Article

A New Measure of Anti‐Arab Prejudice: Reliability and Validity Evidence

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Abstract

Two studies were conducted to provide reliability and validity support for a new anti-Arab prejudice scale. The scale was designed to fit to the European context and showed very satisfactory reliability. Moreover, both studies provided convergent validity support. Anti-Arab prejudice was correlated with authoritarianism, anti-Semitism, and conservatism. The correlation between the new scale and an adapted version of McConahay's (1986) Modern Racism scale was very strong. Furthermore, the second study provided predictive validity support. Scores in the new scale explained 20% of the variance in an ulterior actual behavior (to return a signed form supporting an association aimed to defend European values and culture against Islamization).

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... In addition, the number of assaults against Muslim Americans reached, in 2017, its highest level since 9/11 (Pew Research Center, 2017). Indeed, the post-9/11 era has been characterized by a large wave of anti-Islam sentiment (Echebarria-Echabe, 2007;Oswald, 2005). ...
... Over time, this wave of anti-Islam sentiment has left the Muslim community prone to negative intergroup attitudes with other groups (Echebarria-Echabe, 2007). The reality is that Islamophobia is alive and well in the US (Gallup, n.d.), which supports the research decision to use Muslim Americans as the out-group to test web-delivered imagined contact. ...
Thesis
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Previous research has shown that direct and indirect intergroup contact significantly reduces intergroup anxiety towards a variety of outgroups. As a matter of fact, a meta-analysis found imagined contact to significantly reduce intergroup anxiety for a vast array of out-groups, from racialised communities, disabled individuals, and homosexuals to name but a few. One limitation of these imagined contact studies is that they are typically conducted in a laboratory. The present research aimed to go beyond the laboratory in order to surpass the availability problem with current direct and indirect contact programs. To achieve this, the current research tested the effectiveness of web-delivered imagined contact in reducing intergroup anxiety towards Muslim Americans. The results show that web-delivered imagined contact does not significantly reduce Americans' intergroup anxiety towards their Muslim counterparts. The inclusion of a suspicion measure and several manipulation checks in the study design made place for a more robust methodology. The research highlights several methodological shortcomings as possible limitations of this study and proposes various recommendations for future research.
... In Experiment 3, we chose the group of North-African origin (vs. Frenchorigin) persons, as the former represents a minority that is a prime target of prejudice in Europe in general, and in France in particular (e.g., Dambrun & Guimond, 2004;Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007). Specifically, we used North-African-origin versus French-origin first names to measure approach and avoidance tendencies among French-origin participants. ...
... Experiment 3 aimed at extending the test of this online version of the VAAST to a different category of stimuli and participants sample. Because North-Africans in France represent a minority that is a prime target of prejudice (Dambrun & Guimond, 2004;Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007), we tested the online-VAAST with North-African vs. French origin first names as stimuli on French culture participants. We know from other experiments that the lab version of the VAAST can produce compatibility effects with these first names categories . ...
... In Spain, Echebarria-Echabe and Fernández-Guede (2006) found that an attack committed by Arabs also increased the prejudices towards the out-group that was not involved in the attack -Jews. These authors (Echebarria-Echabe & Fernández-Guede, 2007) further found that prejudice towards both groups showed a high correlation. Igartua (2013), in turn, found that mention of the nationality of the criminals had an indirect effect on activating stereotypes when the news item aroused little interest; specifically, it increased the negative attitudes and emotions. ...
... We decided against using the scales available to evaluate prejudice (e.g., Meertens & Pettigrew, 1997) because they were developed assuming that the evaluator had some contact with the group they had to evaluate. Considering the scales on prejudiced attitudes towards Arabs and Jews used by Echebarria-Echabe and Fernández-Guede (2007) and the results of a pilot studied conducted previously (Lobato et al., 2013), 33 statements were developed with the goal of evaluating prejudice towards Palestinians and Israelis (e.g., 'Israelis [Palestinians] are less socially conscious and humanitarian than Westerners', 'Palestinians [Israelis] are all the same; they resent the West'). The response options are evaluated on a Likert scale in which 1 means 'completely disagree' and 5 means 'completely agree'. ...
Article
Based on the effects of framing on audience opinion, the attitudes towards Palestinians and Israelis are evaluated when a news item reports on a violent event between the two sides. To do so, a short inter-group experiment was conducted. A 3 (manipulation of the news item) x 2 (group evaluated) design was applied. Three news formats were presented: (1) about a Palestinian attack on Israel; (2) about an Israeli attack on Palestine; (3) no news item. Half of the participants evaluated the Israelis while the other half evaluated the Palestinians. The results of the study, which was performed with a Spanish sample (N = 319), showed that there were no differences in the evaluation of the group according to the group evaluated, although there were differences according to the manipulation of the news item: in both conditions in which one group attacked another, the group evaluated was rated more negatively than the control group. The results also showed that both emotions and stereotypes mediated the effects of framing on prejudice. These results suggest that the participants’ attitude seems to depend more on the violent framing of the news items than on the role assigned to each group and that emotional processes and stereotypes are what regulate these attitudes.
... Islamophobia is often confused with Anti-Arabism that is consistent with hostility and discrimination toward Arabs notably in European and North American countries. The confusion is from the fact that the majority of Arabs in Arab countries are Muslims [36]. ...
... Moreover, some Islamophobia trends exhibit bipolar worldview stating that modernity is pure product of the secular West, while archaic and fanaticism comes from Islam [36] [38]. ...
Article
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The purpose of the present paper is to study the possible application of marketing to promote religion in the specific case of “Islam”. In fact, marketing techniques have been adapted to religious goals since the beginning of the 19th century. But with the rise of the secularization movements in the post-modern era, its application becomes vital to guaranty the survival of religions notably in the Christian case. Islam is facing the same difficulties, such as the decrease of mosque attendance, the decrease of religious commitment, xenophobia and Islamophobia. Our approach was to study marketing application such as defining the 4P’s for the religion of Islam. This would be done based on marketing science and the Islam’s sources: The Holly Quran and Prophet Mohamed (PBUH) Hadiths. In the case of Islamic religion’s sources, and specially in Holly Quran and Prophet Mohamed (PBUH) Hadiths we found many similarities with marketing strategy notably in the choice of promotional variables and the insistence on the importance of religious promotion or Islamic Daawah. So we suggest that the use of marketing techniques is possible and would have two major purposes: Developing Islamic religiousness and repositioning Islam’s image as an opened, tolerant and modern religion.
... Las diferentes intifadas y los ataques intermitentes que caracterizan el conflicto entre palestinos e israelíes han hecho que el conflicto sea considerado como intratable (Bar-Tal, 1998y 2007Gayer, Landman, Halperin y Bar-Tal, 2009). Dentro de este conflicto se producen ataques entre palestinos e israelíes, los cuales parecen seguir un patrón marcado por la reciprocidad (Haushofer, Biletzki, y Kanwisher 2010). ...
... En España se dispone de alguna información acerca de la percepción que los españoles tienen de musulmanes y judíos y las consecuencias que ello depara (Baer 2007;Hernández 2011;Echebarria-Echabe y Guede 2007). Sin embargo, estudios que muestren, específicamente, la percepción que los españoles tienen de palestinos e israelíes no hay muchos, y menos que, además, hayan intentado comprobar el efecto indirecto de un evento mayor ocurrido en territorios palestinos e israelíes sobre esas percepciones. ...
... The IS was developed because no instrument prior to its creation exclusively measured Islamophobia, which is defined as the fear of Muslims and the Islamic faith . A number of scales in the literature measure general attitudes toward Muslims, such as the Attitudes Toward Muslims scale (Altareb, 1998), the Anti-Arab Racism Scale (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994), the New Measure of Anti-Arab Prejudice (Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007), the Anti-Muslim Prejudice Scale (Ernst, Bornstein, & Venable, 2003, as cited in Park, Felix, & Lee, 2007, and the Scale for Islamoprejudice and Secular Critique of Islam (Imhoff & Recker, 2012). Other instruments assess attitudes toward Muslims at an implicit level, such as the Christian-Muslim Implicit Association Test (Rowatt, Franklin, & Cotton, 2005) and the Implicit Attitudes toward Arab-Muslims Test (Park et al., 2007). ...
