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On the relationship between responsibility and guilt: Antecedent appraisal or elaborated appraisal?
Abstract
Three studies are reported in which we examined the relation between responsibility and guilt. Results from Study 1 suggested that responsibility increased as a function of guilt, but that the reverse relation did not emerge. In the second and third studies we primed either responsibility or guilt and examined how these primes influenced subsequent appraisals for novel events. We also used different manipulations of responsibility and guilt. In Study 2 guilt was operationalized as negative interpersonal consequences as evidenced by the reactions of others. Responsibility was varied by manipulating the controllability of negative outcomes. In Study 3 responsibility was manipulated in terms of the severity of negative consequences for oneself. Results of both studies showed that guilt primes gave rise to perceptions of responsibility but that responsibility primes did not affect perceptions of guilt. We conclude that responsibility is best regarded as an elaborated appraisal generated by guilt, rather than an antecedent of guilt. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... Extant research shows a strong link between guilt and responsibility, though theories on the directionality of this relationship are mixed (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). While some psychologists believe that a greater sense of responsibility leads to higher levels of guilt (e.g. ...
... Baumeister, Stillwell, & Heatherton, 1994;Frijda, 1993). Berndsen and Manstead (2007) found perceptions of responsibility increased as a function of guilt. When researchers experimentally increased feelings of guilt, feelings of responsibility in subjects also increased. ...
... However, when researchers increased feelings of responsibility, there was no corresponding increase in guilt (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). These findings support the theory that appraisals of responsibility arise from the emotion of guilt (e.g. ...
... As the suggestions from the literature indicate, guilt can drive people to accept a difference between them and other ingroup members who belong to the same broader ingroup. Among the advantaged members, the drive can be from a sense of responsibility (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). Although the sense of responsibility is not covered in this research, the suggestions from the literature are sufficient for us to hypothesize a positive impact of guilt on support for radical actions and the feeling of solidarity: ...
... Second, while this study finds that guilt has significant impacts on support for radical actions and the feeling of solidarity, the data does not provide adequate information to interpret how they are related. Drawing from insights from the literature, guilt-driven solidarity could be linked by a sense of responsibility, a feeling of injustice, and guilt-stimulated anger (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Kleres & Wettergren, 2017;Thomas et al, 2009). The crossgenerational solidarity in the Anti-ELAB showed cross-generational solidarity invites further research into the attributes related to generational differences. ...
The extant social movement literature tends to regard the youth as radical actors and senior citizens as conservative actors. However, the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong exhibited strong solidarity among protesters across generations, despite the radicalization of protest actions over an extended period. These phenomena contradict Hong Kong's traditional political culture, which favors peaceful and orderly protests and the worldwide trend where radicalization often leads to internal division in movements. By analyzing the data collected from onsite protest surveys in December 2019 and January 2020 (N = 1,784), this paper presents the mediating role of guilt in shifting senior citizens from opposing radical actions to supporting them and feeling solidarity with militant protesters. We find that the relationship between age and feelings of guilt is stronger among respondents who experience state repression. The findings shed light on the affective and relational dimensions of protest participation, showing how the traumatic conditions under which different social actors are welded together by shared emotional upheavals facilitate ingroup identification and affective solidarity.
... 18 The theoretical arguments are supported by experimental evidence. Berndsen and Manstead (2007) show that the less responsible an individual feels, the less guilty the individual feels for making a selfish decision. ...
... Hence, a computer does not fulfill several of the conditions under which one could hold the computer responsible to the same extent as a human. 20 Research in machine and roboter ethics attributes only operational responsibility to the most advanced machines today but denies any higher form of (moral) responsibility as today's machines still have a relatively low level of own autonomy and ethical sensitivity (e.g., Allen et al., 2000;DeBaets, 2014;Dennett, 1997;17 The unpleasant tension (or in a more formal speech "disutility") is often described as nothing else than the feeling of guilt (e.g., Berndsen and Manstead, 2007;de Hooge et al., 2011;Stice, 1992 20 For the discussion on the responsibility of computers see Bechel (1985), Friedman and Kahn (1992), Snapper (1985), and, more recently, Asaro (2011), Floridi and Sanders (2004), Johnson and Powers (2005), Sparrow (2007), and Stahl (2006). Sullins, 2006). ...
Humans make decisions jointly with others. They share responsibility for the outcome with their interaction partners. Today, more and more often the partner in a decision is not another human but, instead, a machine. Here we ask whether the type of the partner, machine or human, affects our responsibility, our perception of the choice and the choice itself. As a workhorse we use a modified dictator game with two joint decision makers: either two humans or one human and one machine. We find no treatment effect on perceived responsibility or guilt. We also find only a small and insignificant effect on actual choices.
... Hence, the perceived personal responsibility for a decision might be smaller. Furthermore, as shown in theory by Teroni and Bruun (2011) and in an experiment by Berndsen and Manstead (2007), the less responsible an individual feels, the less guilt the individial feels for making a sel sh decision. Since the impact of the decision is uncertain, its pivotality is di used. is di usion provides an excuse to reduce responsibility for the nal outcome (e.g., Bartling et al., 2015;Falk and Szech, 2013). ...
... is makes it easier to choose a self-serving option. 7 https://www.kirchkamp.de/research/shareMachine.html 8 e unpleasant tension (or in a more formal speech "disutility") is o en described as nothing else than the feeling of guilt (e.g., Berndsen and Manstead, 2007;de Hooge et al., 2011;Stice, 1992). ...
Humans make decisions jointly with others. They share responsibility for the outcome with their interaction partners. Today, more and more often the partner in a decision is not another human but, instead, a machine.
Here we ask whether the type of the partner, machine or human, affects our responsibility, our perception of the choice and the choice itself.
As a workhorse we use a modified dictator game with two joint decision makers: either two humans or one human and one machine.
We find no treatment effect on perceived responsibility or guilt.
We also find only a small and insignificant effect on actual choices.
... Some authors consider responsibility unnecessary for feeling guilty (e.g., Baumeister et al., 1994;Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). In various instances of guilt, responsibility indeed seems to play no or little role. ...
... Unsurprisingly, innocent rape victims often feel co-responsible for the rape because they think they provoked it through their appearance or behavior, or did not do everything possible to prevent the attack (e.g., Janoff-Bulman, 1979;Meyer & Taylor, 1986). Second, we admit that an appraisal of personal responsibility proper -implying both causal and either goal or avoidance responsibility -is not a necessary antecedent of guilt (see, e.g., Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). For eliciting a first "pang" of guilt, it may suffice to assume one's causal responsibility for a harm (e.g., Frijda, 1993). ...
Although most researchers maintain that shame and guilt are distinct emotions, the debate on their differences is still open. We aim to show that some of the current distinctions between shame and guilt need to be redrawn, and their adaptive and social implications need to be revisited. We suggest the following distinguishing criteria: the kind of self-evaluation involved (inadequacy versus harmfulness); one’s focus on the perceived discrepancy between actual and ideal self versus one’s focus on the perceived responsibility for one’s fault; and consequently the different domains of self-esteem involved. Although these criteria have been in part suggested or alluded to in the relevant literature, we use and integrate them with each other in a novel way. This allows to better distinguish between shame and guilt, as well as to account for their possible coexistence or the shift from one emotion to the other.
... In particular, if an individual commits a wrong (i.e., a transgression) that may lead to rejection by the wronged person, the resulting anxiety over this possible rejection may be experienced as guilt. Further, the more severe the harm done (i.e., the higher the possibility of future rejection by the wronged individual), the more guilt people may feel about their own behavior (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). In this way, guilt can be regarded as a signal informing individuals of the potential risk of being rejected. ...
... Harming others increases the possibility of social rejection (Baumeister & Tice, 1990), and the more severe the harm is perceived to be (i.e., the higher the potential risk of being rejected), the more guilt people feel about their behavior (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). Thus, we expected to be able to judge differences in the potential risk of being rejected between conditions based on the extent of guilt. ...
We investigated whether feelings of guilt, which signal crises in interpersonal relationships (Baumeister, Stillwell, & Heatherton, 1994), are differently evoked by two types of individual differences in social rejection: rejection detection capability (Kawamoto, Nittono, & Ura, 2015) and rejection sensitivity (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Using the hypothetical scenario method, we found that in situations with a potential risk of being rejected as a consequence of causing another person harm (i.e., harm‐present condition), participants with higher rejection detection capability felt more guilt and engaged in more compensatory behavior towards the victims. In addition, guilt mediated the relationship between rejection detection capability and compensatory behavior. Conversely, in situations with no potential risk of being rejected (i.e., harm‐absent condition), participants with higher rejection sensitivity felt more guilt but did not engage in much compensatory behavior. These results suggest that individual differences in social rejection foster different responses to specific threats.
... Guilt was measured both by its appraisal, i.e., felt responsibility (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007), and the emotion itself. Felt responsibility was measured using three items adapted from Bateman and O'Connor (2016): "As someone who voted for the current government, I feel a personal responsibility for the policies currently promoted by the government"; "My vote in the last election allowed the government to promote the current policies"; "I voted for the current government but I don't feel that I have responsibility for the policies that the government is promoting" (R) (ɑt2 = .58; ...
How does the rise of ideologically-extreme leaders affect attitudes and beliefs among their supporters? Previous research on paradoxical thinking suggests that when individuals are exposed to a radicalized version of their held beliefs, they moderate them in response. However, it is yet unknown whether, how, and among whom, such moderation occurs in response to radicalization of individuals' favored leaders. The proposed study examines how an unfolding real-world manifestation of a paradoxical thinking intervention-i.e., the radical and extreme policies carried out by the newly-elected Israeli government-affects the political attitudes of the government's supporters. Using a longitudinal design, we examined how pre-election attitudes (N = 589 government supporters) moderate, radicalize, or remain unchanged following the announcement and implementation of radical policies. Over four timepoints, we also examine the psychological mechanisms mediating the policies' moderating impact, to disentangle the reciprocal or paradoxical effects of radicalization among leaders on the public.
... The manifestation of these two motives also can vary day to day depending on selfregulatory resources, emotional states, and the framing of the problem at the time. Empirical research shows that guilt increases perceived responsibility (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). In addition, prospect theory suggests that WTR can be swayed by the mere framing of the given problem in terms of gain or loss because people generally dislike losses more than equivalent gains (Kahneman, 2011;Kahneman & Tversky, 1979). ...
