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Media, Racism and Islamophobia: The Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Media
Abstract
This article examines the representation of Islam and Muslims in the British press. It suggests that British Muslims are portrayed as an ‘alien other’ within the media. It suggests that this misrepresenatation can be linked to the development of a ‘racism’, namely, Islamphobia that has its roots in cultural representations of the ‘other’. In order to develop this arguement, the article provies a summary/overview of how ethnic minorities have been represented in the British press and argues that the treatment of British Muslims and Islam follows these themes of ‘deviance’ and ‘un-Britishness’.
... The denigrated image of Muslims has been evidenced, not just in the policies of the War on Terror and the higher securitisation of Muslims in the West, but it has also become part of everyday discourse and popular culture (Opratko, 2017). The media, politicians and some others have associated Muslims with negative images and stereotypes, such as barbarism, primitiveness, violence, irrationality, terrorism, intolerance, inequality, fanaticism, pre-sexism, and pre-Enlightenment thought; thus, they are perceived as threats to Western society (Saeed, 2007;Ameli et al., 2007;GLA, 2007;Meer and Noorani, 2008;Ali, 2008;Bleich, 2009Bleich, , 2012bCherribi, 2011;Hussain and Bagguley, 2012;Holtz et. al., 2013). ...
... I also stressed that my role in the research process is that of co-producing knowledge by A vast amount of research has illustrated that the mainstream Western media and policymakers have been the most powerful driving forces behind the rise of Islamophobia among Western society at large (e. g., the Runnymede Trust; 1997; Abbas, 2000;Saeed, 2007;Ali, 2008;Poole, 2009;Birt, 2009;Allen, 2010;Zebiri, 2011;Lean, 2012 (Opratko, 2017). Since some were involved in violent terror, the rest are seen as being responsible for and capable of violence and terrorism (Rahman, 2007;El Amrani, 2012). ...
... The participants believed that the mass media uses the power of fear at uncertain times to keep alive society's hatred towards Islam and Muslims. As discussed earlier, the respondents construed this as a kind of "fear factory" (Lean, 2012) (Saeed, 2007). It is assumed that there is a positive correlation between the notions of power and knowledge (Foucault, 1978), i.e., the way in which power enables those who possess it to use or transform knowledge to suit their own agendas whenever appropriate. ...
There is mounting evidence to suggest that young Muslims in the UK have been victims of
Islamophobia. The evidence of Islamophobia, however, is not necessarily the best predictor of actual ways in which young Muslims in Britain themselves describe and valorise their
perceptions and experiences of and further responses to Islamophobia. While scholarship on Islamophobia has focused heavily on its meaning, the roles of media and politicians, and, in part, the experiences of Muslims, it has not paid much attention to the supposed victims of Islamophobia and its neglect of this view has the effect of objectifying and homogenising their victimhood. In addition, Muslim communities in Britain are heterogeneous and thus have distinctive characteristics. Therefore, they may perceive, experience, and response to
Islamophobia in different ways. Taking into account the British context and the distinctive
legacies within the British Muslim communities, this thesis examines Islamophobia from the
perspective of one of its supposed victims that has been so far under-researched, i.e., young
Turks in Britain.The research aims to offer conceptual contributions to the current literature on Islamophobia and young Muslims in the UK. Firstly, it helps further develop literature on Islamophobia that addresses the roles of media and politicians from the perspectives of its supposed victims. Secondly, this thesis contributes to literature on the manifestation of Islamophobia and the racialisation process of Muslims. Thirdly and more importantly, it provides a novel contribution to the literature on what kind of identity strategies the supposed victims of Islamophobia develop in response to Islamophobia. To achieve these contributions, semistructured in-depth interviews (N=39) were conducted amongst 18–35-year-olds in London. Themes were generated through a data-driven inductive approach. This thesis has made clear that although some young Turks reported that Turks in Britain experience more subtle forms of Islamophobia which I call “everyday Islamophobia”, the vast majority of the respondents developed various discursive identity practices that culminated in efforts to demonstrate that Islamophobia is not an issue that concerns themselves or Turkish people in general.
... However, the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the subsequent terrorist attacks in Europe can, in many ways, be seen as a watershed moment in terms of the rise of anti-Muslim attitudes in the twenty-first century (Esposito & Kalin, 2011). 6 Saeed (2007) showed that from 2001 to 2002, following the terrorist attacks of 9/11, there was a dramatic increase in articles containing the word "Muslim" in British newspapers. It has further been suggested that Muslims are especially prone to negative media representations, as they are frequently viewed as alien and "other" in the media (Saeed, 2007). ...
... 6 Saeed (2007) showed that from 2001 to 2002, following the terrorist attacks of 9/11, there was a dramatic increase in articles containing the word "Muslim" in British newspapers. It has further been suggested that Muslims are especially prone to negative media representations, as they are frequently viewed as alien and "other" in the media (Saeed, 2007). ...
... While there are several studies showing how Muslims are negatively portrayed in the media (De Cock et al., 2018;Saeed, 2007), there is limited empirical support for the hypothesis that Bell et al. Comparative Migration Studies (2021) 9:57 media shapes anti-Muslim attitudes as it is difficult to measure quantitatively due to the lack of quality data on the subject. ...