... A core construct in social psychology that is conceptually related to Islamophobia is modern racism (MR). The IS was expected to be correlated with MR, which is a subtle form of racism (McConahay, 1986), because modern racists are characterized by their prejudice toward a wide range of minority groups, such as Arabs (Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007), African Americans, and Jews (Dunbar, 2003). Modern racists are also unique in their tendency to believe in outgroup stereotypes (Van Ommeren & Ishu Ishiyama, 1998 A core construct in the psychology of religion that is conceptually related to Islamophobia is religious fundamentalism (RF), which refers to the belief that one's own religion contains the only truth about humanity and deity (B. ...
Article
The Islamophobia Scale (IS) is a self-report measure of an individual’s fear-related attitudes toward Muslims and the religion of Islam (S. A. Lee, J. A. Gibbons, J. M. Thompson, & H. S. Timani, 2009, The Islamophobia Scale: Instrument development and initial validation, International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, Vol. 19, pp. 92–105). In order to further validate the psychometric properties of the IS, the current study conducted a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and a test–retest reliability analysis (Study 1), a multitrait–multimethod (MTMM) study (Study 2), and an incremental validation study (Study 3). In addition, construct validity was examined across all of the studies using correlations with other instruments. The results demonstrated that the IS is reliable across time, is more factorially sound as a two-factor model, and is correlated with expected instruments. The MTMM demonstrated convergent and discriminant validity, rivaling forgiveness and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) measures for the cognitive component, but not for the affective–behavioral component. However, the affective–behavioral component explained variance over and above RWA and Arab prejudice measures for sympathetic reactions to a suffering Muslim. Implications, limitations, and opportunities for future research are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)
... Additionally, Arab immigrants are often the subject of harmful discrimination that can lead to generational trauma, poor health outcomes, and a suboptimal quality of life [10,11,12,13]. These challenges may pose inequitable public health outcomes and unique barriers to understanding the health needs of Arab Americans in the USA. ...
Article
Background: Arab Americans' experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic have been largely undocumented. Disparities in vaccine hesitancy between non-Hispanic Whites and minoritized groups have been observed, warranting exploration into the prevalence of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among Arab Americans. Methods: Data from the Survey of Arab Health in America (SAHA) (n = 638), collected between May 2020 and September 2020, were analyzed to determine predictors for vaccine intention among Arab Americans. Chi-squared tests and logistic regression models were performed to determine the relationship between sociodemographic, immigration, acculturation, and COVID-19 risk variables and vaccine intention. Results: More than half (56.7%) of respondents reported an intention to be vaccinated with a COVID-19 vaccine, 35.7% reported uncertainty, and 7.5% reported being unlikely to receive a vaccine. Of those unlikely to receive the vaccine, 72.9% were women and 85.4% reported moderate to high religiosity (p < 0.01). Arab American women had higher odds of being uncertain of their vaccine intention (OR = 1.68; 95% CI: 1.10, 2.57) or being unlikely to receive the vaccine (OR = 5.00; 95% CI: 1.95, 12.83) than men in this sample. Discussion: Factors such as high religiosity and gender were positively associated with being unlikely to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. Future studies should qualitatively assess the beliefs that undergird vaccine intention among Arab Americans.
... Research in social psychology has followed this lead by defining Islamophobia as an affective dimension of personality. Much of the research has been devoted to the development of standardized scales to capture this affective dimension, leading to a number of competing instruments to measure the same concept (Bleich 2011(Bleich , 2012Echebarria-Echabe and Guede 2007;Imhoff and Recker 2012). This prejudice framing puts the focus on individuals, and thus finds the root of such anti-Muslim feeling in irrational, fearbased feelings rather than in broader cultural narratives or ideologies. ...
Article
This paper examines anti-Muslim sentiment in America. Existing research has documented rising hostility to Muslims in Western countries, but has been much less clear about what drives such sentiments or exactly what sort of “other” Muslims are understood to be. Our interest is in the cultural construction of Muslims as a problematic or incompatible “other.” We explore the extent, content, and correlates of such views. Building from recent work in critical race theory and the study of cultural boundaries in national belonging, we argue that Muslims are distinct in being culturally excluded on religious, racial, and civic grounds at the same time. Using nationally representative survey data with specially designed measures on views of Muslims and other groups, we show that nearly half of Americans embrace some form of anti-Muslim sentiment, and that such views are systematically correlated with social location and with understandings of the nature of American belonging.
... Dans un premier temps, cet outil a l'avantage de ne s'intéresser qu'à une seule catégorie sociale, ce qui évite la confusion entre appartenance ethnique et appartenance religieuse par exemple (Soubiale & Roussiau, 1998). En effet, certains outils utilisent de manière non différenciée des items évaluant aussi bien les attitudes envers les personnes musulmanes qu'envers les personnes d'origine maghrébine (Echebarria-Echabe & Fernandez-Guede, 2007 ;Park, Felix & Lee, 2007). Mais, même si ces deux formes de rejet peuvent s'articuler, il est important de noter qu'elles ne se confondent pas et qu'il existe une sorte de pénalité religieuse dirigée vers l'Islam et les musulmans (CNCDH, 2016). ...
Article
This search considers the increase of hostility towards Muslims and their religion and the need for reliable and valid measures to assess this social fact. Concretely, the aim of this research is to validate a French translation of the Islamophobia scale proposed by Lee et al. (2009, 2013) and it performs on three samples, composed of 103, 122 and 192 subjects. Exploratory and confirmatory analyses have confirmed the scale two-dimensional structures. Moreover, a satisfactory reliability and an acceptable temporal stability have been shown. Finally, predictive, convergent and discriminate validity attest to the construct validity of this tool. The discussion focuses on the implications of such scale to better comprehend explicit religious discrimination, more particular in discriminations social settings.
... However, people with low prejudice level do not show any differences in evaluating Caucasian and African American models. In psychology, prejudice 2 is considered close to the concepts of stigmatization, discrimination and racism (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000;Echebarria-Echabe & Fernandez Guede, 2007). Prejudice is developed around certain groups whose culture is not valued by the majority (Laperrière et al., 1992). ...
... omega = .77, 95% CI [.48, .86]). 1 In order to assess anti-Muslim prejudice, participants completed a subset of items from the new anti-Arab scale that focused on prejudice toward Muslims (Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007). This scale is a 36-item Likert scale that measures explicit prejudice toward Arab and Muslims. ...
Article
Following 9/11 and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, anti‐Muslim antipathy dramatically escalated in the United States. We argue that a major contributor to this hostility is endorsement of Right‐Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) because people high in RWA tend to respond aggressively toward groups that they view as threatening particularly when they perceive that such aggression is supported by authority figures. We posit that Americans high in RWA view Muslims as threatening traditional American norms and perceive that the U.S. government is at war with Islam. Across three studies, we present consistent support for our hypothesis that RWA is associated with endorsing and engaging in hostile behavior toward Muslims. In addition, this hostility is mediated by the perception that Muslims threaten societal norms and that the government is actively at war with Islam (Study 3). The implications for the reduction of aggression toward Muslims and the impact of RWA on hostility toward other outgroups are discussed.
... Apart from the social representations approach, anti-Arab views have been studied utilising other paradigms, including cultural prejudice perspectives (Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007) and even experimental sociofunctional approaches to prejudice looking at anger-related emotions that seem to be evoked visà-vis Arabs (Dasgupta, DeSteno, Williams & Hunsinger, 2009). Local research on this topic is relatively new and has focused on the acculturation strategies empoyed by diverse minorities when residing in Malta. ...
Article
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Concerns about immigration are salient in the European Union and in Malta in particular. Previous research has demonstrated deep antipathy towards the Arab community in Malta, and social representations of Arabs are mired in a conflation of ethnic and religious categories with negative connotations. This paper presents evidence of the potency, within the public sphere, of negative arguments from cultural essentialism, concerning the integration of Arabs in Europe. The data were obtained abductively from a data corpus containing positive, mixed and negative arguments about Arabs and their integration. Results pointed towards the almost total exclusivity of arguments from cultural essentialism. These posited Arabic culture as an underlying essence that makes integration difficult or impossible. Different forms of culturally essentialist views varied in their emphasis of different aspects of cultural essentialism. Reductionist, determinist, delineatory and temporal aspects of cultural essentialism were all emphasised by respondents. The essentialist exceptions to negative arguments from cultural essentialism were rare and were posed tentatively by participants. Their paucity and manner of delivery substantiate the claim that it is strictly an Arabic cultural essence that is deemed to make integration impossible. Findings are discussed in light of the communicative functions that these dominant argumentative strategies fulfil.