This study explores a potential joint effect between two proactive motives on creative performance. Departing from the assumption of motivation as a relatively stable between-person construct, we also pay attention to the within-person process to examine how daily fluctuations of proactive motives affect daily idea generation, leading to creative performance. Specifically, drawing on job demands–resources theory, we theorize a joint effect of two proactive motives at the within-person level: daily felt responsibility for change (DFRC) and daily willingness to take risks (DWTR). We test our hypotheses by analyzing data collected from 135 employees and their supervisors by using the experience sampling method followed by multiwave field surveys. Daily idea generation is high when the DFRC and DWTR have high congruence, particularly when both motives are high rather than low. In addition, daily idea generation mediates the effect of the DFRC and DWTR congruence on employee creative performance as appraised by supervisors. Moreover, seeking feedback from coworkers strengthens the indirect effect of the DFRC and DWTR congruence on employee creative performance via daily idea generation. This study offers a fine-grained view of motivational mechanisms and employee social behavior that lead to creative performance in the workplace.
... Negative feelings might result from a motivational mechanism of guilt intended to promote empathetic concern and altruistic helping behaviors toward other's suffering linked to problems in a social system (Baumeister et al., 1994;Roberts et al., 2014). In this persuasion process, the sense of responsibility was not imposed on the perceiver by the persuader but potentially developed by the perceiver once guilt was aroused (Berndsen and Manstead, 2007). ...
Introduction
Guilt appeals are widely used as a persuasive approach in various areas of practice. However, the strength and direction of the persuasive effects of guilt appeals are mixed, which could be influenced by theoretical and methodological factors.
Method
The present study is a comprehensive meta-analysis of 26 studies using a random-effects model to assess the persuasive effects of guilt appeals. In total, 127 effect sizes from seven types of persuasive outcomes (i.e., guilt, attitude, behavior, behavioral intention, non-guilt emotions, motivation, and cognition) were calculated based on 7,512 participants.
Results
The analysis showed a small effect size of guilt appeals [ g = 0.19, 95% CI (0.10, 0.28)]. The effect of guilt appeals was moderated by the theoretical factors related to appraisal and coping of guilt arousal, including attributed responsibility, controllability and stability of the causal factors, the proximity of perceiver-victim relationship, recommendation of reparative behaviors, and different outcome types. The effect was also associated with methods used in different studies.
Discussion
Overall, the findings demonstrated the persuasive effects of guilt appeals, but theoretical and methodological factors should be considered in the design and testing of guilt appeals. We also discussed the practical implications of the findings.
... Guilt is a state of emotional suffering dependent on social relationships, which can promote prosocial behavior (Shoji, 2022). Guilt is caused by a feeling of violating a personal goal or breaching a social or moral standard (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). When experiencing guilt, people are likely to terminate that negative emotional state by engaging in certain behaviors (Burnett & Lunsford, 1994;Graton & Mailliez, 2019). ...
This study aims to investigate how the individual differences, such as independent and interdependent self-construal, and possible underlying mechanisms, such as autonomy, competence, and relatedness influence the effect of emotional appeal organ donation messages. The experiment was a 2 (type of appeal: pride vs guilt) X 2 (self-construal: independent vs interdependent) between-subjects factorial design. First, autonomy and competence can respectively increase attitude and intention of organ donation. Second, autonomy played a mediating role between emotion and attitudes toward organ donation regardless of self-construal levels. Third, pride appeal messages promoted more autonomy and competence compared to guilt appeal messages. For participants under independent self-construal priming, pride appeal organ donation message generated more positive attitude toward organ donation than guilt appeal messages. The results revealed the importance of autonomy and competence in organ donation, and the mediating role of autonomy and the effectiveness of pride appeal message in promoting autonomy and positive attitude toward organ donation. Health practitioners should increase people’s autonomy and competence via pride appeal organ donation messages. To maximize the effect of pride appeal organ donation message, health practitioners should prime population with independent self-construal by emphasizing their agency, personal values, and uniqueness.
... Similarly, in a legal context, responsibility is the legal judgement passed on the basis of someone's guilt (Ross, 1975). In psychology, guilt and responsibility are also considered to be distinct concepts, with responsibility being conceptualized as the feeling of controllability of an outcome (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). ...
Alleged organizational wrongdoings are often characterized by high levels of uncertainty about what happened, which can take years to be established judicially. In this study, we examine organizations’ efforts to manage their stakeholders’ impressions of their possible guilt in this period of uncertainty. The study examines the discursive guilt-management strategies organizations employ in such situations to embrace the paradoxical tensions that emerge between their routine, positive self-presentations as responsible organizations and their communication about their possible guilt. Taking departure in impression management and a paradox perspective, we conceptualize guilt management as a discursive practice enacted in times of uncertainty. Specifically, we conduct a microlevel discourse analysis of corporate social responsibility (CSR) reports published by large US banks after the financial crisis and analyze how these banks managed impressions of their possible guilt, before they eventually agreed to legal settlements. We identify amending, bracketing, shifting locus of control, implicating, as well as reattributing and extending moral agency as central guilt-management strategies that embrace the paradoxical tensions between the banks’ positive self-presentations and their communication about their possible guilt. We conclude with a discussion of theoretical and methodological contributions to organization studies.
... On the contrary, White guilt for youth with low social responsibility resulted in lower civic action. Although other studies have demonstrated that responsibility can emerge from guilt (Berndsen and Manstead 2007), this study suggests that White guilt can, when associated with sufficient levels of social responsibility, motivate civic action. Further, findings from Study 2 suggest that civic efficacy may play a role in the relationship between guilt and civic action. ...
Limited research has investigated factors that shape White youth's civic action aimed at social change. Investigating the relation between Whiteness and civic action is an essential step toward identifying and cultivating environments that encourage White youth to use their racial privilege to combat inequality through civic engagement. To address this gap in the literature, across two distinct samples, this study investigates the role of White guilt in motivating civic action and the moderating role of civic beliefs. Participants included all young adults who self-identified as White from two online survey studies (Study 1, N = 219 college students, 71.9% Women, 28.1% Men, mean age = 19.6; Study 2, N = 185, 50% current college students, 54.6% Women, 45.4% Men, mean age = 23.9). In Study 1, White guilt related to more civic action. In the context of high social responsibility, White guilt related to more civic action; in the context of low social responsibility, White guilt corresponded with less civic action. In Study 2, White guilt also related to more civic action, and civic efficacy emerged as a potential moderator. Collectively, these results highlight the potential for White guilt to be turned into meaningful civic action, particularly when coupled with civic beliefs.
... Then, emotions and expectations influence the individual's actual behavior toward the partner, and the relationship itself (Fincham, 2003;Fletcher & Clark, 2002;Fletcher & Thomas, 2000;Weiner, 2001Weiner, , 2014. However, although all attributional dimensions are related to emotions for the partner's (student) behavior and the relationship itself, their prevalence differs across the various emotions (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Weiner, 2005Weiner, , 2006Weiner, , 2014. Precisely, stability most impact on performance expectations and the emotions of hopefulness/hopelessness, controllability affects perceptions of personal responsibility and the social-related emotions, such as shame, anger and gratitude, while locus of causality mainly influences perceptions of personal competence and the self-related emotions, such as pride in success. ...
... Attributing, for instance, a failure to lack of effort, an individual may experience the emotions of less pride (internal), higher hope (unstable), and guilt (controllable), that, in turn, directly influence behaviors (Wang & Hall, 2018). However, although all attributional dimensions are related to emotions for the partner's (student) behavior and the relationship itself, their prevalence differs across the various emotions (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Weiner, 2005Weiner, , 2006Weiner, , 2014. Stability most impacts on performance expectations and the emotions of hopefulness/hopelessness, controllability affects perceptions of personal responsibility and the social-related emotions, such as shame, anger and gratitude, while locus of causality mainly influences perceptions of personal competence and the self-related emotions, such as pride in success. ...
This study examined teachers’ attributions and emotions for their subjectively perceived interpersonal relationships with their students as positive or negative, and whether hope (pathways thinking, agency thinking) influences the perceived positive or negative interpersonal relationships, the subsequent attributions and emotions, and the impact of attributions on emotions. Fifty teachers, of both genders, completed the questionnaire for each of their five students who were randomly selected from their teaching classes. The results revealed that the positive interpersonal relationships were predominately attributed to stable, personally controllable and self-student controllable factors, whereas the negative interpersonal relationships were primarily attributed to external, external controllable, unstable, and self-student controllable factors. Also, teachers reported positive emotions of high intensity (sympathy, cheerfulness, exciting, love, not anger, calmness) for the positive relationships, and negative emotions of moderate intensity (no enthusiasm, shame, anxiety, no excitement) for the negative relationships. Yet, the high hope teachers made adaptive attributional and emotional appraisals for the positive and, mainly, negative interpersonal relationships. Agency thinking, as compared to pathway thinking, was a better and worse formulator of the appraisals in negative and positive interpersonal relationships, respectively. Hope, additionally, had direct effect on the emotions, beyond that afforded by attributions, particularly in negative interpersonal relationships.
... According to Weiner's theory, attributions are categorized into dimensions of locus of causality (internal/external to the person), stability (stable/unstable over time) and controllability (personal and external controllable/uncontrollable). Although all attributional dimensions are related to expectations and emotions, which, in turn, influence behavior, each of them has specific consequences (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Stephanou, 2012;Weiner, 2005). Stability most impact on performance expectations and the emotions of hopefulness/hopelessness, controllability affects perceptions of personal responsibility and the social-related emotions, such as shame, anger, and gratitude. ...
The aim of this study was to examine (a) parental attributions for children’s performance in language, mathematics and globally school in kindergarten, (b) whether parents’ perceptions concerning their children’s academic ability predict the children’s school performance in kindergarten, the subsequent parental attributions, and the impact of school performance and parental attributions on parental expectations concerning their children’s later school performance in the first primary school year, and (c) the role of the three sets of concepts (perceived academic ability, performance in kindergarten, and subsequent parent attributions) in the formulation of parent expectations. The participants were parents of 150 kindergarten children (80 girls, 70 boys), who were randomly recruited from 45 state kindergartens of various towns of Greece. The results revealed: (a) parents attributed their children’s good performance to stable and, mainly, internal and personal controllable to the children’s factors, (b) the higher parents estimated their children’s ability, the better the children performed in the respective school subject, and the higher the parental attributions to internal, stable, personal controllable and external uncontrollable to the children’s factors were, (c) variability in the effect of parents’ perceptions of their children’s ability on attributions and performance between and within school subjects, in favoring language, and least favoring general school performance and (d) although parental perceived children’s academic ability was the most powerful predictor of parents’ expectations regarding their children’s performance in grade one, both the children’s past performance and the subsequent parental attributions accounted for a positive significant portion of the variance of it.
... Levels of responsibility and guilt did not change over the 2 years in either group. Some researchers believe that responsibility is an antecedent as well as a consequence of guilt (Berndsen and Manstead, 2007). Nevertheless, responsibility, similarly to earlier studies, was found to be significantly higher in the suicide bereaved than in the sudden death bereaved (Pitman et al., 2014). ...
