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Do Parties Matter in Internationalised Policy Areas? The Impact of Political Parties on Environmental Policy Outputs in 18 OECD Countries, 1970–2000



This article analyses the extent to which national policies in the highly internationalised environmental sector are influenced by the policy preferences of political parties. The focus is on policy outputs rather than environmental performance as the central indicator of policy change. Based on a discussion of the relevant theoretical literature competing hypotheses are presented. For an empirical test, a dataset is used that includes information on the number of environmental policies adopted in 18 OECD countries at four points in time between 1970 and 2000. The results show that not only international integration, economic development and problem pressure, but also aspects of party politics, influence the number of policies adopted. The number of environmental measures increases if the governmental parties adopt more pro-environmentalist policy positions. This effect remains robust even when controlling for the institutional strength of governments, the left-right position of parties in government, the inclusion of an ecological or left-libertarian party inside the (coalition) government, and the presence of a portfolio that deals exclusively with environmental issues.
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Karteinummer: 9518940
Vorname: Christoph
Nachname: Knill
Geburtsdatum: 29.04.1965
Art des Werkes: Zeitschriften-Beitrag
Name der Zeitschrift: European Journal of Political Research
ISSN: 0304-4130
Verlag: Wiley-Blackwell
Verlagsort: London
Erscheinungsjahr: 2010
Erschienen als: Druckfassung
Titel des Beitrags: (16)Do Parties Matter in Internationalised Policy Areas? The
Impact of Political Par-ties on Enviro
Heftnummer: 3
Umfang in Normseiten: 56
Art der Beteiligung: Mit-Autor/in
Anzahl der Autoren: 3
Weitere Autoren: Marc Debus
Stephan Heichel
Seite 1 /
... In ihrer vergleichenden Untersuchung von Umweltpolitik finden Holzinger et al. (2008) jedoch keine Evidenz für einen Parteien-Effekt. Andererseits zeigen Knill et al. (2010) in diesem Zusammenhang, dass nicht nur die allgemeine ideologische Ausrichtung einer Regierung oder die simple Präsenz einer grünen Partei im Kabinett von Bedeutung dafür ist, wie viele umweltschutzpolitische Maßnahmen in einem OECD-Land zu einem bestimmten Zeitpunkt in Kraft sind. Vielmehr kommt es auch darauf an, wie wichtig das Thema Umweltschutz für die an der Regierung beteiligten Parteien ist (Bloise et al. 2022). ...
... Additionally, their findings contradict Schmidt's conclusions (1996) regarding the influence of administrative structure on policy outcomes. Both findings are supported by Knill et al. (2010). Their study on the output of environmental policy across 18 OECD countries did not find the left-right positioning of parties in governments nor the institutional strengths of governmental institutions to be relevant explanatory variables. ...
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Intra-party cohesion is a crucial analytical tool of veto player theory, which has long been neglected in empirical analyses explaining policy change. This article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the importance of party cohesion in political decision-making processes by asking “does ideological party cohesion matter”? In order to answer this question, I will apply an index of ideological party cohesion invented by Jahn and Oberst (Jahn and Oberst 2012) for an analysis of partisan effects on labour market reforms. I will replicate the empirical study by (Becher Comparative Political Studies 43(1):33–60, 2009) that examines the impact of veto players on labour ministers for labour market reforms and add cohesion to the models by interaction with the ideological positions of the agenda setter. Thus, I am able to analyse the effects of a party´s cohesion on a party´s position. The interpretation of marginal effects of cohesion over position clearly indicates that cohesion has a relevant effect.
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The paper attempts to determine whether parties of the left, when in government, spend more than parties of the right. It first reviews the theoretical literature and concludes that parties are likely to make a difference, but only a modest one. It then reviews previous empirical studies, which come out with conflicting results. It finally proposes a study that covers 15 liberal democracies over a period of 28 years, from 1960 to 1987. and combines longitudinal, cross-sectional, and pooled designs. The analysis shows that parties ot the left do spend a little more than parties of the right. The difference, however, emerges only for majority governments whose party composition remains unchanged over a number of years, an indication that it takes time for parties to affect total spending.
This book introduces a new hypothesis concerning the formation and survival of coalition governments in Western European parliamentary democracies, the policy horizon hypothesis. The book finds support for the hypothesis in a wide array of evidence, including findings based on a new survey of experts in West European political systems.
Governments of the Left and Right have distinct partisan economic policies and objectives that they would prefer to pursue. Their propensity to do so, however, is constrained by their desire for reelection. We argue that the ability of governments to further their partisan interests and preside over reelectable macroeconomic outcomes simultaneously is dependent on the organization of the domestic economy, particularly the labor movement. We hypothesize that there are two different paths to desirable macroeconomic performance. In countries with densely and centrally organized labor movements, leftist governments can promote economic growth and reduce inflation and unemployment. Conversely, in countries with weak labor movements, rightist governments can pursue their partisan-preferred macroeconomic strategies and achieve similarly beneficial macroeconomic outcomes. Performance will be poorer in other cases. These hypotheses are supported by analysis of pooled annual time series data for 16 advanced industrial democracies between 1967 and 1984. © 1991, American Political Science Association. All rights reserved.
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