... Second, as an additional measure of prejudice, we assessed people's desire for social distance from Muslims. Third, to improve our measure of prejudice, we included items from the Anti-Arab Prejudice Scale, which includes questions that refer to both Muslims and Arabs (Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007). Although these two groups are distinct, they are often treated in the U.S. as if they are the same group. ...
Article
Why are people prejudiced toward Muslims? In this research, we used a value violation framework to predict that when people believe Muslims value gender equality less than reference groups, it creates a value violation that leads to prejudice. In Study 1, people believed that Muslims value gender equality less than Christians, and the more people believed that Muslims do not value gender equality the more they reported prejudice toward Muslims. In Study 2, we manipulated perceptions of how much Muslims value gender equality by giving people evidence that Muslims either do or do not support women’s rights. Afterward, we measured people’s prejudice toward Muslims and desire for social distance. Telling people that Muslims value gender equality reduced both prejudice and the desire for social distance. These effects occurred by increasing people’s beliefs that they share values with Muslims, highlighting the importance of values as a source of prejudice.
... Perception towards immigrants has been strongly shaped by political ideologies [24]. During the post-1965 era, conservative ideology has been linked to the higher likelihood of perceiving immigrants as threat [25] and the tendency of blaming illegal immigration [26] and Muslims [27]. Our study further reveals that the di↵erence in risk perception across political leanings is associated with moral intuition, and may shed light on the recent Islamophobia phenomenon. ...
... Perception towards immigrants has been strongly shaped by political ideologies [24]. During the post-1965 era, conservative ideology has been linked to the higher likelihood of perceiving immigrants as threat [25] and the tendency of blaming illegal immigration [26] and Muslims [27]. Our study further reveals that the difference in risk perception across political leanings is associated with moral intuition, and may shed light on the recent Islamophobia phenomenon. ...
... Perception towards immigrants has been strongly shaped by political ideologies [24]. During the post-1965 era, conservative ideology has been linked to the higher likelihood of perceiving immigrants as threat [25] and the tendency of blaming illegal immigration [26] and Muslims [27]. Our study further reveals that the di↵erence in risk perception across political leanings is associated with moral intuition, and may shed light on the recent Islamophobia phenomenon. ...
Conference Paper
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This paper examines how the public perceived immigrant groups as potential risk, and how such risk perception changed after the attacks that took place in Paris on November 13, 2015. The study utilizes the Twitter conversations associated with different political leanings in the U.S., and mixed methods approach that integrated both quantitative and qualitative analyses. Risk perception profiles of Muslim, Islam, Latino, and immigrant were quantitatively constructed, based on how these groups/issues were morally judged as risk. Discourse analysis on how risk narratives constructed before and after the event was conducted. The study reveals that the groups/issues differed by how they were perceived as a risk or at risk across political leanings, and how the risk perception was related to in- and out-group biases. The study has important implication on how different communities conceptualize, perceive, and respond to danger, especially in the context of terrorism.
... This practice is informed by the idea that a defining characteristic of prejudice concerns its generalized nature. Indeed, studies have found strong associations between attitudes towards different ethnic, national, and cultural groups (Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007;Zick, Pettigrew & Wagner, 2008). Kam and Kinder (2012), for example, found that negative feelings towards one out-group easily spill-over to other out-groups resulting in a diffuse general (ethnic) prejudice. ...
Article
Survey research on ethnic prejudice often relies on statements focusing on generic labels such as ‘immigrants’, ‘strangers’, or ‘foreigners’. In this paper we argue that there are, however, good reasons to expect certain heterogeneity in the denotations respondents assign to these labels, and that the specific group respondents think of matters with respect to their response. We tested this assumption by using survey data from Flanders (the Dutch speaking part of Belgium, N = 1375) that includes an open-ended question asking respondents which groups they associate with the label ‘strangers’ (Dutch: ‘vreemdelingen’). Content analysis revealed that the ten different meanings people in Flanders give to this label can be organized into four main groups concerning the content of the criterion (nationality, culture, race, no answer/refusal) and two ways concerning how the criterion is used (strangers defined as ‘them’ versus ‘not us’). Regression analyses subsequently showed systematic differences in general ethnic prejudice depending on the meaning of strangers, with people in Flanders who associate strangers with Muslims or people from predominantly Muslim countries reporting the highest level of prejudice. Finally, our data suggests that that the group people in Flanders associate with the label stranger varies according to respondents' socio-demographic background. Not taking into account these different meanings of strangers might lead to an underestimation of the social differences in ethnic prejudice.
... These scenarios illustrate different emotional reactions towards members of social groups that are associated with negative prejudice in Western societies: The elderly (e.g., Kite, Stockdale, Whitley, & Johnson, 2005;Nelson, 2005), Arab immigrants (e.g., Echebarria-Echabe & Fernández Guede, 2007;Oswald, 2005), and homeless people (e.g., Leibowitz & Krueger, 2005;Phelan, Link, Moore, & Stueve, 1997). Clearly, the main characteristic of prejudice, that is, a spontaneous negative evaluation associated with social group membership, is present in all three cases. ...
Article
Four studies are presented that examined the automatic activation of valence toward different social groups using an evaluative priming paradigm. In the first two studies, pictures of Turks and Germans (Study 1) and old and young persons (Study 2) were used as primes; positive and negative adjectives conveying either other-relevant valence or possessor-relevant valence were used as targets in an evaluation task. Results revealed that automatically activated prejudices can be differentiated according to their type of relative negativity: Whereas picture primes of Turks conveyed relative negativity of the other-relevant type, picture primes of older persons conveyed relative negativity of the possessor-relevant type. Study 3, using picture primes of homeless persons (versus students) demonstrated that automatically activated prejudice toward homeless people convey both types of negativity. Finally, Study 4 provided support that these results were not due to the activation of stereotypes. These studies provide evidence that prejudice in terms of automatic evaluations of social stimuli can be more fine-grained beyond a mere uni-dimensional positive-negative differentiation.
... Even after 9/11, most of the German respondents supported the idea that Islam should be taught in state schools, and a majority of the British respondents continued to agree that government funds should be used for Muslim schools. Fernandez-Guede 2007). A few days later, on March 11, 2004, the Spanish capital, Madrid, saw one of the worst bombings in Europe's post-war history. ...
Article
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Social scientists have long been interested in the significance of unexpected, dramatic events for social change. However, when it comes to research on prejudice and hate crimes, the impact of sudden, dramatic events has been little considered. The purpose of this research review is to survey European data to elucidate the temporal links between unexpected events, Islamophobia, and Islamophobic hate crimes, and also to pinpoint some of the methodological problems faced by scholars studying the impact of unanticipated dramatic events on Islamophobia and Islamophobic hate crimes; the significance of unexpected events often leaves researchers without access to relevant baseline data. The studies of Islamophobia and Islamophobic hate crimes considered in the present article privilege a dynamic view of time: terrorist attacks instill a sense of uncertainty and risk and Islamophobia and hate crimes are to a large extent event-driven and reactive, and tend to flare up on the heels of dramatic events. The recent attention paid to the role of unexpected, dramatic events represents a new and very promising approach to the study of prejudice and hate crimes; with the earlier, essentially spatial research focus now complemented by a temporal focus, the chances increase of charting the underlying dynamics and causes of Islamophobia and Islamophobic hate crimes.
... Participants high in anti-Arab prejudice were significantly less likely to return the email to the Arab student. A second study asked participants if they were interested in supporting a measure to promote European values and a culture against Islamization (Echebarria-Echabe & Fernandez-Guede, 2007). If interested, participants mailed a signed form to the experimenters. ...
... There is an ongoing scholarly debate on whether Islamophobia is a new phenomenon or rather an expression of a general out-group antipathy. Some studies have found strong associations between attitudes towards different ethnic or cultural groups (Echebarria-Echabe and Guede 2007; Kalkan, Layman, and Uslaner 2009; Zick et al. 2008). If this were the case, it is not necessarily negative attitudes towards Muslims and Islam are the foundation for opposition towards Islamic education, but rather a general aversion towards other groups. ...