Objective
Grief reactions change over time. However, only a limited number of studies, and none in Australia, have analysed changes in individual grief reactions longitudinally. The aim is to examine changes in grief reactions, mental health and suicidality of close family members bereaved by suicide, 6, 12 and 24 months after their loss compared with those bereaved by other forms of sudden death, adjusting for confounding factors.
Method
Participants were 142 adult family members bereaved by suicide and 63 by other sudden death, followed up at 6, 12 and 24 months in Queensland, Australia. The Grief Experience Questionnaire, Depression Anxiety Stress Scale and Beck Scale for Suicide Ideation were used as main outcomes. Mixed-effects linear and logistic regressions were utilized for statistical analyses.
Results
There were significant differences in rejection, stigmatization, shame and responsibility between the suicide and sudden death bereaved over the 2-year period, after adjusting for potential confounding factors. Rejection, stigmatization, search for explanation, somatic reactions and symptoms of depression and anxiety (Depression Anxiety Stress Scale) declined significantly over time in both groups. Rejection and somatic reactions showed group-by-time interaction effects, with a decrease in the suicide bereaved and no change in the sudden death bereaved. Loss of social support and suicidal ideation did not show a group or time effect.
Conclusion
Although our findings confirm that there are several common dimensions to experiencing a sudden death of a family member, several differences were found between the suicide and non-suicide sudden death bereaved including significantly higher levels of rejection, stigmatization, shame and responsibility remaining in the suicide compared to sudden death bereaved 2 years after their loss. These findings should be considered in clinical practice and when designing postvention services in Australia.
... As such, this moral emotion has a strong interpersonal basis, playing a central role in preventing transgressions towards others or correcting such violations, by apologizing and undoing the damage done (Sheikh & Janoff-Bulman, 2010). Not surprisingly, guilt is positively related to prosocial behavior (Olthof, 2012) and the propensity to take responsibility for one's actions (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). In contrast, the experience of guilt is negatively associated with antisocial attitudes and behavior (Tangney et al., 2011), as well as with criminal recidivism (Tangney, Stuewig, & Martinez, 2014). ...
The current study investigated the relationship between psychopathy and two concepts that hold a central position in conceptualizations of this disorder, being guilt and dominance. Both constructs were measured using explicit measures (i.e., self-report), as well as indirect assessment (i.e., the Single Category Implicit Association Test; Sc-IAT). Our sample consisted of 43 psychopathic offenders, 42 nonpsychopathic offenders, and 26 nonoffender controls. Although no overall group differences emerged, the lifestyle/antisocial traits of psychopathy (Factor 2) predicted reduced self-reported guilt on a dimensional level. As hypothesized, such a relationship was absent for the interpersonal/affective dimension of psychopathy (Factor 1). Psychopathy was unrelated to implicit self-guilt associations. Regarding dominance, psychopathy was not significantly associated with indirectly or explicitly assessed dominance. These findings are interpreted in the light of empirical knowledge on moral emotions, insight and response distortion in highly antisocial offenders.
... Responsibility and guilt have previously been intimately connected (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Zimmermann et al., 2011;Basil, Ridgway & Basil, 2006;Gebauer et al., P r o v i s i o n a l 2008). Hoffman (1982) argues that to feel guilt, both empathic distress and some degree of self-attribution of responsibility for the victim's suffering are necessary and Baumeister et al. (1994), suggest that although perceived responsibility is not a requirement for guilt, it is an important determinant of the magnitude of experienced guilt. ...
One important motivation for people behaving prosocially is that they want to avoid negative and obtain positive emotions. In the prosocial behavior literature however, the motivations to avoid negative emotions (e.g., guilt) and to approach positive emotions (e.g., warm glow) are rarely separated, and sometimes even aggregated into a single mood-management construct. The aim of this study was to investigate whether anticipated guilt if not helping and anticipated warm glow if helping are influenced similarly or differently when varying situational factors related to personal responsibility to help. Helping scenarios were created and pilot tests established that each helping scenario could be formulated both in a high-responsibility version and in a low-responsibility version. In Study 1 participants read high-responsibility and low-responsibility helping scenarios, and rated either their anticipated guilt if not helping or their anticipated warm glow if helping (i.e., separate evaluation). Study 2 was similar but here participants rated both their anticipated guilt if not helping and their anticipated warm glow if helping (i.e., joint evaluation). Anticipated guilt was clearly higher in the high-responsibility versions, but anticipated warm glow was unaffected (in Studies 1a and 1b), or even higher in the low-responsibility versions (Study 2). In Studies 3 (where anticipated guilt and warm glow were evaluated separately) and 4 (where they were evaluated jointly), personal responsibility to help was manipulated within-subjects. Anticipated guilt was again constantly higher in the high-responsibility versions but for many types of responsibility-manipulations, anticipated warm glow was higher in the low-responsibility versions. The results suggest that we anticipate guilt if not fulfilling our responsibility but that we anticipate warm glow primarily when doing over and beyond our responsibility. We argue that future studies investigating motivations for helping should measure both anticipated negative consequences for oneself if not helping, and anticipated positive consequences for oneself if helping.
... In (1), it is assumed that, initially, the game played would increase probability of failure in cooperation (a group not volunteering to an extent to ensure public good). Such a failure would incur guilt in agents, thus infusing a sense of responsibility (15), which is assumed to motivate them to cooperate for public good in subsequent runs of the game. The structure of the game is presented in Table 1. ...
In this paper, an agent-based model of bystanders effect on volunteering in a crime situation is presented. The model is pivoted on the results of a game-theoretic experimentation of the volunteering dilemma [18], emphasizing the role of guilt in increasing the volunteering tendency. An analytical model of bystanders effect on volunteering [8] is extended so that it incorporates multiple interventions and changes in agents’ beliefs to be used in subsequent interactions. However, the main contribution is the model extension including the guilt propagation, subsequently responsible for increases in volunteering tendency. We also introduce a new model of offender behavior, that operates in conjunction with the model of volunteering. The model is simulated asking interesting “what-if” questions with particular focus on decreasing offending tendencies. The results of the simulation reveal that, the model we have proposed, validates the theoretical foundations of bystanders effect on volunteering and importance of guilt in increasing the volunteering tendency.
... Table 1 shows the Pearson correlation coefficients between those two variables. Because the decision is binary -to volunteer or not -we also include the coefficients obtained by doing a binary regression using a logistic function, which yields similar results 13 . For the DV2 and DV3 conditions, those results confirm prediction 1: we find a strongly significant positive correlation. ...
... That is, consumers reflect and see themselves and their activities as directly contributing to pollution, or supporting poor working conditions for labourers in developing countries, for example. Significantly, these experiences are transformative in that consumers emerge with a newfound sense of responsibility and agency towards social issues (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). Extending these findings, Antonetti and Maklan (2014b) reveal that an experience of guilt mobilises future intentions to buy ethical and socially responsible products. ...
This article advances our understanding of sustainable consumption by focusing on the emerging concept of consumer responsibility for sustainable consumption (CRSC). Employing a recent scale of consumer’s ‘felt responsibility’ for sustainable consumption, we begin with the results of an empirical study intended to determine how CRSC relates to the established sustainable consumption attitude–behaviour gap. Guided by the insight gained from these results, we proceed with exploring a broader, multidimensional conceptualisation of CRSC by synthesising research from a variety of domains and perspectives. Our hope is that this exploration will inspire additional dialogue about the nature of CRSC, as well as enable development of a more refined scale to enable subsequent research. We believe that this, in turn, will promote future research and inform practice as our collective understanding of this important consumer construct continues to evolve.
... While all causal dimensions are related to emotions for the partner"s behavior and the relationship, their prevalence differs across the various emotions. Locus of causality, stability and controllability mainly influences the self-esteem (pride)-expectancy (confidence)-and social (shame, anger, gratitude)-related emotions, respectively (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Weiner, 2001Weiner, , 2005Weiner, , 2006. For example, internal attributions for a good relationship are related to the emotions of confidence and pride, whereas external attributions maximize positive behaviors, such as help seeking, or negative responses, such as helplessness, avoidance and lack of persistence. ...
This study study aimed to examine (a) adolescents’ attributions and emotions for their subjectively perceived good and bad relationships with their parents, (b) the association of the intuitive and attributional appraisals of the adolescent-parent relationship with the subsequent emotions, and (c) the role of the perceived importance of the good adolescent-parent relationship in the generation of attributions and emotions, and in the impact of attributions on emotions. The sample comprised 670 adolescents, both genders, aged 14-17 years old, representing various parental socioeconomic levels. The results showed that: (a) It was extremely important for the adolescents to have good relationships with their parents, (b) the perceived good adolescent-parent relationships were attributed to internal, stable and personal controllable factors, along with parent- and self-parent interactive- related factors, while the estimated as bad relationships were attributed to external, stable, personal uncontrollable and external controllable factors (parents’ negative properties), (c) the adolescents experienced intense positive and negative emotions (mainly, general / outcome- dependent) for the perceived good and bad relationships with their parents, respectively, (d) both intuitive and attributional appraisals of the relationship were associated with the emotions, particularly in the perceived bad adolescent-parent relationship, and (e) the relative strength of the association of the attributional dimensions with the emotions varied between the perceived good and bad adolescent-parent relationship and across the various emotions.
Keywords: Adolescent-Parent Relationship, Attributions, Emotions, Intuitive Appraisal.
... Although all causal dimensions are related to emotions for the partner's (friend) behavior and the relationship itself, their prevalence differs across the various emotions. Locus of causality, stability and controllability mainly influences the selfesteem (pride)-expectancy (confidence)-and social (shame, anger, gratitude)-related emotions, respectively (Berndsen, & Manstead, 2007;Stephanou 2007;Weiner, 2005Weiner, , 2006. For example, internal attributions for successful events (positive friendship) is related to feelings of confidence and pride, whereas external attributions leads to positive behaviors such as help seeking, or negative responses, such as helplessness, avoidance and lack of persistence. ...