Muslims and immigrants have both been subjected to negative attitudes over the past several decades in Europe. Using data from the European Values Study, this study analyses the changes in these attitudes in the period 1990–2017. We find that negative attitudes have been increasing on average in Europe as a whole, with anti-Muslim attitudes being more prevalent than anti-immigrant attitudes. However, when split into a Western European set and an Eastern European set, from 2008, there is a divergence between the two halves. Our findings reveal that negative attitudes towards Muslims and immigrants have decreased in Western Europe, whereas they have increased significantly in Eastern Europe. Further analyses find that there are large discrepancies between anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant attitudes in different countries. These discrepancies are discussed in detail and related to several relevant factors, such as the differences in size of the Muslim and immigrant populations, variations in the refugee influx and other possible factors and developments.
... Western Media representations of Muslims and Islam have often upheld a cultural divide between the West and Islam, thus generating social and cultural resentment towards Muslims in general and those from the Middle East in particular (Powell 2011;Saeed 2007;Johnson 2019;Ahmed and Matthes 2017;Abu-Lughod 2002;Sotsky 2013). Anti-Muslim sentiment in the Western media has a long history, but it grew in salience post 9/11, when Muslim identity was "securitized," and Muslims were often portrayed as potential security threats and associated with the phenomenon of terrorism (Brown 2006;Saeed 2007;Ahmed 2012;el Aswad 2013;Kellner 2004;Poynting and Perry 2007). ...
... Western Media representations of Muslims and Islam have often upheld a cultural divide between the West and Islam, thus generating social and cultural resentment towards Muslims in general and those from the Middle East in particular (Powell 2011;Saeed 2007;Johnson 2019;Ahmed and Matthes 2017;Abu-Lughod 2002;Sotsky 2013). Anti-Muslim sentiment in the Western media has a long history, but it grew in salience post 9/11, when Muslim identity was "securitized," and Muslims were often portrayed as potential security threats and associated with the phenomenon of terrorism (Brown 2006;Saeed 2007;Ahmed 2012;el Aswad 2013;Kellner 2004;Poynting and Perry 2007). Despite the vast racial, ethnic, and cultural diversity within the Muslim world, negative stereotypes of Muslims dominate Western media discourse (Ibid.). ...
This paper critically examines how the mainstream media in Israel frame the phenomenon of polygamy among the minority Palestinian Bedouin community within the country. We identify four prominent media frames: (1) an “orientalist” frame, which considers Muslim women as in need of saving from their own culture and religion’s oppression by a modernizing state; (2) a “securitization” frame, which links the practice of polygamy to threats to the state’s security and to “Islamic terrorism;” (3) an “existential threat” frame, which reflects the Israeli Jewish majority’s anxieties about a demographic battle between Jews and Muslims in the country; and finally, (4) a “women’s rights” frame, which is the least prevalent, that addresses polygamy from the perspective of women’s equality and equal citizenship, and which is critical of the discriminatory policies of the state. Theoretically, the paper explicates how the media utilizes minority gendered practices to amplify Islamophobic sentiments in relation to a Muslim community, and how alternative framing and the featuring of critical Muslim women’s voices in the media might mitigate such harmful effects.
... Most of the researchers use the September 9, 2011 incident as the time benchmark to analyze the resurgence of media's interest in covering Islam. Saeed (2007) studies articles published by nine British newspaper containing the word 'Muslims' within 2000-2002. He found that the western media overwhelmingly associate Muslims/Islam with negative connotations in their reports. ...
... Media may not a direct cause of Islamophobia, yet the negative stereotype about Islam and Muslims in media has fell apart the society into 'the self' vs 'the other' (Abbas, 2001), 'us' vs 'them' (Martin and Phelan, 2002), and 'the West' vs 'the rest' (Saeed, 2007). The social divergences have marginalized Muslims and jeopardized their lives as the number of hate crimes increases along with the growth of negative Islam/Muslim images in media. ...
A specific term in Islam's vocabulary, 'Jihad', has been increasingly popular among news readers. Considering huge impacts of news reports, people may expect a lot that mass media can also create news stories that spread values of peace, but do not cultivate seeds of hatred on a certain belief, or persons in society. Not only do the editors and journalists pay attention to the speed of writing, editing and publishing many stories but also consider possible social and even political impacts of their stories on the society. The study is expected to give a significant contribution to media industries as the focus of the study is aimed to give enlightening and right explanation on words, phrases or terms that will be used by media industries in the hope their reports will no longer hurt people, especially Muslims, and/or Muslim organizations as the mass media will hopefully understand the meaning of the terms, words, and phrases which will be used in their stories about any terror incidents, and will eventually give positive impacts to certain groups of people and/or organizations.
... In one of their presentations, Saeed and Drainville argue: "Such binary conceptions not only depict all things oriental as 'other', but also define Islam as the 'other' religion to Christianity. With the 'other' constantly described as inferior, even barbaric, it is easily accepted by a Western audience that terrorism stems from Islam" (qtd. in Saeed 2007). ...
... This refusal to comply with the West and their way of life, not having the same shared values or the same common sense beliefs has on a certain level resulted in a fear of an assumed Islamic threat. Scholar Chris Allen in one of his essays "From Race to Religion: The New Face of Discrimination" in 2005 raises the issue that a new type of racism has emerged that is largely based on culture and religion rather than colour: "While racism on the basis of markers of race obviously continues, a shift is apparent in which some of the more traditional and obvious markers have been displaced by newer and more prevalent ones of a cultural, socio-religious nature" (qtd. in Saeed 2007). ...