Article
Opposition against the accommodation of Islam in Western societies is often attributed to a prejudice against Muslims. This overlooks the possibility that opposition against Islam could also be caused by a more general aversion towards religion and a desire for a stricter separation between the state and religion in general. Based on the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) of 2012, the current study investigated the non-Muslim majority’s attitude towards religious education preferences in German public schools. By applying a multinomial logit model, we examined to what extent Islamophobic, xenophobic and religious attitudes predict whether people (i) support the provision of Islamic education, (ii) prefer only Christian education or (iii) opt for no religious education at all. Results show that Islamophobic and xenophobic attitudes are relevant indicators of objection against the provision of Islamic education in particular, while religiosity and religious style determine whether people support having religious education in general. Furthermore, the effect of Islamophobia and xenophobia depends on religious style. With these results the current study provides a better understanding of the mechanisms underlying resistance towards accommodating Islam in the public sphere.
... Nevertheless, the battle against racial prejudice within educational institutions represents a difficult challenge, given that, even though schools have been incorporating the principles of intercultural education for some years, the discourses we find in many other areas of society, such as certain media sources (Álvarez, 2009;Igartua, Muñiz, Otero, Cheng, & Gómez-Isla, 2008) or political groups (Cea, 2004;Echebarria-Echabe & Guede, 2007), are quite clearly opposed to these principles. ...
Article
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The reduction of racial prejudice is an important challenge of intercultural education. Thus, the aim of this study was to analyze racial prejudice, as well as the different profiles and the possible educational implications in secondary school students. A total of 327 third form students completed the scales of blatant and subtle prejudice and also a scale of emotions towards North Africans. The results showed significant levels of subtle prejudice and four profiles of racial prejudice, with a low number of students showing equalitarian tendencies. A multivariate analysis showed significant differences in prejudice depending on social distance as well as the academic level of the participants’ families. Finally, we discuss the results from the perspective of intercultural education and we suggest some lines of intervention in order to promote the integration of students from different cultures.
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Drawing from recent work on “otherness” and social boundaries in America, we investigate anti-Muslim and anti-Jewish opinion among white Americans. After outlining the logic of the comparison, we use nationally representative data to analyze these forms of othering. Although anti-Muslim opinion is more extensive, the two track together empirically and share a cultural logic as connected forms of ethno-religious boundary-making. Latent class analysis shows that anti-Semitism is nested within anti-Muslim attitudes, with political and religious identifications as consistent predictors of opinion. We conclude with a reflection on politicized boundary-making and the relationship between extreme and mainstream views of the “other.”
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Construct validation of the Pictorial Implicit Association Test (PIAT) was assessed using Confirmatory Factor Analytic (CFA) procedures to account for measurement error. The PIAT was compared with the traditional verbal IAT (VIAT) to examine construct validity and internal consistency. Attitudes towards Middle Eastern and European people and countries were examined using two PIATs, two VIATs and two explicit attitude questionnaires for 198 student participants. Results demonstrated convergent validity of the PIATs and VIATs, supporting the equivalency of these task formats. The PIAT appears a suitable alternative to the VIAT for use in applied behavioural research, especially with populations for whom the VIAT is inappropriate, such as young children and the illiterate. However, evidence of substantial error variance in both the PIAT and the more widely used VIAT was concerning, and suggests the need for latent modelling analytical approaches to address error variance in implicit attitudinal research.
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A sample of undergraduate college students (N = 610) enrolled in Introductory Sociology courses participated in a study exploring attitudes toward and social distance from persons who are Arab, Pakistani, and Muslim vis a vis other ethnic and religious groups. Data were collected between 2010 and 2016 using the Bogardus Social Distance scale and a 16-item Islamophobia scale. Respondents positioned Arabs, Pakistanis, and Muslims at the bottom of a closeness hierarchy. In multiple regression analyses where race, religion, political affiliation and preferred news source are regressed on Islamophobia scores we find that being Christian, being a Republican and watching Fox News, separately and together, significantly influence negative attitudes toward Muslims and persons from those regions, while knowing someone Muslim diminishes these views. The persistence of these sentiments is explored.
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There is a heightened interest concerning the understanding of prejudice toward Muslims in Europe, steadily increasing since 2001. This study aimed at investigating whether the phenomenon of Islamophobia could have two different manifestations (i.e., Islamoprejudice and Secular Critique of Islam). In particular, we assessed whether two social attitudes, Right‐Wing Authoritarianism (RWA, i.e., authoritarian aggression, and conservatism) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), could predict differently the two dimensions. Moreover, we wanted to investigate the different influence of the two dimensions in relation to the perceived threat from terrorism. A sample of 366 Italian adults participated in the study completing a self‐report questionnaire. Data were analyzed by means of a structural equation model. Results showed that RWA and SDO were differently related to Islamoprejudice and Secular Critique of Islam, suggesting that certain forms of critique of Islam should not be associated with individual prejudice, because motivated only by secular, democratic, and universalistic convictions, denoting the traces of cultural biases. However, the nonprejudicial and apparently less problematic dimension of Islamophobia, that is, Secular Critique, does not preserve people from perceiving the threat from terrorism, in the same way as Islamoprejudice. Implications are discussed.
Chapter
This chapter explores the place of Islam in US politics, from history to the current times. It analyzes the encounter of Americans with Muslims and the relation of Islam, Muslims, and America during and after the Cold War; how American foreign policy is conducted, with reference to Islam; and finally, it introduces the campaign of the securitization of Islam in US politics and Islamophobia, prior to going into discourse analysis of US presidents.
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While some research argues that religious pluralism in the United States dampens conflict by promoting tolerance, other work documents persistent prejudice toward religious out-groups. We address this ambiguity by identifying a distinct cultural style that structures Americans’ attitudes toward religious others: support for public religious expression (PRE). Using data from a recent nationally representative survey, we find a strong and consistent relationship between high support for PRE, negative attitudes toward religious out-groups, and generalized intolerance. Addressing the previously overlooked public aspects of religion and cultural membership in the United States has important implications for studies of civic inclusion.
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Research suggests that regulating negative emotional responses to threatening events can help reduce outgroup bias. The present research examined the effect of emotion regulation strategies on outgroup bias during relatively benign versus threatening time periods. Participants were assigned to regulate their emotions (reflection, rumination, or control) while reading a reminder of a past terrorist event and then reported their anger and bias toward Muslims. The bombings at the 2013 Boston Marathon occurred during data collection, which allowed us to examine the effect of emotion regulation on bias before versus after these events via a 3 (emotion regulation) x 2 (timing of bombings) between-subjects design. A two-way interaction between emotion regulation condition and timing emerged on bias and anger. Reflection (compared to rumination or control) reduced bias and anger toward Muslims but only after the bombings. The reduction in anger mediated the effect of reflection on bias only after the bombings. The results provide evidence that reflection is effective at reducing bias when people are experiencing an intense outgroup threat.
Chapter
Mit dem diesem Zitat aus Goethes Nachlass zum „West-Östlichen Divan“ verband der damalige Bundespräsident Christian Wulff in seiner Rede zum Tag der Deutschen Einheit am 3. Oktober 2010 die Feststellung, auch der Islam gehöre inzwischen zu Deutschland (Wulff 2010). Bekanntlich ist diese Feststellung nicht unwidersprochen geblieben. Zwar hatte Wolfgang Schäuble schon 2006, als er noch Bundesminister des Innern war, in einer Regierungserklärung zur Deutschen Islamkonferenz vor dem Deutschen Bundestag betont, der Islam sei Teil Deutschlands und Teil Europas (Schäuble 2006); so richtig Fahrt nahmen die Gegenreden zu Wulffs Feststellung erst im Jahre 2010 auf.
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Cultural Distance, Multiculturalism and Prejudice against Immigrants In this thesis, we have studied – on the one hand – the way how perceived cultural distance between the immigrants and the French majority group is linked to prejudice by examining French people’s point of view. Several factors can influence this link: the endorsement to multiculturalism compared to other integration models, the perception of this model as a threat to national identity or the presentation of multiculturalism in abstract terms (i.e. its objectives) or concrete (i.e. its implementation in a national context). The results have shown that among the French who endorse multiculturalism, the perception of cultural distance weakly correlates with prejudice whereas it correlates more among the French who endorse assimilation’s integration model. By focusing on French people who prefer multiculturalism, we showed that the perception of this model as a threat to national identity can also influence the impact of cultural distance on prejudice. Among the French who perceive multiculturalism as threatening, cultural distance involves more prejudice than among those who perceive it as less threatening. A source of threat to multiculturalism could reside in the way it is presented – its degree of abstraction – with more threat when we refer to concrete policy achievement in a country rather than the abstract ideal model. Indeed, in a comparative study between France and the Netherlands, we showed that the link between cultural distance and prejudice towards immigrants is higher when multiculturalism is defined in concrete terms than with its abstract definition. Key words: Cultural Distance, Multiculturalism, Integration Models, Prejudice, Immigration, Perceived Threat.