This research aimed to examine 1) children's attributions and emotions for their subjectively perceived friend-ships with their best friends as positive or negative, 2) the role of children's hope (pathways thinking, agency thinking) in the generation of their perception of their friendships as positive or negative, in the formulation of the subsequent attributions and emotions, and in the impact of attributions on emotions, and 3) the effects of hope in the interactive impact of attributions and emotions on friendship expectations. The participants were 322 children, both gender, 5th and 6th grades, representing various parental socioeconomic levels. The results showed that the perceived satisfactory friendships were mainly attributed to internal, and self-friend interactive internal and controllable factors, while the estimated as non satisfactory friendships were predominately attrib-uted to stable, friend's controllable and internal, and self-friend interactive internal factors. The children experi-enced intense positive and negative emotions for their perceived satisfactory and non satisfactory friendships, respectively. Hope (mostly, agency thinking) positively influenced the generation of the perceived quality of the friendship, the subsequent attributions (particularly, stability) and emotions, and the impact of attributions on emotions, mainly in the negative friendships group. Also, in the positive friendship group, high-pathway think-ing children had higher expectations of positive friendship, whereas, in the non satisfactory friendship group, low-agency thinking children had low expectations of positive friendship. Finally, hope proved formulator of the interactive effect of attributions (mainly, locus of causality) and emotions on friendship expectations. The find-ings from this study suggest the significant role of good friendship in children's life, and indicate the importance of examining children friendship along the role of hope in evaluating, attributing causes, experiencing emotions and forming expectations.
... Although all attributional dimensions are related to emotions for performance, their prevalence differs across the various emotions. Specifically, locus of causality, stability and controllability mainly influences the self-esteem (pride)-expectancy (confidence)-and social (shame, anger, gratitude)-related emotions, respectively (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Pintrich & Schunk, 2002;Stephanou & Tastis, 2008;Weiner, 1995Weiner, , 2001Weiner, , 2005Weiner, , 2006. For example, internal attributions for successful school performance produce the feelings of confidence and pride, whereas external attributions leads to positive behaviors such as help seeking, or negative responses, such as helplessness, avoidance and lack of persistence. ...
This study examined (a) students' (n= 342, both genders, grades 5 and 6) attributions and emotions for their subjectively perceived school performance in language and mathematics as successful or unsuccessful, (b) the role of students' hope (pathways thinking, agency thinking) in the: perceived performance in the above school subjects as successful or unsuccessful, subsequent attributions and emotions, impact of attributions on emotions, and,in turn,interactive effect on performance expectations. The estimated as successful and unsuccessful school performance was predominately attributed to stable and unstable (external in language) factors, respectively. The students experienced intense positive and moderate negative emotions for the perceived successful and unsuccessful school performance, respectively. Hope (mainly, agency thinking) positively influenced the attributions (particularly, stability) and emotions (mainly, pathway thinking), and the impact of attributions on emotions, mainly in unsuccessful performance in mathematics. Hope, attributions and emotions had unique and complimentarily effect on performance expectations.
... B. Lewis, 1971). A causal effect of control beliefs on guilt has been documented previously (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007), but, no study has yet demonstrated that guilt increases sense of control. ...
In the present studies, we investigate the hypothesis that guilt influences risk taking by enhancing one's sense of control. Across multiple inductions of guilt, we demonstrate that experimentally induced guilt enhances optimism about risks for the self (Study 1), preferences for gambles versus guaranteed payoffs (Studies 2, 4, and 6), and the likelihood that one will engage in risk-taking behaviors (Study 5). In addition, we demonstrate that guilt enhances the sense of control over uncontrollable events, an illusory control (Studies 3, 4, and 5), and found that a model with illusory control as a mediator is consistent with the data (Studies 5 and 6). We also found that a model with feelings of guilt as a mediator but not generalized negative affect fits the data (Study 4). Finally, we examined the relative explanatory power of different appraisals and found that appraisals of illusory control best explain the influence of guilt on risk taking (Study 6). These results provide the first empirical demonstration of the influence of guilt on sense of control and risk taking, extend previous theorizing on guilt, and more generally contribute to the understanding of how specific emotions influence cognition and behavior. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
... However, ongoing debate considers whether appraisal is an antecedent or outcome of felt guilt. For example, appraisal theories suggest that appraisals lead to felt emotion, yet Berndsen and Manstead (2007) demonstrate that felt guilt results in guilt appraisals, rather than the other way around. Regardless of their causal relationship, felt guilt and guilt appraisals clearly are not equivalent. ...
This article examines how egoistic (versus altruistic) appeals in charity advertising help regulate guilt and result in more favorable ad attitudes and donation intentions. The proposed affect forecasting and regulation model depicts the process by which guilt states are mitigated more effectively by egoistic appeals, because they strengthen the affect forecasting belief that giving to charity leads to happiness. Such enhanced affect forecasting beliefs further improve ad attitudes, which lead to greater donation intentions. This research tests the proposed model by exploring three possible types of guilt: existing guilt (Study 1), integral guilt (Study 2), and incidental guilt (Study 3). Click here for a free e-print (only 50 copies available): http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/YZbyPdhzBhgmiejwUnIr/full#.U-rMqeOSySo
... As mentioned above, guilt is associated with appraisals of personal agency and negative 12 P. Antonetti and P. Baines outcomes. This means that guilt messages stress perceptions of responsibility (Berndsen and Manstead 2007;Roseman et al. 1994) and negativity of the outcomes experienced. This might make guilt appeals deceptive or might create undue anxiety in the target audience. ...
Guilt regulates many consumption processes and, consequently, marketers frequently use appeals based on guilt to influence consumers' behaviour. Owing to the multidisciplinary interest in this emotion, however, the literature is diverse and fragmented. The effectiveness of guilt appeals is contested, and some authors suggest that the use of this emotion in marketing might be unethical. Furthermore, research to date has not explored the potential relationships between the experience of guilt in consumption and the elicitation of this emotion through marketing appeals. This paper analyses existing research on guilt in marketing, developing four specific contributions based on the evidence reviewed. First, it shows under what circumstances feelings of guilt support consumer self-regulation processes. Second, it outlines evidence-based managerial recommendations on how to produce effective guilt appeals and avoid the potentially unethical consequences of marketing through this emotion. Third, it identifies a gap in existing theorizing and presents an elicitation–consumption perspective of guilt in marketing as a framework that complements current approaches to this research topic. Fourth, it develops an agenda for future research and suggests eleven research hypotheses for the advancement of this field. Through the analysis of research produced within different disciplinary perspectives, this study develops a necessary foundation for future work on the role of guilt in marketing processes.
... Individuals experience guilt as a negative feeling that includes feelings of being tense, remorseful, and worried (Ferguson, Stegge, & Damhuis, 1991). Guilt arises when one feels personally responsible for violating a personal, social, or moral standard (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Kugler & Jones, 1992;Tangney, Miller, Flicker, & Barlow, 1996). Baumeister, Stillwell, and Heatherton (1994) underlined the importance of social influence. ...
Although individuals generally value health and sustainability, they do not always behave in a manner that is consistent with their standards. The current study examines whether attitudes and social norms (i.e., descriptive and injunctive norms) can evoke anticipated pride and guilt, which, in turn, guide behavioural intentions. This self-regulatory function of anticipated pride and guilt is examined in the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) extended with descriptive norms. Study 1 (N = 944) was a cross-sectional study in a sustainable (organic) behaviour context, and Study 2 (N = 990) was a study with a delayed outcome measure in a sustainable (fair trade) and a healthy (fruit consumption) behaviour context. We demonstrate that both negative and positive self-conscious emotions guide behaviour because they mediate the effects of both attitudes and social norms on intentions. Furthermore, the results show that the mediating effects of anticipated pride and guilt significantly improve the explanatory power of the extended TPB in all contexts; however, there are differences in the size of the effects, such that the mediating effect of emotions is larger in a sustainable compared to a healthy context. Theoretical implications of our findings are discussed. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... Although such elevated levels of distress are a concern in relation to issues such as the link with self-harm in offender populations (Kenny, Lennings, & Munn, 2010), some negative emotions have also been associated with more positive outcomes. In non-incarcerated samples, guilt has been found to foster responsibility (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007), and has been associated with apologies (Baumeister, Stillwell, & Heatherton, 1995). As these latter studies were conducted with the general population, and would involve transgressions which have less serious consequences than those involved with offending, it is not clear whether these findings would generalize to offenders. ...
This study aimed to examine the relationship of offenders' distress and responsibility with maladaptive personality traits, self-esteem, and offence-type. It also further validated the Distress and Responsibility Scale (DRS; Xuereb et al., 2009a, Pers. Individ. Diff., 46, 465). A new sub-scale measuring social desirability was included and assessed in the DRS. Maladaptive personality traits and self-esteem were measured in relation to the following predictions: (1) that maladaptive personality traits would positively correlate with distress (2) that self-esteem would negatively correlate with distress and acknowledging responsibility. The sample was 405 male sexual, violent, and general offenders from a UK prison. Participants anonymously completed a questionnaire measuring the variables under investigation. The factor-structure of the DRS was confirmed via Confirmatory Factor Analysis after minor changes. No significant differences in distress and denial of responsibility were found between sexual, violent, and general offenders. Maladaptive personality traits positively correlated with chronic and offence-related distress, chronic self-blame, and minimization of offence harm. Chronic and offence-related distress and responsibility negatively related to self-esteem. The study concludes that the DRS has reached stability, and that the social desirability scale increases the measure's validity. Assessment and treatment for offence-related distress and denial of responsibility should be offered to all offence groups. Offenders would benefit from structured interventions to manage difficulties associated with maladaptive personality traits, including chronic distress and self-blame. Finally, it was concluded that self-esteem might serve a self-defensive function for offenders.
... Guilt is a negative, self-evaluative feeling that is commonly elicited when a person perceives his or her behavior as having violated moral standards and/or having caused harm to others (e.g., Ortony, Clore, & Collins, 1988;Tangney, 1991;Tracy & Robbins, 2006). The experience of guilt combines feelings of distress over another person's well-being with a sense of personal responsibility (Baumeister et al., 1994;Berndsen & Manstead, 2007;Ortony et al., 1988;Tangney & Dearing, 2002). People high in guilt-proneness also show high levels of other-oriented empathy (Joireman, 2004;Leith & Baumeister, 1998;Tangney, 1991). ...
The capacity to experience guilt is assumed to benefit individuals, as the rewards of repeated, cooperative interactions are likely to exceed the rewards of acting selfishly. If that assumption is true, the extent to which people experience guilt over interpersonal transgressions should at least partly depend on the utility of another person for the attainment of personal goal(s) through social interaction (relational utility). Three experiments confirmed the relational utility hypothesis by showing that people felt guiltier (a) over excluding someone from a fun game if this person could subsequently distribute more money in a dictator game, (b) over hypothetical social transgressions toward a person who was instrumental to the attainment of a salient goal than toward a person who was not instrumental to the attainment of that goal and toward the same person when no goal was salient, and (c) over a low contribution in a social dilemma game if they were more dependent on their group members for performing well in a subsequent debating contest. Closeness with the other person, differences in severity of the transgression, and strategic motives for expressing guilt were consistently excluded as alternative accounts of the effects. By showing that relational utility may affect guilt, these findings (a) provide support for the individual level function of guilt; (b) extend research on the antecedents of guilt in social interactions, which mainly focused on retrospective appraisals; and (c) bear implications for the status of guilt as a moral emotion. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
... In episodes evoking guilt, research has shown that some elements are particularly relevant to determine the intensity of the emotional experience, for example, the closeness of the relationship with the victim (Baumeister, Stillwell, & Heatherton, 1995) or the perception of responsibility regarding the wrongdoing (Berndsen & Manstead, 2007). ...