After the advent of western imperialism in the modern times, the western identity primarily came to be materialized in terms of a difference which defined that the self is both different from and superior to the non-self, the Other. And this difference did not imply any actual depiction of the reality but a hierarchical difference which was based on asymmetrical power relations where the balance was heavily tilted in favour of the western self in terms of political, economic and military structures of domination and power. In this case, thus, it is actually the marginality which is conjured up as difference which enables the western self-identity to assume the centrality while the identity of the Other is pushed to the peripheries. This paper examines samples of western literary and non-literary texts to bring to light their monolithic representation of Muslims in how they are constructed as the "Other." It also examine how these narratives are imbued with power relations and metanarratives which help in the propagation of the imperial outlook while casting the Other, in this case, Muslims, in the demonizing stereotypes.
... These conflations of non-citizens with the "Other" are best explained by Edward Said (1979) in that the colonization of the Middle East by European countries resulted in a binary juxtaposition of the Occident (the west) and the Orient (the east) in which the mirror image of any characteristic held by one group is reflected in polar opposite by the other (Saeed, 2007;Said, 1979;Said, 1981). Thus, western authors' attributions of law, progress and superiority to countries of the Occident were necessarily mirrored by the lawlessness, backwardness and inferiority of the countries of the Orient (Saeed, 2007;Said, 1979;Said, 1981). ...
... These conflations of non-citizens with the "Other" are best explained by Edward Said (1979) in that the colonization of the Middle East by European countries resulted in a binary juxtaposition of the Occident (the west) and the Orient (the east) in which the mirror image of any characteristic held by one group is reflected in polar opposite by the other (Saeed, 2007;Said, 1979;Said, 1981). Thus, western authors' attributions of law, progress and superiority to countries of the Occident were necessarily mirrored by the lawlessness, backwardness and inferiority of the countries of the Orient (Saeed, 2007;Said, 1979;Said, 1981). These arbitrary characterizations have largely survived in contemporary consciousness. ...
... Researchers have focused a great deal of attention on how Western mainstream news media covers stories about Muslims and their faith. Much of this coverage is negative, with a range of problematic practices associated with stories about or involving Muslims (Poole 2002;Saeed 2007;el-Aswad 2013). There is also a wealth of research that provides insights into the factors, mostly demographic, that characterize non-Muslims' attitudes, both positive and negative, towards Muslims in Europe, the United Kingdom, North America, Australia, and New Zealand (Erdenir 2010;Triandafyllidou 2015;Shaver et al. 2016;Shaver et al. 2017;Sibley et al. 2020;Dunn 2005;Walding and Ewart 2022). ...
Research into news media representations of Muslims and their faith has focused mainly on how Muslims are portrayed in various types of news media and how stories about or involving them are framed. However, there has been very little attention paid to the effects of news consumption on attitudes towards Muslims. Accordingly, we wanted to explore a range of issues associated with news consumption levels and attitudes towards Muslims in Australia. The three objectives of this article are to: explore whether the amount of news consumed by respondents to an Australian survey influences the level of animosity they hold towards Muslims; determine how political viewpoint and religiosity influence the relationship between news consumption and animosity towards Muslims; and see whether engagement with Muslims influences the relationship between news consumption and animosity towards Muslims. Through a 2018 nationally representative sample of Australians, we target these objectives by investigating whether the amount of news that non-Muslim survey participants consume in a week influences the levels of anger they feel towards Muslims and how their self-defined religiosity, political viewpoint, and engagement with Muslims affect that relationship, while controlling for known drivers of anti-Muslim sentiment, such as demographic characteristics and knowledge about Muslims. We set our study in the contemporary context of mostly lab-based research that helps us understand how news media consumption affects particular types of people and whether there are commonalities in like-groups’ responses to different types of news consumption; in this case, stories about Muslims and their faith. The findings of our research will be of interest to news media organizations and journalists wanting to know about the effects of their coverage of stories about Muslims and their faith and those wanting to improve that reportage. The results will also interest groups working on social cohesion efforts, those trying to improve inter-faith and inter-cultural relations, and academics investigating news media coverage of Muslims and Islam. Significantly, we find quantity of news consumption to lack effect on anger levels.
... (d) Thirteen (52%) of the texts analyzed contained overt and covert pair(s) of concepts that were contrary in meaning as defined by van Dijk (1998). In these texts ( With all these findings in mind, it is clear that all forms of racist discourses that have been identified in other countries (van Dijk, 1991;Teo, 2000;Lillian, 2006;Atkin & Richardson, 2007;Saeed, 2007;Khosravinik, 2009;McElmurry, 2009;Atai & Mozaheb, 2013) are produced in Israel. However, as this study has looked at a limited number of letters to the editor regarding the very long Palestinian-Israeli conflict, it is difficult to extend large scale conclusions on this complicated and complex issue. ...
