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Feminist Phallacies: The Politics of Prenatal Drug Exposure and the Power of Law

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"Roudinesco provides a finely drawn map of the intellectual debates within French psychoanalysis, especially under the influence of the German emigres during the 1930s and 1940s. She is a good historian, in that she provides not only a narrative history but also extensive passages from Lacan's own oral-history interviews with the various figures, so that we have not only her commentary but some flavor of the original documentation. Many of the quotes are gems." Sander I. Gilman, "Bulletin of the History of Medicine""
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In this commentary, Professor Mills argues that we need to reconsider the feminist position that mandatory interventions in domestic violence cases, including mandatory arrest, prosecution, and reporting, serve the best interests of all battered women. Reviewing the findings from relevant empirical studies, Professor Mills concludes that battered women are safest - and feel most respected - when they willingly partner with state actors to investigate and prosecute domestic violence crimes. Clinically speaking, a battered woman needs a healing response to the intimate abuse, one that nurtures her strengths and empowers her to act. Mandatory state interventions, even when sponsored by feminists, not only disregard these clinical concerns, but also are in danger of replicating the rejection, degradation, terrorization, social isolation, missocialization, exploitation, emotional unresponsiveness, and close confinement that are endemic to the abusive relationship. In an effort to alter these abusive dynamics and promote a more respectful relationship between state actors and battered women, Professor Mills proposes a Survivor-Centered Model that relies on clinical methods that engage the battered woman, foster her healing, and promote her safety.
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Bein alive & bein a woman & bein colored is a metaphysical dilemma.
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Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of people of color and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development. The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination-that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example, is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of political empowerment and social reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite- that it frequently conflates or ignores intra group differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring differences within groups frequently contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that frustrates efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color' have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Al-though racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as "woman" or "person of color" as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective here is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color. Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. Focusing on two dimensions of male violence against women-battering and rape-I consider how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism... Language: en
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To evaluate the 3-year behavioral and developmental outcome of children prenatally exposed to maternal substances of abuse. Ninety-three children exposed prenatally to cocaine and other drugs taken by the mother during pregnancy (Group 1), 24 polydrug/noncocaine exposed children (Group 2), and 25 nonexposed children (Group 3) were evaluated at 3 years of age as part of a longitudinal prospective study of the impact of intrauterine substance exposure on long-term outcome. The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale: Fourth Edition(SBIS) was administered by examiners blinded to the exposure background of the children, and a pediatrician performed a complete medical evaluation on all the children. The children's primary caregiver completed the Achenbach Child Behavior Checklist. Stepwise multiple regression procedures were used to determine the factors that best predicted 3-year growth, intelligence, and behavior. Groups 1 and 2 differed from Group 3 on head circumference. Group 1 scored lower than Group 3 on SBIS Verbal Reasoning. Group 2 scored Slower than Group 3 on SBIS Abstract/Visual Reasoning. Cocaine exposure predicted poor verbal reasoning. Marijuana exposure predicted poor abstract/visual reasoning. Examiner rating predicted intellectual outcome and caregiver ratings. Caregivers rated exposed children as more aggressive than nonexposed. Contrary to information in the popular media, not all substance-exposed children suffer the same poor prognosis. In fact, generalizations about the fate of drug-exposed children must await additional research into the outcome of the broader population of drug-exposed children, examining the roles of maternal and environmental factors across a variety of geographic locations and socioeconomic levels.
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This prospective, blinded study evaluates the effect of in utero cocaine exposure on outcome of nonasphyxiated, term and near-term children born to women of low socioeconomic status. Two hundred nineteen children (101 cocaine-exposed and 118 control) with extensive natal evaluations are evaluated at 6-month intervals. We report here growth, performance on the Bayley Scales of Infant Development (BSID) through 30 months of age, and tone and reflexes at 6 and 12 months. To date, subjects have had 816 follow-up visits, with subject retention greater than or equal to 73%. Cocaine-exposed children showed statistically lower mean weights and smaller mean head circumferences than control children over the 30-month follow-up period (p < or = .011). The percentage of children with abnormal tone and reflexes, however, was similar in the two groups at 6 and 12 months (p > or = .34). Mean BSID Mental Development Index (MDI) and Psychomotor Development Index scores did not differ between the two groups (p > or = .16), although both groups' scores decreased over time (p < .001). Of concern, both cocaine-exposed and control groups had lower mean MDI scores than those published for a group of children of higher socioeconomic status. We conclude that, in our cohort of children, low socioeconomic or minority status may have had a substantial influence on BSID scores whereas in utero drug exposure did not.
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