Guilt has been found to accomplish important relational functions, thus promoting reparative behaviours through otherdirected strategies. However, when one’s self-image is at risk, self-directed strategies may be adaptively preferred. We thus wondered whether social expectations towards morally relevant roles would affect the emotional response to moral transgressions and, consequently, the choice of coping strategies to restore the original emotional status. In two studies, two groups of participants were asked to imagine themselves in guilt-evoking situations and to think of ways of reducing their negative feelings. In study 1, social expectations regarding the transgressor were manipulated by comparing a group of Catholic priests and of lay people. In study 2, we repeated the same design adding a manipulation of perspective (first/third person). Overall, results showed that the priests reported more feelings of shame when in the first person condition, and were more likely to cope with their negative feelings by means of self-directed strategies than the lay people. In these cases, selfdirected coping strategies may be adaptively chosen in order to restore a positive self-image.
... Participants had to drop the irrelevant word from 10 scrambled sentences (e.g., ''flowers need taxi water more'') and arrange the rest in a meaningful sentence (i.e., ''flowers need more water''). This procedure is an established method for altering attitudes and behavior (Bargh et al., 2001;Norenzayan and Shariff, 2007) and a similar method has been used to prime feelings of guilt (Berndsen and Manstead, 2007 sentences that evoked guilt (e.g., ''you broke your vow''); in the negative condition, sentences were negative but not guilt-specific and tapped pain, suffering, and shame (e.g., ''she could not breathe'' and ''everyone here hates me''); and in the neutral condition, sentences did not have negative or emotionally laden content (e.g., ''cars run on petrol''). Following the sentence completion task, participants gazed at their own face in a mirror (visual angle: 531 Â 351) in a semi-dark room for 11 min. ...
We examined the influence of guilt on the relationship between dissociative tendencies and state dissociation during mirror-gazing in a non-clinical sample. Dissociative tendencies correlated with state dissociation following guilt primes, but not after negative or neutral primes. This suggests that guilt augments the relationship between dissociative tendencies and state dissociation.
... At the empirical level, previous research that has manipulated the mediating variable-legitimacy of the harm committed by an ingrouphas obtained support for its causal impact on collective guilt (Miron et al., 2006). In terms of the responsibility-guilt relationship, however, Berndsen and Manstead (2007) suggested that responsibility may follow from the experience of interpersonal guilt rather than the reverse. They contend that responsibility for harm-operationalized in terms of personal controllability and severity of harm-is an elaborated appraisal that results from feeling guilty. ...
The authors examined the consequences of remembering historical victimization for emotional reactions to a current adversary. In Experiment 1, Jewish Canadians who were reminded of the Holocaust accepted less collective guilt for their group's harmful actions toward the Palestinians than those not reminded of their ingroup's past victimization. The extent to which the conflict was perceived to be due to Palestinian terrorism mediated this effect. Experiment 2 illustrated that reminding Jewish people, but not non-Jewish people, of the Holocaust decreased collective guilt for current harm doing compared with when the reminder concerned genocide committed against another group (i.e., Cambodians). In Experiments 3 and 4, Americans experienced less collective guilt for their group's harm doing in Iraq following reminders of either the attacks on September 11th, 2001 or the 1941 Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor compared with a historical victimization reminder that was irrelevant to the ingroup. The authors discuss why remembering the ingroup's past affects responses to outgroups in the present.
Purpose
In this study, the authors developed a conceptual model to investigate sustainable consumption behavior, specifically the intention to use reusable bags, and its relationship with two crucial factors influencing the use of single-use plastic bags: cost savings and convenience. This study also aims to explore the mediating roles of environmental concern, guilt and self-efficacy.
Design/methodology/approach
A quantitative study using online survey involving 421 respondents was conducted, and data analysis performed using structural equation modeling.
Findings
The results indicate that self-efficacy influenced environmental concern and sustainable consumption, while perceived savings did not. Perceived convenience significantly influenced sustainable consumption behavior. Environmental concern had indirect effects on the relationships between perceived savings, perceived convenience and sustainable consumption behavior, whereas guilt did not moderate the relationship between environmental concern and sustainable consumption behavior.
Originality/value
The main contribution lies in the insights for promoting the sustainable use of reusable shopping bags, benefiting both theoretical understanding and practical applications in efforts to encourage sustainable consumption behavior.
Introduction. The development of social responsibility as a personal and professional quality among young people at the university stage of their growth has become an important state goal of education today. Purpose setting. To study the components of socially responsible behavior among university students, the formation of which is carried out in the process of educational activities of curators of student groups. Methodology and methods of the study. Organizational, empirical methods (experiment, testing, questionnaire, expert survey), quantitative and qualitative analysis, methods of data interpretation were used. Results. When studying the motivational component of socially responsible behavior using the methodology «Motivation to participate in socially significant activities», it was revealed that 68% of respondents have a high level of motivation for socially significant activities; 32% have an average level. Reflection as the ability to analyze one's own behavior and assess its social significance was studied using the O. V. Kalashnikova test. In the studied sample, 37% of respondents had a high level of reflection, 63% – on average. During the survey, it was revealed that the work of curators at the Tula State Lev Tolstoy Pedagogical University satisfies students, is considered important and useful. The dynamics of the formation of socially responsible behavior was studied using the methodology «Responsibility before and now». All respondents indicated a subjectively felt increase in indicators of responsibility in their student years. Conclusion. The essence of socially responsible behavior of students is determined, its components are specified, the indicators of which were identified in the diagnostic process; on the basis of an expert survey, the role of curators in the education of socially responsible behavior of students is revealed; the fundamental components of the curatorial support model implemented at the Tula State Lev Tolstoy Pedagogical University are described. The most significant, in the opinion of young people, events and activities of curators, as well as their personal qualities that affect the process of educating socially responsible behavior among students, were identified. The correlation of data on all the methods used allowed us to draw a general conclusion about fairly good results for all the studied indicators of socially responsible behavior of students. Most of the students gave a highly positive assessment of the contribution of the curators in educating them socially responsible behavior.
This article covers various aspects of culture and its relationship with violence and peace as an idea and as performance. It clarifies the misconception that cultures cause conflict. It is actually individuals and communities who engage in violence; cultures only act as intermediaries that project certain norms and values that appropriate acts of violence. It explores various forms of cultural institutions and performances such as power, gender, religion, tradition, human rights, facework, among others, by providing real-world examples.
The forced transition to distance learning due to the pandemic led to a qualitative change in the components of the educational environment of the university The purpose of article is a comparative analysis of students' evaluation of the educational environment (spatial-subject, communicative and technological components) in regular education before the pandemic and during the transition to distance forms of education during the pandemic. Based on this, a hypothesis was put forward about the correlation between the stage of a student’s subjecthood and the eco-psychological type of his interactions with each of the components of the educational environment in the regular (traditional) and distance (virtual) learning modes. The test subjects were students of the second and fifth years of engineering specialties (N = 159; M = 20.3; SD = 1.5; 68 per cent of girls). To diagnose the evaluation of the interaction of the components of the educational environment, we used the questionnaire, which allows us to evaluate the correlation of each component of the environment with the Eco-psychological types of subject-environmental interactions on an interval scale (from object-object to subject-subject). To assess the stages of the formation of a student’s subjecthood in educational activity, the author modified G. Kelly’s grid, with the help of which the ideographic research method was implemented. The influence of the components of the educational environment on students was determined by stepwise regression analysis. The study identified the stages of the formation of a student’s subjecthood "journeyman" (subject-object and object-subject type), "student" (subject-joint type), "critic" and "creator" (generative subject type) of traditional and digital educational environments. In particular, the increased frequency of the “apprentice” stage of a student’s subjecthood testifies to the dominance of reproductive technologies in teaching both in the traditional (33%) and in the “digital” (22%) environment. In the technological component of the traditional educational environment in the pre-pandemic period, a correlation was revealed with a number of stages of the formation of a student’s subjecthood "observer" (0,20), "journeyman" (0,21), "student" (0,20), "master" (0,17) and "creator" (0,22). Whereas in regard to the “digital” environment, only one inversely proportional relationship with the severity of the “creator” stage (-0,19) in the object-object type of interaction was revealed.
Introduction. The need to form responsibility as a personality trait that ensures personal growth and development of each person is currently considered as a condition for adaptation to the modern world. The problem of responsibility in relation to the category of at-risk adolescents is characterized by the importance of the formation of social-personal responsibility as a generalizing characteristic of volitional behavior, synthesizing and including manifestations of various volitional, moral-volitional and moral qualities of an individual. The purpose of the article is to study the main components of social-personal responsibility as the basis for the formation of at-risk adolescents as a subject of self-development, the conditions for the formation of personal responsibility in the specified category of adolescents. Materials and methods. The study was carried out in seven (7) educational institutions in the city of Tula and the Tula region (Russian Federation) among 13-14-year-old adolescents (n=103, of which 16 were attributed to the risk group). The diagnostic program included the following methods for the study of responsibility, coping strategies, self-esteem, self-control in communication among the subjects. Methods of mathematical statistics: G-test, Pearson's chi-squared test. Research results. It was revealed that in at-risk adolescents, the identified components of social-personal responsibility (cognitive, emotional, volitional, behavioral ones) are weak links that negatively affect the course of their subjective-personal development, distorting the directions of self-development at this age, leading them onto the deviant development path. At the control stage of the experiment, differences were revealed in all indicators of the studied variables for each component. The number of at-risk adolescents with low indicators of responsibility, communicative control, willpower, with pronounced maladjustment has decreased, the number of students with adequate self-esteem has increased. The least significant shifts occurred in the behavioral component. According to the “School of Responsibility” methodology, the value of the χ2 criterion is 4.952; “Diagnostics of general self-esteem” by G.N. Kazantseva (χ2 = 3.256); “Assessment of self-control in communication” (χ2 = 4.91); “Self-assessment of willpower” (χ2 = 0.686); “Coping strategies” (χ2 = 3.841). The relationship between the factorial and effective traits is statistically insignificant, the level of significance is p> 0.05. This indicates the need to continue working with the identified at-risk adolescents. Conclusion. A set of psychological-pedagogical tools for the formation of social-personal responsibility in at-risk adolescents should include as follows: individual and group consultations, interactive seminars, master classes, quests, discussions, classes with training elements, project activities, role-playing games, training lessons.