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Islamophobia was originally developed as a concept in the late 1990s by political activists to draw attention to rhetoric and actions directed at Islam and Muslims in Western liberal democracies. In recent years, Islamophobia has evolved from a primarily political concept toward one increasingly deployed for analytical purposes. Researchers have begun using the term to identify the history, presence, dimensions, intensity, causes, and consequences of anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim sentiments. In short, Islamophobia is an emerging comparative concept in the social sciences. Yet, there is no widely-accepted definition of the term. As a result, it is extremely difficult to compare levels of Islamophobia across time, location, or social group, or to levels of analogous categories like racism, anti-Semitism, or xenophobia.
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Using an experimental design that measures participants’ actual behavior, this study tests the inclusion of a perceived outgroup in an advertisement for a well-established brand to determine if political orientations interact with an advertisement’s content to predict consumption of that product. The results indicate that an advertisement’s activation of one’s political orientation can either change or reinforce brand loyalty. Specifically, more conservative individuals responded to the presence of Muslim and Arab individuals in a Coca-Cola advertisement by selecting Pepsi products despite their initial preference for Coca-Cola; whereas, more liberal individuals maintained their initial brand loyalty to Coca-Cola.
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Anti-Islamic attitudes are deeply rooted in Western Europe and Muslims have especially in the post-September 11 context experienced discrimination and demonization But how do anti Islamic attitudes affect practicing Muslims and their congregations? The aim of this study the first of its kind in Europe, is to present a statistically representative view of how Muslim con gregations in Sweden experienced the reactions from the surrounding community The results of the survey carried out show that according to the representatives of the local congregations (n=105) half of the congregations have experienced opposition from the local community and in 40 percent of the congregations criminal offences have been committed against active Muslims or their places of worship This opposition is closely connected with two types of situations either international occurrences (i e terrorist bombings in for example, London Madrid) or local events that have emphasized the presence of Islam in the public sphere A multivariate analysis of the results of the study shows that the strongest opposition has taken place in small municipalities with a large proportion of immigrants However opposition does not preclude support On the contrary opposition appears to have a mobilizing effect on those who support the right of Muslims to exercise freedom of religion However neither opposition nor support are the key factors affecting whether congregations see themselves as established in the local community The degree of anchorage depends on the demographic composition of the congregation and on the degree of contact that the members have with the surrounding community
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This book combines the sociological exploration of human being in society with an examination of human knowing processes and their justification in the social fabric. It connects this to discussions around race/ethnicity, gender, and class issues. The book brings together these areas of inquiry and explores options for enhancing social research on new racism. Besides offering an in-depth comparison of different definitions of new racism, the book examines a range of research styles that have been used to approach the field, and offers suggestions as to how these can be extended. With careful reference to examples, the book spells out how researchers can take into consideration the potential social impacts of their inquiry approaches. This book provides readers with an overview of debates on new racism, and helps them reconsider methodological and epistemological debates in the social sciences and their implications for social and political practice.
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This chapter reviews the literature on employment discrimination. The review is organized around targets (e.g., sex, race, religion), causes (e.g., cognitive, in-group favoritism), forms (e.g., harassment, adverse impact), and results of discrimination (e.g., costs, stress). Primarily, literature from the field of industrial and organizational psychology is considered. However, research in other disciplines is also included. The paper concludes with suggestions for future research directions for this rich and diverse area of research: integration across disciplines, integration across levels of theory and analysis, and integration with practice.
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Spanish stereotypes towards Palestinians and Israelis are based, among other things, on the information which the media broadcasts on these two groups. In order to check the stereotypes of the Spanish people towards both groups and whether the news affects those stereotypes (depending on which of the two groups was the aggressor), a quasi-experimental investigation was conducted, regarding a manipulated variable at three levels. The manipulation was carried out by presenting three formats of news: a story about an attack from Palestine on Israel, and an attack by Israel on Palestine or no news whatsoever. To assess the stereotypes, an instrument through which positive, negative and neutral stereotypical characteristics were obtained was used. The results of both studies with Spanish samples revealed that the content of the stereotypes attributed to Palestinians and Israelis consist, primarily of categories relating to conflict/violence, personality, ideology, and religion. Stereotypes provided by the Spanish were mostly negative, due to the higher frequency of negative characteristics which were attributed to both groups. In turn, the manipulation confirmed that it was the act of attack described in the news what increased the negative content of the stereotype. These results could be the key indicator for the image of both groups distorted by the news media, which creates a quite similar perception of thereof and becoming clear when the attacks ensues between them.
Article
In this research we take the theoretical approach advocated by Greenwald and Pettigrew (2014) and demonstrate the powerful role of ingroup favoritism, rather than hostility, in American intergroup biases. Specifically, we take a novel perspective to understanding the relationship between political ideology and discrimination against ethnic-minority Americans by focusing on the role of patriotism. Across three studies, we show that political ideology is a strong predictor of resource allocation biases and this effect is mediated by American patriotism and not by prejudice or nationalism. Conservatives report greater levels of patriotism than liberals, and patriotism is associated with donating more to American, as opposed to ethnic-minority American, organizations. We further show that the link between patriotism and partiality to the national group is mediated by stronger 'American = White' associations. These findings have important implications for intergroup relations and diversity-related policy issues in the United States.
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Two recent experiments found evidence for what we term the social category label (SCL) effect—that the relationship between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and prejudice against gay men and lesbians can be reduced or even eliminated when the target group is labeled “gay men and lesbians” rather than “homosexuals” (Rios, 2013). Although this appears a promising approach to reduce self-reported sexual prejudice, with both theoretical implications for the meaning of RWA itself and practical implications for question wording for assessing these attitudes, there are several reasons to further examine these findings, including a) inconsistencies with extant evidence, b) small sample sizes in the original two experiments, and c) concerns with the RWA measures used in the two experiments. We tested the SCL hypothesis with a nationally representative sample (Study 1) and close and conceptual replications of Rios’ (2013) two studies (Studies 2 – 5) using multiple measures of RWA and prejudice. Across 23 tests of the SCL hypothesis, we obtained one statistically significant and one marginally significant effect consistent with the hypothesis, two significant effects opposite the hypothesis, and 19 non-significant effects. A meta-analysis of evidence reported here and in Rios (2013) indicates that RWA strongly predicts anti-gay prejudice, with no significant variation by label. This confirms that typically robust association between RWA and anti-gay prejudice and confirms that the SCL effect is not robust. We discuss potential limitations of these studies, theoretical, methodological, and practical implications for our failures to replicate the original SCL studies, and future directions for examining social category label effects.
Article
This study examined White individuals' ability to recall non-White criminal perpetrators, specifically Middle Eastern-looking men, as portrayed in news stories. Considering social identity theory and the Arab/Muslim/Middle Eastern terrorist stereotype, White participants were expected to correctly identify White European-looking men and misidentify Middle Eastern-looking men as the perpetrators in news stories. A 2 (race/ethnicity of the perpetrator: White European- or Middle Eastern-looking) x 2 (story type: violent or nonviolent) experiment revealed that correct recall of the perpetrator for Middle Eastern-looking men was lower than that of White European-looking men. However, White individuals were not significantly more likely to incorrectly recall Middle Eastern-looking men than White European-looking men as perpetrators. Regardless of condition, more negative attitudes toward Arabs and Muslims predicted the incorrect recall of both Middle Eastern- and White European-looking men as perpetrators. These results are explained in light of their contradiction of existing theory. Also, a new measure of attitudes toward Arabs and Muslims is recommended.
Article
Inquiry into the written narrative's effect on social cognition is normally left to literary scholars and philosophers. Two experiments demonstrated narrative fiction's power to elicit empathy and reduce implicit and explicit prejudice against Arab-Muslims. Participants were randomly assigned to read a full narrative, condensed narrative, or a non-narrative. Critically, the full and condensed narratives were matched on counterstereotypical exemplars and exposure to Arab-Muslim culture so that the additional reduction in prejudice in the full narrative condition represented the unique power of the narrative. The narrative was particularly effective at reducing implicit prejudice in low dispositional perspective-takers. Partially explaining this effect, the narrative appeared to provide a safe haven from intergroup anxiety so that they could use perspective-taking to reduce prejudice. These findings demonstrate the narrative's power to induce spontaneous empathy and perspective-taking and consequently reduce implicit and explicit prejudice.