Much of the current research on letters to the editor within media literature centers on how well letters mirror the ideal of public involvement in discussions about current issues and the potential of this debate for a more deliberative sort of democracy (Young, 2011). This being the case, this CDA-based study attempted to find out how the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Palestinians were discursively depicted in the letters to the editor published between December 6, 2017, and April 9, 2018, in The Jerusalem Post newspaper, an English and French Israeli newspaper. For this purpose, a systematic random sample of 25 letters to the editor were selected from the newspaper's website.
For answering the two questions developed for this research paper, the following CDA analytical tools were utilized: presupposition, generalization, passivization, and structural oppositions. Based on the findings obtained from the study at hand, the texts analyzed were found, on one hand, ideological, biased, and manipulative in terms of depicting the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as an identity-based conflict; and contained covert racial prejudice against Palestinians on the
other.
... Professor Ian Law and his colleagues have signalled the pervasive existence of racism. However, the scale, nature and patterns through which racism appears and the way it hurts varies: individual, structural, institutional, xeno-racism, Islamophobia, antisemitism, etc, also vary from place to place (Law, 2012;Law et al., 2014;Law & Kovats, 2018;Tate & Law, 2015;Zakharov & Law, 2017; see also, Brå, 2019;Casciani, 2018;Mason, 2012;O'Neill, 2017;Saeed, 2007; US Department of Justice, n.d.; 2019; Witte, 1996). ...
This study begins with the historical understanding of race and its modern perspectives as a social construct amid social identity and critical race theories. Next, race and ethnicity are explored within the context of COVID-19, whereby those of non-white backgrounds are seeing different disastrous health outcomes and experiencing heightened levels of racism in the pandemic. Examples and analyses from around the world are then provided, which have resulted in health disparities and increased racism against non-white people, such as the high-rise apartment building disasters, rural Indigenous communities, and the Black Lives Matter movement. Adding fuel to the fire, there have been rumours internationally of certain ethnic groups carrying and spreading COVID-19.
... A ccording to Jonas R. Kunst (Kunst et al. 2016), the term "Islamophobia" (Kunst, Sam, and Ulleberg 2013;Najib and Hopkins 2019;Saeed 2007) is actually directed at Westerners or non-Muslim Europeans who dislike Islam and Muslims living in their countries. Islamophobic Westerners even show a sense of hostility toward Islam . ...
This article investigates the online media reporting of Islamophobic policies during the presidency of Joko Widodo, Indonesia’s current president. The study comprises a critical discourse analysis, which identifies three reporting dimensions, namely micro, mezzo, and macro. The article finds that discriminatory policies against Indonesian Muslims have triggered the emergence of news of Islamophobia in government policies. Politically, this causes Islamophobic propaganda, which, for the government, is a form of discourse struggle, the aim of which is to secure public support. Reports of government-backed Islamophobic propaganda moved the government to amend some of its policies, and facilitated the emergence of counter-narrative news, which refuted these accusations of Islamophobia. This study also shows that accusations of Islamophobia against the government are a result of the trauma many Muslims experienced, historically, long before the Jokowi presidency.
... The term 'Islamophobia' was purportedly coined in the late 1980s [18] to express this fear of Islam and Muslims as a social group. Additionally, numerous research and publications indicate an increase in Islamophobia in several Western majority communities and Western media such as [19] and [20]. ...
Understanding the focus of social media for Islamophobia issues in Malaysia and how they are conducted is important to understand where the research is headed. Hence, this study is aimed to understand the role of social media, identify Islamophobia issues and identify the causes and effects of Islamophobia in Malaysia. Meta-analysis is employed as a methodology and 152 articles published between 2007 and 2020 are investigated through content analysis. Several types of the articles acknowledged that social media has contributed to efforts to promote Islamophobia and have the potential to promote peace. The results are interpreted with descriptive statistics. As a result, it is found that; (1) most of the studies incorporate Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube for social networking, (2) six types of Islamophobia issues occurred in Malaysia, (3) the effect of these issues was social media change society, socio-economy and mental and physical. Malaysian media should be commended for their past dedication and efforts in always being attentive to sensitive topics such as religion and language, cultural prejudice, and racism but need to have control mechanism.
... Studies show that negative stereotypes toward Arab Muslims are predominant in the US media. Among these stereotypes are (i) Arab men are violent, angry, and oftentimes seen as terrorists as embodied by negative portrayals of Osama bin Laden (Jackson, 2010); and (ii) Arab Muslims are part of the out-group (Saeed, 2007). Additionally, Arab Muslim women are often portrayed as oppressed by both their male counterparts and their religion (Stadlbauer, 2012). ...
This study examines the stereotype on Arabs by the Bruneians' points of view. It investigates Arabic terms related to race and faith. The data used in this study were drawn from an online questionnaire. About 185 Bruneians participated in the survey. Quantitative and qualitative approaches were used to analyse the data. The findings revealed that the majority of the respondents associate the "Arab" term with Islamic perspectives. About half of the respondent were aware of the fact that being an Arab is not necessarily means being a Muslim. The researchers argued that there is a conflict between the term "Arab" and the faith "Islam". The majority of the respondents also believed that the use of Islamic greeting "Salam" and the use of Islamic phrases such as "InshaAllah" and "Alhamdulillah", are only confined to Muslims.