Introduction. The study of Al-Farabi’s pedagogical heritage is relevant, since it allows forming a scientific idea of the level of progressive experience in teaching and upbringing in the conditions of the early Middle Ages, in the era of the flourishing and rise of culture in the East. Research purpose is to consider Al-Farabi’s creative heritage and give an overview of his scientific-pedagogical ideas. Materials and methods. The authors used Al-Farabi’s treatises, reflecting his pedagogical ideas, as well as the works of modern teachers, historians and philosophers. Research methods: analysis, synthesis and historical-pedagogical interpretation of the data contained in the sources; systematization and generalization of materials obtained as a result of studying open Internet sources and modern scientific literature. Research results. Despite the fact that Al-Farabi’s ideas were based on the works by Plato and Aristotle on the cognizability of the world, the scholar has developed original applications of this theory in relation to the needs of that time, taking into account the state religious policy. According to the thinker, the ideal of upbringing and education includes the mastery of scientific knowledge, moral and aesthetic perfection of both the student and the teacher. The rules proposed by Al-Farabi asserted the social significance of teaching and upbringing based on mutual respect of teachers and students. The educational system and teaching methods proposed by Al-Farabi made it possible to activate the students’ creative and cognitive activity, contributed to the development of logical thinking and comprehension of the information they receive. Discussion and conclusion. The study and analysis of Al-Farabi’s treatises show that the thinker considered all aspects of the educational process: educational goal, learning content, teaching methods and tools, the duties of the student and the teacher. The thinker’s entire creative heritage is imbued with the ideas of humanizing and democratizing society through its improvement by upbringing and educational tools.
Although obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) and the conduct disorders (CD) express a contrasting symptomatology, they could represent different answers to a common matrix about morality. In the literature, some theoretical models describe people with OCD as individuals who experience high levels of responsibility and guilt. On the other hand, adolescents with a CD are described as if they do not feel guilty at all or consider anti-social purposes as more important than existing moral purposes. The aims of this study were to investigate the role of forgiveness in responsibility and guilt levels and to test whether this putative relation was influenced by tendencies towards obsessive–compulsive problems (OCP) or conduct problems (CP). In total, 231 adolescents aged between 16 and 18 years were self-assessed using a Youth Self-Report, Child Responsibility Attitudes Questionnaire, Heartland Forgiveness Scale, and Test Of Self-Conscious Affect. The results show that self-forgiveness predicted responsibility levels, while guilt was predicted by self-forgiveness and situation-forgiveness. Moreover, mediation analyses revealed that the effects of OCP on responsibility and guilt were mediated by self-forgiveness and situation-forgiveness. Regarding CP, no mediated effects were found. In conclusion, lower proneness to forgive increases responsibility and guilt, and this is particularly evident in subjects with higher levels of OCP.
Depression is known to affect how individuals perceive social exchanges, either negative or positive ones. These difficulties are thought to partly arise from depression-related guilt and rejection sensitivity. Here, we examined whether individuals with elevated levels of depression reported more guilt after engaging in a series of controlled exchanges in the Ultimatum Game (UG) and if rejection sensitivity mediated this relationship in negative interactions. To this end, we utilized a multi-round, multi-shot UG in which participants (N = 72) were sequentially paired with (1) unfair and (2) altruistic allocators. State guilt and perceived fairness ratings were collected throughout the Ultimatum Game. Alternatively, we looked into perceived fairness of received offers and harm caused to the allocator as potential moderators of the mediation model. As expected, we found that rejection sensitivity partially mediated the relationship between depression and guilt. Interestingly, the effect of depression through rejection sensitivity on guilt was stronger when participants caused more harm to the allocator than when they perceived the allocator as extremely unfair. A path analysis was performed as well to check for goodness of fit of the moderated mediation model. Exploratory, we looked at how depression may interfere with the emotional and behavioral response in positive exchanges as well. Overall, our findings may contribute to the understanding of the dynamics in interpersonal transactions of depressed individuals with relevance for counseling and diagnosis. Theoretical implications and interpretive caveats are discussed.
The empirical study featured the attitude of students to restrictive measures during the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper introduces various patterns of attitudes that adolescents with different indicators of value orientations and personal express to the lockdown. An authentic questionnaire with emotional, cognitive, and behavioral blocks was used to define the dominant attitude, A. I. Krupnov’s test – to study the responsibility patterns, and Sh. Schwartz's questionnaire – to describe the system of values. The obtained results made it possible to identify some coping strategies in respondents with different personal qualities. Certain dominant values and the level of responsibility proved to be able to determine a positive or negative attitude to the lockdown. By taking into account the age and personal qualities of the population, authorities one can develop better preventive measures in future.
Various authors hold that some emotions (i.e., moral emotions) have the function of orienting people toward ethical actions. In addition to embarrassment, shame and pride, the moral emotion of guilt is believed to affect humans' behavior when they carry out transgressions that violate social and cultural standards. Over the past century, many studies (including controversial ones) have been conducted on guilt. In this study, we analyzed and summarized mainly the most recent literature on this emotion. On one side, the destructiveness of guilt is emphasized. It inflicts punishment and pain on individuals for their errors and can lead to psychopathology (e.g., depression). On the other side, it is described as a "friendly" emotion that motivates behavior adapted to social and cultural rules. How can this asymmetry be explained? Different existing views on guilt are presented and discussed, together with recent proposals, supported by research data. Finally, we discussed some systematic models that try to incorporate these different views in a single framework that could facilitate future researches.
The development and preliminary assessment of a bespoke measure of shame, guilt, and denial for offenders is outlined. In Study 1, the new measure was developed using a Delphi expert method. Thirty-nine experts participated in this study. In Study 2, the measure was piloted with 339 adult male prisoners from an English prison. It was predicted that shame, guilt, and denial would be confirmed as distinct concepts. Confirmatory factor analysis showed that this model did not fit the data. Exploratory factor analyses indicated an eight-factor solution, comprising: (1) Chronic distress and low self-worth, (2) Chronic self-blame, (3) Emotional capacity and respect, (4) Responsibility and self-blame, (5) Distress and rejection, (6) Lack of negative emotion, (7) Minimisation of harm, and (8) Functions of denial. There were significant differences in the factors across offence type and agreement with offence charges. It was also indicated that denial had a similar structure across offence types.
This article explores the synergies between recent developments in the social identity of helping, and advantaged groups' prosocial emotion. The authors review the literature on the potential of guilt, sympathy, and outrage to transform advantaged groups' apathy into positive action. They place this research into a novel framework by exploring the ways these emotions shape group processes to produce action strategies that emphasize either social cohesion or social change. These prosocial emotions have a critical but underrecognized role in creating contexts of in-group inclusion or exclusion, shaping normative content and meaning, and informing group interests. Furthermore, these distinctions provide a useful way of differentiating commonly discussed emotions. The authors conclude that the most "effective" emotion will depend on the context of the inequality but that outrage seems particularly likely to productively shape group processes and social change outcomes.
There has long been interest in describing emotional experience in terms of underlying dimensions, but traditionally only two dimensions, pleasantness and arousal, have been reliably found. The reasons for these findings are reviewed, and integrating this review with two recent theories of emotions (Roseman, 1984; Scherer, 1982), we propose eight cognitive appraisal dimensions to differentiate emotional experience. In an investigation of this model, subjects recalled past experiences associated with each of 15 emotions, and rated them along the proposed dimensions. Six orthogonal dimensions, pleasantness, anticipated effort, certainty, attentional activity, self-other responsibility/control, and situational control, were recovered, and the emotions varied systematically along each of these dimensions, indicating a strong relation between the appraisal of one’s circumstances and one’s emotional state. The patterns of appraisal for the different emotions, and the role of each of the dimensions in differentiating emotional experience are discussed.
Few people would question nowadays that emotions influence beliefs but until recently little scientific research has been done on exactly how this effect takes place. This important new book, with contributions from some of the leading figures in the study of emotion, explores the relationship between emotions and beliefs from a number of different psychological perspectives. Combining theory with research, it seeks to develop coherent theoretical principles for understanding how emotions influence the content and strength of an individual's beliefs and their resistance or openness to modification. This book will prove an invaluable resource for all those interested in emotion.
Appraisal research has relied heavily on vignette- and recall-based methodologies in theory construction; however, the validity of these methodologies in capturing the concomitants of online experience is unknown. To assess the convergence of online and simulated accounts of emotion, the authors assigned undergraduate research participants to either online or simulated conditions. Those in the online condition reported on their appraisals and emotions after viewing a series of 10 emotional slides, whereas those in the simulated condition estimated their likely reactions on the basis of short descriptions of the same slides. Despite the different information available in the two conditions, there was a surprising degree of correspondence in the reports. This convergence was seen in mean levels of appraisal and emotion but even more dramatically in the pattern of appraisal-emotion relations across slides. It is concluded that vignette methodologies can play a useful role in theory construction. In addition, the findings raise interesting questions about the role(s) of implicit theory in emotion.
Recently there has been considerable theoretical and empirical work attempting to identify specific cognitive dimensions that shape the emotional response. However, this work has almost universally neglected an important theoretical distinction between two types of cognition relevant to emotion: knowledge and appraisal. Knowledge has to do with the facts of an adaptational encounter, whereas appraisal defines the personal significance of an encounter for well-being. In the shaping of an emotion, knowledge is a distal variable which requires an additional process of appraisal to produce an emotion; appraisal is a proximal variable which directly influences whether an emotion will be generated, and if so, its kind and intensity.In this article we examine the distinctions between knowledge and appraisal that are relevant to the emotion process, and how the failure to consider them muddies theoretical and empirical work. We examine a number of putative appraisal dimensions prominent in current theoretical systems, examine why they often constitute knowledge rather than appraisal, and discuss some of the appraisal dimensions in the emotion process. In addition, the major techniques used to study the cognition-emotion relationship are examined and their potential for providing evidence of appraisal rather than knowledge is evaluated.