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Three experimental studies analyzed the extent to which correlations between implicit and explicit measures of (anti-Arab) attitudes depend on the conditions in which these measures are applied. The first study revealed that the correlation increased when the explicit measure was applied in conditions of time-pressure and cognitive load. The second study showed that, under these conditions, both implicit and explicit measures predicted stereotypic attributions. The third study confirmed that the correlation between both measures increased when participants were previously familiarized with the logic that underlies the use of implicit measures. The theoretical and methodological implications of these results are discussed.
Article
Prejudice against Muslim Americans increased after 9/11, but little is known about the extent to which anti-Muslim attitudes shift in response to external events, in particular calls for terrorism from individuals outside the United States. Motivated by the relevance of this question and guided by past research on both intergroup relations and emotion regulation, an experiment was conducted in which participants viewed a mock news video with an English voice-over of an Arabic speaker either calling for or condemning terrorism against the United States (or no video in the control condition). The terrorism provocation increased anti-Muslim bias but only for participants high in both in-group (American) glorification and revenge planning. The same three-way interaction was also found for anger toward Muslims. When glorification and revenge planning were both high, anger toward Muslims mediated the effect on bias against Muslims but mediation did not occur when the moderators were at low levels.
Article
Three experimental studies investigated whether death-thoughts avoidance as a consequence of mortality salience and need for certainty as a consequence of uncertainty are two different motivational states. The results suggest that although death-thought avoidance and need for certainty are different constructs, they share a great deal of variance (anxiety plays a pivotal mediational role in both). However, whereas the impact of uncertainty on negative attitudes towards an out-group with different worldviews (Arabs) was mediated only by anxiety (measured retrospectively), the effect of mortality salience was mediated by both retrospective anxiety and death-thought accessibility. These findings imply that similar effects that have been obtained by these two manipulations are, at least partly, the result of different processes. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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This article examines the impact of religious orientation on attitudes toward the Arab-Israeli conflict using survey data from five Arab countries: Egypt, Kuwait, Palestine, Jordan, and Lebanon. Consistent with past research that has demonstrated the structural complexity of religious orientations, the present analysis reveals an empirical distinction between personal and political dimensions of religion in all cases where data are available. The relationship between each dimension and attitudes toward the Arab-Israeli conflict is different, with the same pattern of relationships observed cross nationally. Specifically, support for political Islam is associated with unfavorable attitudes toward a peaceful resolution of the conflict, and personal religiosity and piety are unrelated to attitudes toward the conflict. The consistency of the variable relationships found in the Arab world, in comparison with findings from research based on Western countries, suggests that relationships between religious orientations and political attitudes may be more stable in regions where secularism is less pronounced.
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This article examines how ordinary victims of racism rebut racist beliefs communicated to them by the mass media and encountered in daily life. We describe the rhetorical devices that North African immigrant men in France use to respond to French racism, drawing on thirty in-depth interviews conducted with randomly selected blue-collar immigrants residing in the Paris suburbs. We argue that while French anti-racist rhetorics, both elite and popular, draw on universalistic principles informed by the Enlightenment as well as French Republican ideals, North African immigrants rebut racism by drawing instead on their daily experience and on a 'particular universalism', i.e. a moral universalism informed by Islam. Their arguments frequently centre on claims of equality or similarity between all human beings, or between North Africans and the French. Available cultural repertoires and the structural positions of immigrants help to account for the rhetorical devices that immigrants use to rebut racism.
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This study examines the relationship of individualism to Islamic work beliefs among Arab teachers in Israel. Three factors emerged from the factor analysis of the Islamic Work Ethic (IWE) scale. Personal and organizational obligations was the dominant IWE factor and was relatively independent of individualism. The other two IWE factors were moderately correlated to the individualism index.
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Recent sociopsychological work in the area of new forms of racism is reviewed. Modern racism is characterized, as different from old-fashioned, blatant racism, as focusing on cultural differences of ethnic minorities, and by beliefs that these minorities violate certain traditional values and that they are going too far in the reivindication of their rights. The present study tries to apply the concept of new racism to the Spanish context. An adaptation of Pettigrew and Meertens (1995) scales of subtle and blatant prejudice, done by Rueda and Navas (1996) was presented to a sample of high school students in Madrid: Besides subtle and blatant prejudice towards three minorities (gypsies, and immigrants from Magreb and rest of Africa), they were asked about the feelings with respect to these groups, their attitudes toward certain policies concerning these minorities, as well as their political orientation.Results showed that in this sample we find higher levels of subtle than of blatant prejudice, although neither is high in absolute terms; that both are higher with respect to gypsies than the other two minority groups; that there is some but not a high relation between political orientation and subtle and blatant prejudice. On the other hand, political orientation is not clearly related to feelings toward minorities, nor to attitudes toward policies concerning minority groups. However, the combined levels of blatant and subtle prejudice are related to both.
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Prejudice and discrimination against women has become increasingly subtle and covert (N. V. Benokraitis & J. R. Feagin, 1986). Unlike research on racism, little research about prejudice and discrimination against women has explicitly examined beliefs underlying this more modern form of sexism. Support was found for a distinction between old-fashioned and modern beliefs about women similar to results that have been presented for racism (J. B. McConahay, 1986; D. O. Sears, 1988). The former is characterized by endorsement of traditional gender roles, differential treatment of women and men, and stereotypes about lesser female competence. Like modern racism, modern sexism is characterized by the denial of continued discrimination, antagonism toward women's demands, and lack of support for policies designed to help women (for example, in education and work). Research that compares factor structures of old-fashioned and modern sexism and racism and that validates our modern sexism scale is presented. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This paper develops, measures, and tests two types of intergroup prejudice—blatant and subtle. Blatant prejudice is the traditional, often studied form; it is hot, close and direct. Subtle prejudice is the modern form; it is cool, distant and indirect. Using data from seven independent national samples from western Europe, we constructed 10-item scales in four languages to measure each of these varieties of prejudice. We report the properties, structure and correlates of both scales across the seven samples, and make initial checks on their validity. The cross-nationally consistent results support the value of the blatant-subtle distinction as two varieties of prejudice. While they share many correlates, their distinctive differences suggest better specification of these correlates of prejudice. And the blatant-subtle distinction also aids in more precise specification of the effects of prejudice on attitudes toward immigrants. The paper closes with a normative interpretation of Subtle Prejudice.
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The concept of symbolic racism was originally proposed 30 years ago. Much research has been done and the society itself has changed, yet many of the original items measuring symbolic racism remain in use. The primary objective of this paper is to present and evaluate an updated scale of symbolic racism. The scale proves to be reliable and internally coherent. It has discriminant validity, being distinctively different from both older forms of racial attitudes and political conservatism, although with a base in both. It has predictive validity, explaining whites' racial policy preferences considerably better than do traditional racial attitudes or political predispositions. Evidence is presented of its usefulness for both college student and general adult population samples, as well as for minority populations. Data using this scale contradict several critiques of the symbolic racism construct (most of which are speculative rather than based on new data) concerning the consistency of its conceptualization and measurement, the coherence of the symbolic racism belief system, possible artifacts in its influence over whites' racial policy preferences (due to content overlap between the measures of independent and dependent variables), and its differentiation from nonracial conservatism and old-fashioned racism.
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In the present study, we tried to identify variables that are differently related to social dominance orientation (SDO) and authoritarianism. A strong positive relationship between SDO and authoritarianism was found and both variables showed strong positive correlations with racism. Nevertheless, results support the idea that SDO and authoritarianism refer to different kinds of dispositional prejudice. Authoritarianism, when statistically corrected for SDO, was negatively associated with level of education, moral competence, relativism, and the values hedonism, stimulation and self-direction, whereas positive correlations with age, cultural conservatism, orthodoxy, and the values tradition, conformity and security were registered. In contrast, SDO, when corrected for authoritarianism, was negatively associated with age, second naiveté and the values universalism, benevolence and tradition, whereas economic conservatism, external critique, and the values power, achievement, hedonism and stimulation showed positive relationships. It is argued that SDO represents a more modern kind of prejudice than authoritarianism.
