explore the dynamics of governance, transitional societies, structural adjustment, hybrid local accommodation, authoritarianism, developmentalism, and neoliberalism. Key themes include the interactions between global capitalism and local institutions, forms of resistance and compliance, the role of civil society organizations, and the challenges of neoliberal conditions encountered by societies. The volume provides empirical insights into the socio-economic and political transformations in East and Southeast Asian countries, shedding light on the diverse transition trajectories and the evolving roles of different actors in regional governance frameworks.
What kind of education is needed for democracy? How can education respond to the challenges that current democracies face? This unprecedented Handbook offers a comprehensive overview of the most important ideas, issues, and thinkers within democratic education. Its thirty chapters are written by leading experts in the field in an accessible format. Its breadth of purpose and depth of analysis will appeal to both researchers and practitioners in education and politics. The Handbook addresses not only the historical roots and philosophical foundations of democratic education, but also engages with contemporary political issues and key challenges to the project of democratic education.
Bu çalışmanın amacı, Soğuk Savaş sonrasında inşa edilen yenidünya düzeni içerisinde yapısal değişikliklerin yön değiştirmesiyle devletlerarasındaki ittifak ilişkilerinin yeniden şekillendiğini ortaya koymak ve değer çıkar ikilemi içerisinde çıkar odaklı dış politikanın artan önemini vurgulamaktır. Devletlerin gücü ulusal çıkar kapsamında değerlendirmesi, sert gücün yumuşak güç karşısında yeniden ivme kazanması ve güç dağılımında meydana gelen değişim ve sistemin aksaklıkları bu çalışma kapsamında ortaya konacaktır. Uluslararası sistemin değişen dinamikleri, devlet merkezli güvenlik algısının yeniden artan önemi, yayılmacı politikaların sistem içerisinde artan etkisi ABD-Çin rekabeti temelinde incelenecektir. Devletlerin güç mücadelesi yarışı içerisinde olduğu bu yenidünya düzeni içerisinde yaşanan çok yönlü değişimler analiz edilecek, ABD ve Çin’in güç odaklı politikaların küresel dengeler üzerinde yarattığı etki incelenecektir. Bu çalışmada, tarihsel karşılaştırmalı araştırma yöntemleri kullanılarak nitel bir araştırma yapılacaktır.
New actors and new threats emerged with the end of the bipolar system and the power change in the structure of the international system in the post-Cold War period. While there was a transition from a unipolar structure to a multipolar structure in the system, neoliberal ideology played a decisive role in economy, and the system in the field of security was rebuilt in the normative framework determined by the Western alliance organizations. The 2008 global economic crisis, which is called the Great Recession, revealed the change in the power distribution among the actors as well as the disruptions of the system. In this context, China emerged as a new rival power against the USA, and it started to be questioned whether this rise could cause a change in the international system. China uses different methods from the USA as it positions itself as a rival power to the USA and becomes an important actor in the system. While China increases its effectiveness within the framework of regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and ASEAN (The Association of Southeast Asian Nations), it finances many countries with projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative and expands its regional cooperation network with bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements. The aim of this article is to address the change in the international system within the framework of the US-China competition. In this regard, the political, military, economic, and cultural factors that limit China’s success will be discussed within the framework of the neorealist theory. This is a qualitative study involving methodological pluralism and historical comparative research methods.
Democracy is a contested concept and needs to be understood contextually if one is to understand the democratization process and avoid misinterpretation and malpractices. One of the arguments of why democracy is stagnant or even in retreat is the decay of state institutions. This paper discusses the conception of democracy by examining its root causes and ways to deepen democracy. A number of scholarly literatures related to democracy, democratization and decentralization are reviewed and discussed in order to assess the argument that political decentralization is crucial to deepening democracy.
The article reviews the international justice topic, relying on Aleksandar Jokić’s perception of the contemporary international law theory in the book titled International Justice After the Cold War: Essays with Applications. He claims that during the last three decades, a profound change of the international law practice took place, one that his reflection on international law and relations cannot satisfactorily account for. Firstly, this article explains his standpoint in contemporary applied (military) ethics, international activism, genocidalism and just war theories with the aim to illuminate the positioning of the social philosopher within the modified international law theories caused by the rise of the US political power and influence. This analysis will follow the line of argumentation in a way that it is presented in his work. Later, I will analyse and describe Jokić’s arguments through the comparative examination with the prominent authors from the field of
political theory. Finally, I will argue that in the contemporary neoliberal world, armed with an additional sophisticated economic and political device, the position of international law and relations suffered the fundamental transformation.