The purpose of the present research was to examine which types of harm play a determining role in experiences of guilt and regret. In two studies it is shown that guilt results from interpersonal harm and regret from harm to oneself. Moreover, the second study showed that guilt generally increases as a function of the level of negative interpersonal consequences of one's behaviour. It was also demonstrated that regret increased as a function of the level of negative intrapersonal consequences but not as a function of the level of negative interpersonal consequences. Results are discussed in terms of theoretical dimensions underlying experiences of guilt and regret.
focus on a unique set of [self-conscious] emotions that emerge late and that require certain cognitive abilities for their elicitation / [focus] on shame, pride, guilt, and embarrassment / articulate the role of self in their elicitation / [elaborate] a working definition through a cognitive–attributional model (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
develop and present evidence to support the argument that the self-generated affect that follows from violations of nonprejudiced values plays an important role in the future control and regulation of stereotype-based responses / to delineate this role of affect in people's prejudice reduction efforts, we review our theoretical and empirical efforts over the past several years / integrate and synthesize our theoretical and empirical efforts by presenting a model of the prejudice reduction process that applies to the struggles people face once they have defined prejudice as personally unacceptable / this model highlights why the joint consideration of cognitive and affective factors is important for understanding processes underlying prejudice reduction (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Prior research has typically attempted to distinguish one emotion from another by identifying distinctive expressions, physiology, and subjective qualities. Recent theories claim emotions can also be differentiated by distinctive action tendencies, actions, and motivational goals. To test hypotheses from both older and more recent theories, 100 Ss were asked to recall experiences of particular negative emotions and answer questions concerning what they felt, thought, felt like doing, actually did, and wanted. Results support hypotheses specifying characteristic responses for fear, sadness, distress, frustration, disgust, dislike, anger, regret, guilt, and shame. The findings indicate that discrete emotions have distinctive goals and action tendencies, as well as thoughts and feelings. In addition, they provide empirical support for hypothesized emotion states that have received insufficient attention from researchers. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Impression management refers to the behavioral strategies that people use to create desired social images or identities. The current status of impression management explanations in social psychology is discussed, and it is argued that the common practice of referring to impression management theory is misleading. Many potential theories of impression management exist, each based on distinct assumptions. Methodological strategies that investigators have used to distinguish between impression management and intrapsychic explanations for a variety of research findings are reviewed. Although empirical confrontations between impression management and intrapsychic explanations have stimulated innovative research, there are serious limits on the discriminability of the 2 classes of explanation. Possible conceptual frameworks are discussed for integrating the psychological processes described by both impression management and intrapsychic explanations. (60 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This paper is concerned with some limitations of the vignette methodology used in contemporary appraisal research and their implications for appraisal theory. We focus on two recent studies in which emotional manipulations were achieved using textual materials, and criticise the investigators' apparent implicit assumption that participation in everyday social reality is somehow comparable to reading a story. We take issue with three related aspects of this cognitive analogy between life and its narrative representation, by arguing that emotional reactions in real life are not necessarily mediated by symbolic processes, that people are involved participants of real life rather than neutral observers, and that in real life people's evaluations and emotions are typically part of an ongoing dialogue rather than the expression of a soliloquy. Results from these studies of emotional vignettes therefore tend to overestimate the importance of constructive, abstract, and individualistic processes in the everyday causation of social emotions. In real life, people do not necessarily have to calculate, transform, or internally represent the meaning of the dynamic situation in order to make emotional sense of what is happening to them in the social world.
This article presents a theory of how different types of discrepancies between self-state representa- tions are related to different kinds of emotional vulnerabilities. One domain of the self (actual; ideal; ought) and one standpoint on the self (own; significant other) constitute each type of self-state representation. It is proposed that different types of self-discrepancies represent different types of negative psychological situations that are associated with different kinds of discomfort. Discrepan- cies between the actual/own self-state (i.e., the self-concept) and ideal self-stales (i.e., representations of an individual's beliefs about his or her own or a significant other's hopes, wishes, or aspirations for the individual) signify the absence of positive outcomes, which is associated with dejection-related emotions (e.g., disappointment, dissatisfaction, sadness). In contrast, discrepancies between the ac- tual/own self-state and ought self-states (i.e., representations of an individual's beliefs about his or her own or a significant other's beliefs about the individual's duties, responsibilities, or obligations) signify the presence of negative outcomes, which is associated with agitation-related emotions (e.g., fear, threat, restlessness). Differences in both the relative magnitude and the accessibility of individu- als' available types of self-discrepancies are predicted to be related to differences in the kinds of discomfort people are likely to experience. Correlational and experimental evidence supports the predictions of the model. Differences between serf-discrepancy theory and (a) other theories of in- compatible self-beliefs and (b) actual self negativity (e.g., low self-esteem) are discussed.
People typically experience guilt when they violate sociomoral norms. Using Heider's (1958) attribution of responsibility model in the two experiments reported here, I examined the attributional mediators of posttransgression guilt. The basic design of both studies was a Level of Responsibility X Subject Role factorial. The first study used a role-playing methodology; in the second, subjects generated protocols describing their own past experiences. The second experiment also distinguished between attributions of responsibility, causality, and blame. In both studies, harmdoer guilt was higher following accidental as opposed to intentional transgressions. The discussion focuses on the dynamics of guilt development and reduction and on the importance of maintaining conceptual distinctions among the various attribution measures in future guilt research.
There has long been interest in describing emotional experience in terms of underlying dimensions, but traditionally only two dimensions, pleasantness and arousal, have been reliably found. The reasons for these findings are reviewed, and integrating this review with two recent theories of emotions (Roseman, 1984; Scherer, 1982), we propose eight cognitive appraisal dimensions to differentiate emotional experience. In an investigation of this model, subjects recalled past experiences associated with each of 15 emotions, and rated them along the proposed dimensions. Six orthogonal dimensions, pleasantness, anticipated effort, certainty, attentional activity, self-other responsibility/control, and situational control, were recovered, and the emotions varied systematically along each of these dimensions, indicating a strong relation between the appraisal of one's circumstances and one's emotional state. The patterns of appraisal for the different emotions, and the role of each of the dimensions in differentiating emotional experience are discussed.
Proposes a theory of motivation and emotion in which causal ascriptions play a key role. Evidence is presented indicating that in achievement-related contexts there are a few dominant causal perceptions, and it is suggested that the perceived causes of success and failure share the 3 common properties of locus, stability, and controllability, with intentionality and globality as other possible causal structures. The perceived stability of causes influences changes in expectancy of success; all 3 dimensions of causality affect a variety of common emotional experiences, including anger, gratitude, guilt, hopelessness, pity, pride, and shame. Expectancy and affect, in turn, are presumed to guide motivated behavior. The theory therefore relates the structure of thinking to the dynamics of feeling and action. Analysis of a created motivational episode involving achievement strivings is offered, and numerous empirical observations are examined from this theoretical position. The strength of the empirical evidence and the capability of this theory to address prevalent human emotions are stressed, and examples of research on parole decisions, smoking cessation, and helping behavior are presented to illustrate the generalizability of the theory beyond the achievement-related theoretical focus. (3½ p ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This experiment tested the proposition that the worse the consequences of an accidental occurrence, the greater the tendency of Ss to assign responsibility for the catastrophe to some appropriate person. Also tested was the specific proposition that an accident victim would be assigned increasing responsibility for his accident as its severity increased. Data supported these hypotheses. There seemed to be 2 ways of judging the same behavior as more responsible for the accident when accidental consequences were severe: (1) Ss could perceive the responsible person as more careless when accidental consequences were severe: (2) Ss could perceive the responsible person's behavior correctly, but apply stricter moral standards in judging the behavior when accidental consequences were severe. Data indicated that only the 2nd method of assigning responsibility was utilized by Ss.
Multiple sets of empirical research findings on guilt are reviewed to evaluate the view that guilt should be understood as an essentially social phenomenon that happens between people as much as it happens inside them. Guilt appears to arise from interpersonal transactions (including transgressions and positive inequities) and to vary significantly with the interpersonal context. In particular, guilt patterns appear to be strongest, most common, and most consistent in the context of communal relationships, which are characterized by expectations of mutual concern. Guilt serves various relationship-enhancing functions, including motivating people to treat partners well and avoid transgressions, minimizing inequities and enabling less powerful partners to get their way, and redistributing emotional distress.
In keeping with cognitive appraisal models of emotion, it was hypothesized that sadness and anger would exert different influences on causal judgments. Two experiments provided initial support for this hypothesis. Sad Ss perceived situationally caused events as more likely (Experiment 1) and situational forces more responsible for an ambiguous event (Experiment 2) than angry Ss, who, in contrast, perceived events caused by humans as more likely and other people as more responsible. Experiments 3, 4, and 5 showed that the experience of these emotions, rather than their cognitive constituents, mediates these effects. The nonemotional exposure to situational or human agency information did not influence causal judgments (Experiment 3), whereas the induction of sadness and anger without explicit agency information did (Experiments 4 and 5). Discussion is focused on the influence of emotion on social judgment.
This chapter addresses four interrelated questions: What are the appraisals (motive-relevant evaluations) that cause particular emotions? Why do these particular appraisals cause these particular emotions? How can this model of appraisal-emotion relationships be applied to understand and influence emotions and emotional behaviors? What research might be undertaken to extend and deepen our understanding of the process of emotion generation and emotional response? The current version of the appraisal model that my colleagues and I have been developing proposes that seven appraisals of events directly influence emotions:1 (1) unexpectedness: not unexpected/unexpected (whether the event violates one’s expectations); (2) situational state: motive-inconsistent/motive-consistent (whether the event is unwanted or is wanted by the person); (3) motivational state: aversive/ appetitive (whether the event is being related to a desire to get less of something punishing or a desire to get more of something rewarding); (4) probability: uncertain/ certain (whether the occurrence of motive-relevant aspects of the event is merely possible or is definite); (5) agency: circumstances/other person/self (what or who caused the motive-relevant event); (6) control potential: low/high (whether there is nothing one can do or something one can do about the motive-relevant aspects of an event); and (7) problem type: instrumental/intrinsic (whether a motive-inconsistent event is unwanted because it blocks attainment of a goal or unwanted because of some inherent characteristic).
Inducing guilt is one problematic pattern in filial relationships. Inducing guilt capitalizes on this basic structure of guilt. The message that lies at the core of guilt induction is “Look how you are hurting me.” The other person changes his or her behavior to avoid the guilt that would follow from hurting. As already noted, guilt is thus a widely available influence strategy because it does not require formal power or control over material outcomes. It is available even to the relatively weak and powerless, as a means to allow them to get their way. Guilt does however depend on the emotional bond, in two ways. First, the person will feel guilty only to the extent that he or she empathizes with other's suffering. Second, the person wants to preserve the relationship. "Look how you are hurting me" will not elicit much guilt if the response is "So what?" Thus, again, strangers and casual acquaintances are at a substantial relative disadvantage in terms of their ability to induce guilt. Inducing guilt is not without its costs. Two types of costs have been identified. First, manipulating guilt can breed resentment, and so even if the guilt inducer gets his or her way, he or she may have to be content with a residue of ill will and resistance to future attempts at guilt induction. The second potential cost of using guilt as an influence strategy is metaguilt—that is, guilt over inducing guilt.