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Students from minority and non-dominant backgrounds often have negative experiences when dealing with higher education systems. In this study we explored Indigenous student's experiences in mainstream higher education. Interviews were conducted with 34 participants, systematically selected from a listing of 110 past and present students, about their experiences in mainstream higher education. Participants included people who had successfully completed programs at Curtin University of Technology, those who did not complete courses, and those who were participating in bridging courses at the Centre for Aboriginal Studies (CAS). The qualitative data were analysed for unique and recurring themes using content analyses. The data showed that subtle and overt forms of racism impact on students' experiences in mainstream education. Participants mentioned issues associated with conflicts between indigenous and mainstream cultural values that are reflected in course content and levels of support across schools. The CAS was highlighted as a context for the strengthening of cultural identities, providing emotional and tangible support, and providing a link between the community and the university. Efforts aimed at strengthening of cultural identities need to be supported and the diversity of Aboriginal people must be acknowledged. Research and interventions challenging mainstream norms and structures that maintain social inequality are required. The challenges to affirmative action need to be located in their proper historical context.
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In French election studies, a central debate concerns the French voter's "standing decision" -- is it party or ideology? The debate has been ongoing because of data and measurement issues and, we add, because of an inadequate understanding of the role electoral institutions play. The 1995 French National Election Study allows a fresh attack on these questions. It contains promising party and ideology measures, on a very large national sample. Both party identification and left-right ideological identification are shown to be widely held, with the latter more so. Their relative structural effects are found to depend heavily on the dynamics of the dual ballot. Party is more important for electoral choice on the first ballot, while ideology is more important on the second. This finding, demonstrated in fully specified logistic regression models of the presidential vote, seems also to inhere in the logic of French electoral institutions. The two-ballot rules, coupled with the pervasiveness of ideological and party identification in the public mind, go far towards revealing and explaining an underlying stability of the French political system.
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The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
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Throughout our history, white Americans have singled out Afro-Americans for particularly racist treatment. Of all the many immigrant nationalities that have come to these shores since the seventeenth century, Afro-Americans have consistently attracted the greatest prejudice based on their group membership and have been treated in the most categorically unequal fashion.
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The theory that variables from the psychology of perception can be used to explain personality originated with the Nazi Jaensch but was propagated by the Adorno group. Research in the 1950s and 1960s failed to show the expected relationship between cognitive complexity and authoritarianism/conservatism. Cognitive complexity/rigidity was found to be highly multidimensional rather than unidimensional. Recent work in the field is reviewed with similar conclusions but two dissenting voices are noted: Rump and Sidanius. Close examination of the work by these authors does, however, show that their data provide poor support for that dissent. It is concluded that intolerance of ambiguity/rigidity is best conceived of as a situational response rather than as a trait and that it does not in any case predict conservatism, authoritarianism or racism.
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This paper explores various analytic criteria for assessing comparability of measurement in cross-national survey research. The analysis focuses on the construct validity of items thought to capture authoritarian-conservatism in the United States and Poland. Although we may assume that set of attitudes designed to measure the construct can be under varying circumstances, what can be identified as an authoritarian world view may, in fact, depend upon the particular sociocultural setting of the observation. We examine the validity of the indicators within each country, identifying which indicators are common to both countries and which are nation-specific. Then, using confirmatory factor analysis, we test whether there is sufficient structural similarity in the pattern of responses to establish conceptual equivalence.
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This study assessed the attitudes of college students toward Arabs. Attitudes were significantly more negative in situations involving an Arab individual than in identical situations involving a neutrally identified person.
Book
This book shows that many ordinary people today are highly susceptible to hate literature and are psychologically disposed to embrace antidemocratic, facist policies. Many of our biggest problems, seemingly unrelated, are found to have common authoritarian roots. This book gives insight into how authoritarian minds are created and how they operate, and how their failings and vulnerabilities produce submission and aggression. A search for authoritarians on the left finds very few. Instead, studies reveal a strong concentration of authoritarians among religious fundamentalists and conservative politicians. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)(jacket)
Article
This article suggests that both the multicultural perception of ‘ community’ as a bounded and internally homogeneous body and the celebration of migrants as hybrids and anti-essentialist actors fail to acknowledge the complexity of processes of identity construction. The first reifies and essentializes migrants’ cultural identities, denying subjective contestations over notions of cultural and religious authenticity. The celebration of migrants as progressive and counterhegemonic ‘hybrids’, however, reinforces essentialist understandings of ‘migrants’, producing a hierarchy between experiences of displacement. The article suggests that it is essential to understand the ways in which migrants construct imagined, transnational and local communities. It provides a picture of the ways in which Moroccan migrant women in Italy draw and experience boundaries of exclusion and inclusion, of Self and Other in their day-to-day practices and discourses. In particular, it argues that Moroccan women define themselves both vis-a-vis Italians as well as by drawing boundaries between themselves and other Moroccan women and men.
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In recent years as public opinion polls have shown a decline in racist responses, white Americans have strongly resisted school desegregation and affirmative action programs. Hence, there has been a debate over the extent to which racism has really declined. The theory of modern racism addresses these issues, distinguishing between old-fashioned racial beliefs recognized by everyone as racism and a new set of beliefs arising from the conflicts of the civil rights movement. The theory proposes that antiblack feeling remains high and has been displaced from the socially undesirable old-fashioned beliefs onto the new beliefs where the racism is not recognized. Three experiments were performed; results showed that, regardless of context, the old-fashioned items were perceived as more likely to reveal prejudice. The results are discussed in terms of their significance for opinion polling and continuing racial conflict in America.
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It is a common belief that Islamic-based government, when serving as an ideological foundation for government, facilitates the poor protection of human rights. However, most studies of the relationship between Islam and individual rights have been at the theoretical and anecdotal levels. In this article, I test the relationship between Islam and human rights across a sample of 23 predominately Muslim countries and a control group of non-Muslim developing nations, while controlling for other factors that have been shown to affect human rights practices. I found that the influence of Islamic political culture on government has a statistically insignificant relationship with the protection of human rights.
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A scale designed to tap into a new type of gender prejudice, called neosexist beliefs, is proposed. Two studies investigating antecedents and consequences of neosexism were conducted. In the first study, a predictive model was tested with a sample of 130 male students. It was found, according to hypotheses, that considerations of collective interest (CI) and old-fashioned sexism had an impact on neosexism. However, only the latter and CI triggered opposition to affirmative action (AA). The second study evaluated the effects of CI and neosexism among a sample of 149 male workers employed in a firm where an exhaustive AA program was implemented. For example, it was found that support for the program in place and evaluations of women's qualifications were influenced both by neosexism and by CI. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
Article
Two experiments examined mere acceptance effects in the Implicit Association Test (IAT). They tested whether accepting a stimulus as conforming to a rule produces responding consistent with positive attitude in the IAT. In Experiment 1, accepted stimuli were more easily categorized with pleasant personality characteristics than rejected stimuli; they were preferred according to the logic of the IAT. Accepted word stimuli were also responded to faster overall, suggesting that it was easier to make the accept than the reject response. In Experiment 2, numerical stimuli that conformed to a rule showed the same IAT preference effect over non-confirming stimuli, even when the rule conforming stimuli were more difficult to categorize. Three sources of this apparent preference for rule-conforming stimuli are considered: (1) the semantic relatedness of the concepts “accept” and “pleasant” on the one hand, and “reject” and “unpleasant” on the other; (2) that rejected non-category members are more salient (‘pop-out’) and thus are more easily categorized with the more salient unpleasant personality characteristics; or (3) that accepting rule-conforming stimuli is experienced as a pleasant event. Regardless of the mechanism underlying the mere acceptance effect, the IAT can produce apparent preferences for stimuli towards which participants have no positive attitude.
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This article discusses the relationship between the socio-economic success of the Chinese in Canada, news discourse and the problematization of nearly 600 undocumented Fujianese migrants who arrived on Canada's western shores from July-September 1999. Our interests rest in examining the thematic patterns of the coverage, i.e. how the migrants' arrivals were 'problematized' and transformed into a discursive crisis centred on the constructs of 'risk' and, more precisely, 'risk avoidance'. It is our contention that news reporting on the migrants holds broader ideological resonances, extending beyond a unilateral concern about the perceived failure of the Canadian immigration and refugee systems. We argue that the reporting of these events serves as an index for collective insecurities stemming from social change, racial integration and contested Euro-Canadian hegemony.