... Cottle argues that the media hold a powerful position in conveying, explaining and articulating specific discourses that help represent (and misrepresent) minority groups (see Cottle, 2006). It suggests that this misrepresentation can be linked to the development of "racism", namely Islamophobia that has its roots in cultural representations of the "other" (Saeed, 2007). What we know of society depends on how things are represented to us through media and that knowledge in turn informs what we do and what policies we are prepared to accept (Miller, 2002). ...
The current paper, that investigates representing Muslims in Western TV talk shows (particularly CNN) from 2014-2018, is a real challenge to tackle these controversial issues at the time of associating Muslims with most dangerous crimes all over the world. In the present study, van Leeuwen's framework of the representation of social actors (2008), ideological square of van Dijk (2004) and discursive strategies of Wodak (2009), powerful tools of enquiry within CDA, are adopted and adapted to analyzing data gleaned from CNN talk shows; Fareed Zakaria's GPS episode why they hate us. It has found that Muslims who are negatively associated with crimes around the world are the most killed and injured group in such terror attacks that are unjustably associated with them because of their religion, Islam, and at the same time because of their inferiority.
... By pinpointing that "Orientalism does not allow for diversity; contradictions and semiotic tensions are ignored as the homogenizing ethnocentric template of otherness assumes that there is only one interpretation of Islam," Saeed (2007), in line with other commentators, stresses that Arab/Muslim societies are viewed as one and differences between different social classes, races, educational backgrounds, and cultural variations are overlooked by Western media (p. 457). ...
Media representations can have significant influence in shaping opinions and influence public response to certain communities or gender and ethnic representations around the world. Investigating semiotic representation in linguistic discourse as vehicles for meaning in culture has been a fruitful area of research over the past decades. This study explores how stereotypes of women feed into the representations of Saudi women in contemporary press in Britain and Saudi Arabia. The focus is on the newspaper genre. Data for this study have been gleaned from a particular set of British and Saudi newspapers. Using the Color Image Scale (CIS) as a research tool, this study yielded a number of findings, the main one of which is the discrepancy in Saudi women's representation in the journalistic discourse under study. In addition, variances in color choice and usage between the newspapers in the present study were apparent. The study provides an important opportunity to advance our understanding of Saudi women's representation in British versus Saudi newspapers. The present study also makes a major contribution to research on critical discourse analysis by demonstrating how power as well as orientalism impact Saudi women's representation. The findings of this study are important for scholars of gender, religion, media, and cultural diversity.
... Hierfür spricht, dass nur sehr wenige Befragte (ca. 5 %) bei den Bedrohungsgefühlen die Kategorien "weiß nicht" oder "kann ich nicht einschätzen" wählen, alle anderen aber eine klare Positionierung vornehmen. Da die medialen Darstellungen lange Zeit weitgehend durch negative Meldungen über den Islam bestimmt waren (Frindte 2013;Saeed 2007) und in rechtspopulistischen Debatten dort gerade zugespitzt werden (Wodak 2015) ist ein ungünstiges Bild von "dem Islam" und "den Muslimen" nicht wirklich überraschend. Terrorakte weltweit, die Erfolge des IS, wie andere Ereignisse kamen in die Wohnzimmer und prägten in starke Maße die Einschätzung von "den Muslimen". ...
Zusammenfassung
Religionszugehörigkeit und Religiosität sind auf eine andere Weise wieder in das Licht der Öffentlichkeit zurückgekehrt, als von vielen erwartet wurde. So führte die Ausreitung religiöser Pluralisierung zu Konflikten. Diese beruhen zu großen Teilen auf Kategorisierungen und der Markierung kultureller Differenz. Die 2015 mobilisierten Vorurteile gegenüber muslimischen Migrant:innen, brachten nur einen bereits vorher bestehenden antimuslimischen Rassismus an den Tag. Dies zeigen neue Ergebnisse des Bertelsmann Religionsmonitors 2017 in mehreren europäischen Ländern. Das Gefühl einer Bedrohung durch „den Islam“ erweist sich als verschärfend für diese Konstellation. Gleichzeitig erweist sich sowohl diese Mobilisierung als auch der bestehende antimuslimische Rassismus als teilweise toxische Mischung für eine demokratische politische Kultur. So wie diese Vorurteile für manche das Einstiegstor in rechtsradikale Haltungen sind, steht die mit dem antimuslimischen Rassismus verbundene Ablehnung von Pluralität in einem fundamentalen Gegensatz zur liberalen Demokratie. Dabei ist dieses Ergebnis länderübergreifend gültig, allein bestehend Variationen.
... The highest percentage of extreme statements, although still within the range of positive attitudes adopted in this survey, was presented by the respondents towards Muslims. Hostile attitudes towards Muslims can be observed in practically every European country [55]. There are various explanations as to why anti-Muslim attitudes arise. ...
... Finally, the framework we used in this study may be of use to researchers interested in documenting and examining stereotypes in other text-based media modalities or forms (e.g., movie scripts, television subtitles, books, and newspapers). There is already an existing evidence base suggesting negative stereotyping of multiple, diverse groups of people in the media, including British Muslims [66] and older adults [67]. As such, research on stereotypes presented through cultural products that was previously conducted with relatively small samples and through researcher-coded content analysis methods may benefit from our network approach, which allows large-scale data to be included in the analysis to obtain more widespread, systematic findings. ...