1. Introduction The study of emotion Types of evidence for theories of emotion Some goals for a cognitive theory of emotion 2. Structure of the theory The organisation of emotion types Basic emotions Some implications of the emotions-as-valenced-reactions claim 3. The cognitive psychology of appraisal The appraisal structure Central intensity variables 4. The intensity of emotions Global variables Local variables Variable-values, variable-weights, and emotion thresholds 5. Reactions to events: I. The well-being emotions Loss emotions and fine-grained analyses The fortunes-of-others emotions Self-pity and related states 6. Reactions to events: II. The prospect-based emotions Shock and pleasant surprise Some interrelationships between prospect-based emotions Suspense, resignation, hopelessness, and other related states 7. Reactions to agents The attribution emotions Gratitude, anger, and some other compound emotions 8. Reactions to objects The attraction emotions Fine-grained analyses and emotion sequences 9. The boundaries of the theory Emotion words and cross-cultural issues Emotion experiences and unconscious emotions Coping and the function of emotions Computational tractability.
The present study examined the immediate and delayed effects of unobtrusive exposure to personality trait terms (e.g., "reckless," "persistent") on subjects' subsequent judgments and recollection of information about another person. Before reading a description of a stimulus person, subjects were unobtrusively exposed to either positive or negative trait terms that either could or could not be used to characterize this person. When the trait terms were applicable to the description of the stimulus person, subjects' characterizations and evaluations of the person reflected the denotative and evaluative aspects of the trait categories activated by the prior exposure to these terms. However, the absence of any effects for nonapplicable trait terms suggested that exposure to trait terms with positive or negative associations was not in itself sufficient to determine attributions and evaluations. Prior verbal exposure had little effect on reproduction of the descriptions. Moreover, no reliable difference in either evaluation or reproduction was found between subjects who overtly characterized the stimulus person and those who did not. Exposure to applicable trait terms had a greater delayed than immediate effect on subjects' evaluations of the stimulus person, suggesting that subjects may have discounted their categorizations of the stimulus person when making their immediate evaluations. The implications of individual and situational variation in the accessibility of different categories for judgments of self and others are considered.
Undergraduates (N = 146) briefly described three shame-inducing situations and three guilt-inducing situations. Shame and guilt situations differed in both form and content. Shame dissipations were longer but less specific in content, and respondents were more likely to use the "projective"second person when describing shame than guilt. The observed content differences were generally consistent with current theory. Guilt was typically induced by specific moral transgressions, often involving harm to others. Shame was induced by specific moral transgressions as well as by nonmetal situations and issues (e.g., failure in performance situations, social{y inappropriate behavior or dress). The analysis of interpersonal concerns indicated that both shame and guilt can arise from a concern with one's effect on another person. Concern with others' evaluations, however, were almost exclusively the domain of shame. Although there appear to be some classic shame-inducing situations and some classic guilt-inducing situations, the majority of situations appear capable of engendering either emotion.
This chapter addresses 4 interrelated questions: (1) What are the appraisals (motive-relevant evaluations) that cause particular emotions? (2) Why do these particular appraisals cause these particular emotions? (3) How can this model or appraisal–emotion relationships be applied to understand and influence emotions and emotional behaviors? and (4) What research might be undertaken to extend and deepen the understanding of the process of emotion generation and emotional response? The author presents a model of the appraisal determinants of 17 emotions, integrated with a model specificying response profiles for each of these emotions. In this theory, which views emotions not as an arbitrary collection of response tendencies but rather as a coherently structured emotion system, these particular appraisals cause these particular emotions because they predict when each emotion's distinctive response strategy is most likely to be adaptive. The author then illustrates how this model may be applied to understand and influence dysfunctional emotions and important individual and social behaviors. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The surprising convergence between independently developed appraisal theories of emotion elicitation and differentiation is briefly reviewed. It is argued that three problems are responsible for the lack of more widespread acceptance of such theories: (1) the criticism of excessive cognitivism raised by psychologists working on affective phenomena; (2) the lack of process orientation in linking appraisal to the complex unfolding of emotion episodes over time; and (3) the lack of consensus on the number and types of appraisal criteria between theorists in this domain. Although readers are referred to recent theoretical discussions and evidence from the neurosciences with respect to the first two issues, an empirical study using computerised experimentation is reported with respect to the third issue. Data obtained with an expert system based on Scherer's (1984a) “stimulus evaluation check” predictions show the feasibility of this approach in determining the number and types of appraisal criteria needed to explain emotion differentiation. It is suggested to use computer modelling and experimentation as a powerful tool to further theoretical development and collect pertinent data on the emotion-antecedent appraisal process.
The concept of “appraisal” has been used in the literature in a dual way: to refer to the content of emotional experience, as well as to the cognitive antecedents of emotions. I argue that appraisal in the former sense is what is contained in information in self-reports and that this information is of limited use for making inferences on emotion antecedents. This is so because emotional experience may contain appraisals that are part of the emotional response rather than belonging to its causes. They often result from elaboration of the experience after it has begun to be generated. Although in most or all emotions some cognitive appraisal processes are essential antecedents, these processes may be much simpler than self-reports (and the semantics of emotion words) may suggest. The appraisal processes that account for emotion elicitation can be assumed to be of a quite elementary kind.
Baumeister, Stillwell and Heatherton (1994) argue that guilt serves primarily interpersonal functions and take issue with more traditional intrapsychic accounts of guilty feelings, in which causality, responsibility, and blame are emphasized. We examined the validity of these claims by asking 198 college students to imagine that they destroyed the valued property of either their best friend or mother, under each of three conditions of causal responsibility (accidental, foreseeable, unjustifiably intended). They then rated the reactions they anticipated from the victim (anger, disappointment; change in impression of the perpetrator), their perceived blameworthiness, aspects of causality, and how guilty they would feel immediately after perpetrating the harm as well as an entire day later. Imagined guilt was curvilinearly related to responsibility at time 1, but linearly at time 2. Results suggest that people only weigh interpersonal concerns more heavily after time has elapsed, but that both factors integrally affect feelings of guilt.
The purpose of this research was to see if naive raters could distinguish between guilt and shame in ways consistent with the descriptions of emotion theorists. In two studies, 152 participants recalled occasions on which they had experienced guilt or shame and rated these experiences on a large number of scales that represented either basic dimensions of emotion or attributes previously postulated to differentiate between these two emotions. Shame and guilt situations differed on a number of attributes, including felt powerfulness, self-control, self-consciousness and exposure, activity, inferiority, surprise, alienation from others, facial sensation, self-attribution of justice, and expectation of punishment. Many commonalities in the meaning of the two concepts were also suggested, most importantly in terms of basic attributes such as pain, tension, and arousal. Results were consistent with several previous accounts of the essential differences between guilt and shame, but not with all such descriptions.
This chapter describes the sequential check theory of emotion differentiation as part of a dynamic model of emotion (the component process model of emotion). The theory attempts to explain the differentiation of emotional states as the results of a sequence of specified stimulus evaluation (appraisal) checks and makes predictions concerning the ensuing response patterning in several organismic subsystems. Given that this book reviews the appraisal theory approach in general, together with chapters by major contributors to this tradition, this chapter will focus exclusively on sequential check theory. Comparative reviews have been published elsewhere (Scherer, 1988b; 1999a; see also Roseman & Smith; Schorr [a]; this volume). Preliminary versions of parts of this model have appeared in conference proceedings, book chapters, and empirical papers (Scherer, 1981b, 1982a, 1984a, 1984c, 1986b, 1988a, 1992c, 1993b, 1997a, 1999a, 1999b, 2000b). The most complete description of the model (Scherer, 1987a), while widely distributed, has never been formally published.1 In the course of the development of the theory, details of the predictions as well as some aspects of the terminology have evolved. In this chapter, a systematic description of the most recent version of the theory, including detailed predictions and a review of the available evidence, is presented.2
Recent theories claim appraisals cause emotions. But supporting evidence
has been correlational or simulational, leaving doubt about direction
of causality and the generalisability of these findings to actual
emotional experiences. This study manipulated appraisals of motivational
state (relating an event to appetitive vs. aversive motivation) and
outcome probability (certain vs. uncertain), and found evidence for
some (though not all) hypothesised effects on actual experiences
of joy, relief, and hope: Events consistent with pleasure-maximising
goals gave rise to joy; events consistent with pain-minimising goals
and certain to occur produced relief; and events consistent with
pleasure-maximising goals but uncertain led to hope. These findings
provide experimental evidence that appraisals do cause experienced
emotions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2009 APA, all rights
reserved) (from the journal abstract)
This article presents a review and conceptual analysis of the concept of deservingness that incorporates the effects of personal values, perceived responsibility, ingroup-outgroup relations, and like-dislike relations. Selected studies show that reactions to another's success or failure and to the rise or fall of "tall poppies" or high achievers depends on the degree to which the positive or negative outcome is seen to be deserved; that individual differences in personal values and in value syndromes may be assumed to affect deservingness via the subjective values assigned to actions and outcomes; that group membership, status, interpersonal liking-disliking, and perceived moral character also affect judgments of deservingness; and that deservingness is a key variable that mediates how observers react to penalties imposed on the perpetrators of different kinds of offense. It is argued that the inclusion of deservingness goes beyond approaches in which perceived responsibility is accorded central status by adding a further link in the causal chain, thus enabling a more complete consideration of the effects of justice and value variables on how people react to positive and negative outcomes for both self and other.
Appraisal considered as a process of multilevel sequential checking Appraisal processes in emotion: Theory, methods, research (pp. 92–120) Patterns of cognitive appraisal in emotion
- K R Scherer
Scherer, K. R. (2001). Appraisal considered as a process of multilevel sequential checking. In K. R. Scherer, A. Schorr, & T. Johnstone (Eds.), Appraisal processes in emotion: Theory, methods, research (pp. 92–120). New York: Oxford University Press. Smith, C. A., & Ellsworth, P. C. (1985). Patterns of cognitive appraisal in emotion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 48, 813–838.
The role of discrepancy-associated affect in prejudice reduction Affect, cognition and stereotyping: Interactive processes in group perception
- P G Devine
- M J Monteith
Devine, P. G., & Monteith, M. J. (1993). The role of discrepancy-associated affect in prejudice reduction. In D. M. Mackie & D. L. Hamilton (Eds.), Affect, cognition and stereotyping: Interactive processes in group perception (pp. 317–344). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Guilt and remorse The emotions: Social, cultural and biological dimensions
- G Taylor
Taylor, G. (1996). Guilt and remorse. In R. Harré & W. G. Parrott (Eds.), The emotions: Social, cultural and biological dimensions. London: Sage.
- Frijda