Article
Researchers in American race relations have demonstrated the ambivalence white Americans feel toward black Americans. The prejudiced white behaves positively or negatively toward blacks depending on the context of the behavior, while the less prejudiced white behaves more consistently across contexts. In this study, the ambivalence concept was used to demonstrate the construct validity of a relatively nonreactive scale of racial prejudice-the Modern Racism Scale. Eighty-one white college students were pretested on the scale and then evaluated job candidates with identical resumes (except for a picture of a black or white male) under contexts designed to elicit positive or negative discrimination by ambivalent (presumably prejudiced) subjects. As predicted, when the candidate was black, the Modern Racism Scale was negatively correlated with hiring evaluations in the negative context and positively correlated in the positive context. When the job candidate was white, context and the Modern Racism Scale were unrelated to hiring evaluations.
Article
The major aim of the present research was to examine if knowledge of cultural stereotypes about minority groups within society is virtually universal (3) or whether such knowledge is influenced by the perceiver's level of prejudice (cf. 9). In three studies, in which multiple measures of racial prejudice were used, it was shown that level of prejudice does relate to perception of cultural stereotypes. High-prejudiced people believed that the cultural stereotypes of Moroccan and Surinamese people in The Netherlands are more negative and less positive in content than low-prejudiced people did. It is argued that previous research may have failed, at least in part, to detect clear differences between low- and high-prejudiced people because it relied on the relatively insensitive Modern Racism questionnaire in order to measure prejudice.
Article
This article summarizes the concept of Islamic spirituality, with its emphasis on personal and community forms of worship. In addition to reviewing the pillars of faith that are the foundation of the Islamic religion, this article explains the concept of the “middle path.” The author shows how integration of various realms (spiritual, social, moral, and individual) allows the Muslim person to live a peaceful life, with the center of Muslim existence being God's unity. Through this concept of unity, Muslims may be able to assist the rest of the United States in working towards solutions for the loss of community in modern society. Implications for working with American Muslims are offered.
Article
This research investigated whether the prejudicial attitudes of mock jurors in Canada produce criminal sanction disparities similar to those reported by research in the United States. In order to investigate this hypothesis, English Canadian participants read a transcript of a sexual assault trial that varied the ethnic background of both the victim and the defendant (i.e., English, French or Native Canadian). Participants were then asked to rate the guilt of the defendant in two ways: (1) on a 7-point bipolar scale in accordance with their personal beliefs (i.e., Subjective Guilt Rating), and (2) on a dichotomous scale (guilty/not guilty) in accor- dance with judicial instructions (i.e., Legal Standard Guilt Rating). Participants were also asked to rate the victim and defendant on a number of personality traits. Results indicate that participants asked to rate the degree of guilt of the defendant according to the Subjective Guilt Rating found him more guilty if he was French, or Native Canadian as opposed to English Canadian. These prejudicial ratings, however, dissipated when participants were asked to rate the guilt of the defendant according to the Legal Standard Guilt Rating that included jury instructions. This apparent paradox in results is discussed in terms of modern racism theory.
Article
Authoritarianism, the tendency to be hierarchical, conventional, and intolerant, has been implicated by research as an extreme feature of general right-wing ideology. The relationship between this ideological pattern and variables of personality and emotion was investigated in three studies. Studies 1 and 2 assessed personality traits in terms of the five-factor model, as well as right-wing authoritarianism, conservatism, and a battery of other political attitude measures. Study 3 examined the positive and negative affect of individuals with differing levels of authoritarianism. The results demonstrate that the authoritarian syndrome is primarily characterized by low openness to experience, and that it is unrelated to self-reported measures of emotion.
Article
The bombing of the twin towers on September 11th, 2001, invoked public outcry. As the Americans have tried slowly to come to terms with the annihilation of one of the utmost symbols of their dominance, at the same time Muslims all over the world have had to face their own twin disaster. The destruction of their current understanding of what it means to be a Muslim and the need to grieve as human beings for the tragic loss of human life, for which they are by implication responsible. This research depicts the journey of five individuals who sought counselling in an effort to come to terms with these phenomena. Discourse analysis of their conversations highlights their struggle. A number of common themes emerge: loss (both of life and of the current meaning of Islam), confusion, a need to be different from the perpetuators and, for some, a need to reflect on other injustices committed in the name of Islam. These themes are considered in the light of the theory of psychosocial transitions and bereavement theory.
Article
Subjects with some religious affiliation are more prejudiced than those without affiliation, but no significant difference between Protestants and Catholics. There is a low but significant negative relation of intelligence and education to ethnocentrism. Interviews threw light on parental relations, childhood, conception of self, and dynamics and organization of personality. Projective techniques are described and results analyzed. 63 interviews are analyzed qualitatively for prejudice, political and economic ideas, religious ideology and syndromes among high and low scorers. The development of two contrasting cases is given. Criminality and antidemocratic trends in prison inmates and a study of clinic patients complete the investigation of the authoritarian personality pattern. 121 references. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This article examines the intersection of a "good/bad Muslim" identity with national, cultural, and gender categories in northern Cyprus. It analyzes the cultural and historical articulation of a modern, Western "bad Muslim" identity, and describes "the condom story," an event where some Turkish Cypriot women attempted to transgress the social boundaries around gender roles. It is argued that the complex negotiations over a national identity (Cypriot and/or Turkish), a modern identity (Eastern and/or Western), and a religious identity (Muslim and/or secular) result in contradictory messages about gender and sexuality for Turkish Cypriot women. This examination of identity negotiations-principally a bad Muslim identity, and of women's various attempts to subvert societal pressures-ultimately reveals some of the cultural controls over women's gender identity, particularly their sexuality, in Turkish Cypriot society.
Article
This study examines relationship between authoritarianism, conservatism, dogmatism, intolerance of ambiguity and probabilistic thinking. By probabilistic thinking we mean tendency to adopt a probabilistic set, discrimination of uncertainty, and ability to express that uncertainty meaningfully either verbally or as a numerical probability. From orthodox conceptualizations of personality/cognitive measures one would anticipate strong relationships between these measures and our own various measures of probabilistic thinking. present study makes it clear that such relationships may not be present.
Article
Even though France has experienced increasing and inevitable feminization in its immigrant population since 1974, research has tended to ignore the role of immigrant women, especially Muslim women, in the migration process. Public attention has been diverted by concern over such relatively marginal issues as the headscarf affair, and insufficient attention has been paid to the important role Muslim women play in France, especially those coming from Algeria. These women function as cultural mediators between the traditional culture of the sending country and the modern one of the host country. They see themselves as both tradition-bearers and integration proponents. The demands of immigration have given rise to the growth and development of different leaders, among them cultural mediators seeking a bridge between Islam and modernity, economic mediators seeking to establish women in the media and as entrepreneurs, and political mediators who seek access to power at the local level for the immigrants. These new mediators will eventually shape a new generation of female actors very far from the traditional countries of origin, although for the time being they still suffer from the inequality of rights for women and chances in their overall social life.
Article
The Implicit Association Test (IAT; Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) is a computer-based categorization task that measures concept association strengths. Greenwald et al. (1998) demonstrated that participants completed the categorizations more quickly when pleasant and flower shared a response key than when pleasant and insect shared a response key, and when pleasant and White shared a response key than when pleasant and Black shared a response key. In Study 1, we reversed the typical IAT effect for flowers and insects, and eliminated the typical IAT effect for White and Black, by changing the affective valence of the stimulus items. In Study 2, we replicated the reversibility effect for an animal and plant IAT, and supported a category re-definition hypothesis. Our results have implications for understanding the IAT, and suggest that the IAT not only measures stereotypic responses, but can also be influenced by individuating information of the stimulus items.
Article
In recent decades, social psychologists have suggested that contemporary racism is more subtle in nature than it had been in previous times. However, such theorizing has been from the perspective of the perpetrators. The present study follows a small number of other studies that have focused on the perspective of the victims of racism. It investigated the experiences of racism reported by 34 Aboriginal Australians during semi-structured, open-ended interviews. The data suggest that racism is experienced commonly and frequently by the participants and that much of it is overt or old-fashioned rather than subtle and modern. It is argued that if the data are reflective of what happens in intergroup encounters, social scientists may have embraced the theories of modern racism too readily. This may have contributed to the maintenance of social institutions that impact negatively on the minority populations in the community.
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