The present analysis of more than 180,000 sentences from movie plots across the period from 1940 to 2019 emphasizes how gender stereotypes are expressed through the cultural products of society. By applying a network analysis to the word co-occurrence networks of movie plots and using a novel method of identifying story tropes, we demonstrate that gender stereotypes exist in Hollywood movies. An analysis of specific paths in the network and the words reflecting various domains show the dynamic changes in some of these stereotypical associations. Our results suggest that gender stereotypes are complex and dynamic in nature. Specifically, whereas male characters appear to be associated with a diversity of themes in movies, female characters seem predominantly associated with the theme of romance. Although associations of female characters to physical beauty and marriage are declining over time, associations of female characters to sexual relationships and weddings are increasing. Our results demonstrate how the application of cognitive network science methods can enable a more nuanced investigation of gender stereotypes in textual data.
... The highest percentage of extreme statements, although still within the range of positive attitudes adopted in this survey, was presented by the respondents towards Muslims. Hostile attitudes towards Muslims can be observed in practically every European country [55]. There are various explanations as to why anti-Muslim attitudes arise. ...
Background:
Attitude is a relatively permanent inclination towards a positive or negative evaluation of a given social or physical object, which determines a person's disposition towards their surrounding social reality and informs his/her behavior.
Aims:
The aim of this study is to assess the attitudes of nursing staff, in terms of the emotional and behavioral components, in relation to selected social groups: a Roma person, a hearing-impaired person, a Muslim, and a person of a homosexual orientation.
Design:
This cross-sectional study was conducted by means of an Internet questionnaire.
Methods:
This study included 3900 nurses from Poland who were participants in social networking sites and discussion groups for nurses. The study data were collected by using a self-constructed survey questionnaire. The results were reported using the STROBE Checklist.
Results:
The following scale was adopted: mean 1.0-3.5-positive attitude, 3.6-6.0-negative attitude. Respondents showed positive attitudes towards patient groups (1.67-2.30), the least positive being towards Muslims (2.30) and Roma (2.21). The respondents predicted that during the performance of professional activities, they would have the biggest problem with a person of homosexual orientation (22.1%) or a Muslim person (19.0%). The results show that the age and length of service most often influence attitudes towards patients from different social groups.
Conclusions:
Respondents with a longer period of work experience and respondents with lower education, despite declaring positive attitudes towards the surveyed social groups, expressed negative statements towards Muslims and homosexuals. Cultural education during the undergraduate and postgraduate studies of nursing staff is essential. Impact Statement: This research indicates that the lesser the need for direct involvement in interactions with patients from other groups, the greater the willingness to accept the situation in which care is provided.
... Most of the young people interviewed engaged with some form of media as their source of information about politics. Within the critical literature on media representation of Muslims is a widespread perception among scholars and commentators that there is a link between media-propelled representations of Islam and Muslims and the everyday Islamophobia experienced in communities (Ansari, 2002;Alexander, 2000;Gardner et al., 2008;Poole, 2002;Saeed, 2007). Some have argued that Muslims, particularly young Muslims, have been pathologised in media discourse as the 'new folk devil' (Shain, 2011; see also Poynting et al., 2004;Alexander, 2000). ...
... The recent wave of Islamophobia is caused by hate speech spread through either social media or mainstream media (Civila, Romero-Rodríguez & Civila, 2020). Fake news and manipulation of historical events float on social media even covered by mainstream media, somehow promoting Islamophobia, eventually causing violent incidents against the Muslim community across the globe (Saeed, 2007;Gottschalk, Greenberg & Greenberg, 2008;Qian, 2019). ...
Islamophobia is a sentiment against the Muslim community; recently, atrocities towards Muslim communities witnessed this sentiment globally. This research investigates the correlation between how news stories covered by mainstream
news channels impede the hate speech/Islamophobic sentiment. To examine the objective mentioned above, we shortlisted thirteen mainstream news channels and the ten most widely reported Islamophobic incidents across the globe for experimentation. Transcripts of the news stories are scraped along with their comments, likes, dislikes, and recommended videos as the users’ responses. We used a word embedding technique for sentiment analysis, e.g., Islamophobic or not, three textual variables, video titles, video transcripts, and comments. This sentiment analysis helped to compute metric variables. The I-score represents the extent of portrayals of Muslims in a particular news story. The next step is to calculate the canonical correlation between video transcripts and their respective responses, explaining the relationship between news portrayal and hate speech. This study provides empirical evidence of how news stories can promote Islamophobic sentiments and eventually atrocities towards Muslim communities. It also provides the implicit impact of reporting news stories that may impact hate speech and crime against specific communities.
... "Many studies attempt to trace the origin of Islamophobia by examining representations of Islam and Muslims in the news media. One study on the British media suggests that British Muslims are portrayed as 'un-British' and 'deviant', themes that can be linked to the development of racism (Saeed, 2007). The British media tend to focus on British Muslims as a terrorist threat (Moore, Mason, & Lewis, 2008). ...
The multidisciplinary anthology Religious Fundamentalism in the Age of Pandemic provides deep insights concerning the current impact of Covid-19 on various religious groups and believers around the world. Based on contributions of well-known scholars in the field of Religious Fundamentalism, the contributors offer about a window into the origins of religious fundamentalism and the development of these movements as well as the creation of the category itself. Further recommendations regarding specific (fundamentalist) religious groups and actors and their possible development within Buddhism, Christianity, Islam and Judaism round up the discussion about the rise of Religious Fundamentalism in the Age of Pandemic.