It is likely a continuation of significant public opposition to the basic principles on which the Wealth Creation Approach is based could indirectly result of millions of people remaining in extreme poverty, people who for the most part could lift themselves out of their present conditions if more economic opportunities were available. To reframe the discussion to reduce opposition to the principles of increased freedom and the creation of additional opportunities, it is suggested: (1) people in poverty be considered as individual agents (2) the private sector should be acknowledged as the creator of opportunities (3) discussions should focus on evaluations of the empirical evidence (4) including everyone into global economic activities; and (5) promotion of the idea economic inclusion.
This study analyses the effect of stigmatisation – the process of marking certain actors, behaviours or attributes as deviant in order to reinforce the norms of a social order – on Russian-Western relations from 1991 to 2016 and the broader normative fabric of post-Cold War international society. Building on the stigma literature in Sociology and recent applications of stigma theory in International Relations, stigmatisation is conceptualised as a relational process central to how international politics works, most notably in terms of what it means to be a ‘normal’ state. The study makes two overall contributions. First, to the literature on Russian-Western relations, it provides a critical-theoretical, relational account of the co-constitutive relationship between the two that goes beyond the blame game of much recent work. Second, to the literature on international society and international norms, it provides an account of the contestation that takes place over norms to shape expectations of ‘normality’ in international society. In the process, it also offers to the IR stigma literature a sociological conceptualisation of stigmatisation that challenges structural, psychological conceptualisations. The study adopts a fourfold definition of the components of stigmatisation (stereotyping, labelling, separation and status loss), and a fourfold definition of stigma management strategies (stigma recognition, stigma evasion, stigma rejection, counter-stigmatisation). It uses these foundations to analyse Russian-Western relations in respect of four norms of state behaviour deemed central to contemporary international society: (liberal) democracy, human rights, non-aggression, (liberal) capitalism. It gauges how stigmatisation and stigma management work in relation to each norm, and what that says about the norm’s importance in contemporary international relations. In conclusion, the study considers the extent to which stigmatisation in Russian-Western relations has made international society ‘hang together’, that is whether Western stigmatisation of Russian behaviour and Russian stigma management has served to strengthen or weaken international society’s norms.
Wenn – wie mit dem von Francis Fukuyama lancierten End of History sowie der Postdemocracy von Colin Crouch – die Rede auf zwei der einflussreichsten Konzepte der letzten Jahrzehnte kommt, ist man gut beraten, mit dem fehlenden Dritten zu beginnen. Samuel Huntington sah in den 1990ern Jahren in Der Kampf der Kulturen das Ende einer alten und die Geburt einer neuen Ära: Die Moderne wird sich in Zukunft nicht länger im Rhythmus von politischen und ökonomischen Krisen entwickeln.
This paper discusses the influence social networks have upon job search successes, with implications for technologically facilitated networking in leveraged social network searches for employment by job seekers.
The ideas of progress and universal history represent a search for meaning in history that almost necessitates an end to history. The universal historian is one who looks backward from present to past to find meaning and purpose in the passage of history. If all of humankind is progressing along the path of human history, there must be a particular end point toward which we are traveling. In seeking meaning in history, and actively trying to make it happen, there is a danger that the ends can come to justify the means, however unsavory they might be.
Can we really doubt that Islam is opposed to homosexuality? Even if we cannot pin down why we think this, I am pretty certain that most of us do think this. The ‘we’ here is perhaps uncertain, but I have in mind most Muslims, most LGBTIQ1 people, Western and Eastern publics and politicians. I discussed my complicity with aspects of such beliefs in the previous chapter but I also reflected upon how personal experiences derive from the difficulties of negotiating a social world where racism, Islamophobia, and homophobia intersect. Thus, as with the individual struggle to be a queer Muslim, so too do general populations use wider culture to make sense of their identities and beliefs. The plural ‘we’ therefore derives understandings from the ‘why’, and so in this chapter, I unpack the ways in which contemporary political discourses ultimately frame the opposition of homosexuality and Muslim cultures.
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