... According to Amir Saeed (2007), Islam as regarded by the west frequently causes a challenge owing to Muslims in Europe's unwillingness to adopt the western way of life and execute their shared principles. They were fearful of Islam and brought up the topic of racism based on religion and culture. ...
The purpose of using the new media in the context of dakwah is an essential feature since it is the trigger for dakwah activities and the execution of dakwah is done to its target. As information and communication technology advances, zakat institutions, must capitalise on it for the benefit of Islam. In the face of the Covid-19 outbreak, zakat institutions such as the Federal Territory Zakat Collection Center (PPZ-MAIWP) are heavily using new media to teach zakat to all Malaysians. There are five potentials of using the new media towards inviting the community to pay zakat namely; further expand dakwah delivery activities, facilitate the delivery of zakat dakwah, diversify the methods of dakwah of zakat, dakwah of zakat while studying and entertaining, and defence against zakat cyber warfare. Thus, digital media has enormous potential in terms of facilitating the implementation of zakat dakwah activities in a more structured, appealing, and beautiful manner.
Muslims across Europe have been labeled as uncivil since the migration waves of postcolonial and guestworker migrants in the mid-20th century. In this paper, I bring the Muslim experience in the German capital into conversation with Civil Sphere Theory (CST), which analyzes how senses of cultural boundedness are supported, shaped, and contested through the interrelations between the institutions of civil society and social movements aimed at expanding civic inclusion. Drawing on two years of ethnographic research in a Berlin mosque, I move from Muslim associations with incivility to the actions these associations provoke in relation to the civil sphere: exploring how those deemed uncivil exert agency in response to, and also in spite of a civil/uncivil divide. Through the voices and experiences of my interlocutors, I show that Muslims are not simply a victimized out-group excluded from the German civil sphere, but are also agents of change who actively seek to gain full inclusion within it. Specifically, I trace how my German Muslim interlocutors contend with their negative social status by drawing on narratives, and enlivening connections that link them to the German Jewish experience: seeking incorporation in the civil sphere through identifications with another “Other,” and through this other, also mainstream society.
This chapter examines social media and critical security studies in tandem with examining questions about identity. Identity was highlighted as a key area that required attention in the post-Cold War area as identity-based conflicts emerged onto the political scene. However, since then identity concerns have mushroomed and social media has become a key area where they are discussed, contested and subvert, such as with the #BlackLivesMatter campaign. This chapter examines these questions through the prism of two specifically security-related examples. The first example examines the #JeSuisAhmed hashtag and specifically how within it French national identity and its relationship to Muslims is contested on social media. As such, Ahmed dying as a responder to the Charlie Hebdo shooting was covered on social media as an example of Muslims laying down their lives for the values of the French republic, and that Muslims died in the service of France as a defender of the free speech values. The second example examines that security debates become internationalised on social media, interconnected with discussions of Muslim identity and its broader place in the global context. The two examples, Twitter responses to the Grenfell tower fire and the Manchester Arena bombing, also demonstrate that at any given time, users can become “security elites” within particular debates, but in fleeting and ephemeral ways.
The European agenda on multiculturalism has undermined Muslim communities through cultural repulsion. Muslims have been labelled as primitive and dangerous people. They experience discrimination at university, workplace or in the public sphere on a daily basis. Hence, the problem of Muslim cultural integration and the manifestation of Islamophobia in Europe pose a threatening challenge to European stability. The stigmatisation of Muslims and their exclusion undermine the image of the EU as the protagonist of liberal values and mar its motto of ‘unity in diversity’. So, it is prudent to assume that a great power such as the EU should step forward to tackle Islamophobia and support a multicultural way of living by promoting Muslim cultural integration into European societies. Keeping this in view, the proposed research aimed to analyse the EU’s legal framework and the mechanism of its ‘soft policy’ towards the cultural integration of European Muslims and combating Islamophobia from an anthropological perspective. By means of qualitative research methods, the descriptive analysis of the EU policy and its anthropological impact on the Muslim cultural integration and combating Islamophobia led to the following results: The EU’s policy in this field is more likely to be assessed as insufficient and ineffective. Nevertheless, it tends to support the cultural hybridisation of European Muslims. Such a policy choice results in moderate Islamophobia and protecting Muslims only against certain forms of discrimination.
Islamophobia, which started with the first emergence of Islam but has become a common concept, especially after the September 11 attacks, is one of the most common forms of discrimination that Muslims are subjected to today. Although it means fear of Islam, Islamophobia refers to unfounded fear. The media plays an important role in spreading and reinforcing this fear or prejudice. Islamophobia, which is usually dealt with on a theological basis in the studies carried out, actually has philosophical foundations and this has a more ancient history than theological foundations. So much so that when we look at the anti-Islamic content produced in the media, it is seen that there is a great similarity with the descriptions in Western philosophy. For example, in addition to similar depictions such as Islam being a "religion of the sword", which is constantly associated with terror, the fact that Islam is a religion that emerged from Eastern society has led to a philosophical depiction mixed with orientalist images. This study, in which the document analysis method is used, reveals that the Islamophobic discourses and representations produced by today's Western mainstream media organizations are very similar to the depictions and judgments about Islam and Muslims from the Medieval philosophy to the period of Western thought from the Age to the period of Western thought.
This study investigated how Korean students understand Islam, Islamic cultures, and Muslims by conducting open-ended, task-based interviews with 29 participants. Findings indicate the students believed that Islamic customs and cultures stalled in premodern periods and that Islamic ideas could not harmonise with the values of present-day society and might even be dangerous. At the same time, students showed sympathy towards Muslims, recognising them as marginalised throughout the world, including in Korean society. These contradictory ideas are discussed in relation to the postcolonial context in South Korea: students’ perceptions of Islam are situated in a unique context involving colonial experiences of being oppressed intertwined with Westernised perspectives. By revealing the conflicting understandings of Islam among non-Western students, this study adds complexity to the previous literature on Islamophobic understandings of students in Western countries.
In July 2015, a legal duty, popularly referred to as the ‘Prevent Duty’, came into force requiring that ‘specified authorities ’in England, which included schools, show ‘due regard to the need to prevent people from being drawn into terrorism’. Prevent, developed by the Home Office in 2003 outside of full public scrutiny, and only fully operationalised following the 7 July 2005 London bombings, has consistently been the most contentious element of the UK Government counter terrorist strategy CONTEST. An examination of the literature about the development and impact of the ‘Prevent duty ’ and on educational institutions showed a lack of research on how the Duty has been received, appropriated, and implemented by school and college leaders. There are studies on the ‘Prevent duty’ and teachers but not specifically on school leaders. This led to the key research question of the thesis: How has the ‘Prevent duty’ been interpreted and enacted in selected secondary schools and colleges in England by school and college leaders? Data was collected through face to face, recorded, semi-structured interviews with school leaders in a range of schools and colleges in three geographical locations, Greater Manchester, London and the South, Kent, and Sussex. This was augmented by relevant document analysis of school policies. Drawing upon Stephen J. Ball’s work the thesis analyses policy enactment in this case of a contemporary statutory education policy. Applying Foucault’s toolbox of methods, concepts and perspectives as a theoretical lens, the thesis seeks to make sense of policy, leadership, and policy enactment within the phase of ‘muscular liberalism’ and within the global context of an ‘Age of Anger’. The data revealed different views and responses to the ‘Prevent duty’ by school leaders, some positive some critical; the over-arching influence of safeguarding; the rise of ‘securitisation 'in education; the growth of the ‘responsibilisation’ of school leaders; the surprising effects on free speech; the ongoing tension between school leaders ’autonomy and accountability; school leaders ’ agency as ‘sense-makers ’in enacting policy and the need to reconsider school leaders ’ professionalism and their training both in relation to the ‘Prevent duty’ and their wider role. The significance of this study is that it informs our theoretical understanding of the ’Prevent duty’, policy enactment and school and college leadership and provides important empirical data as well as key recommendations for policy makers, school leaders and educationalists moving forward designing and implementing counter terrorism policies for schools and colleges.
Organizational cynicism is defined as a negative and distrust attitude of employees towards authority and organizations. Factors such as working under intense stress, lack of commitment in the decision-making process, unfair decision-making and incompetence of managers, and lack of communication within the organization can be effective in the formation of organizational cynicism. The research is a preliminary study to determine the effect of organizational cynicism dimensions on the performance of salespeople. Interview technique was used as a research method. While the semi-structured interview form is being prepared, questions related to sales performance are based on Low et al. (2001); whereas, Brandes (1997) Brandes et al. (1999) and Erdost et al. (2007) are used for the questions about organizational cynicism.The statements obtained from the participants were grouped by the thematic analysis method. The relationship between organizational cynicism and sales performance is explained. Themes with Nvivo 11 Plus qualitative research program are visualized.
This article identifies a blind spot in constructivist theories of representation and their account of legitimacy in terms of the challenge posed by ecologies of social ignorance, generally and especially during foundational moments. Social ignorance is conceptualised here not merely as the absence of knowledge or true belief but as a social practice of legitimising epistemically problematic political imaginaries and the institutional systems they underpin. In dialogue with social epistemologists and phenomenologists, the article shows how representation can nurture social ignorance, despite the availability of ample opportunities for political contestation and alternative opinion formation. A permanent feature of democratic politics, this problem becomes most salient during moments of constitutional re-founding, such as regime change, post-conflict reconstruction or constitutional referenda, when representative claims can reconfigure a community’s political imaginary, rendering it more or less ignorant. The representative claims made by the Vote Leave’s key figures during the Brexit referendum campaign serve as illustration.
There is ample evidence documenting the problem of Islamophobia (discrimination and racism against the Muslim community). However, the extent to which the European population is aware of this injustice has not exhaustively been assessed. The aim of this research was to measure in a valid and reliable way the degree of social awareness of Islamophobia in four European countries: Spain, France, United Kingdom and Germany. The sample consisted of 1846 volunteers from these countries. All of them answered a structured protocol on social awareness called Degree of Islamophobia Recognition (DIR). Several cross-cultural analyses based on the Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) technique, the ordinal alpha coefficient and the Greatest Lower Bound (GLB) were applied to analyze the dimensionality of the DIR and its reliability. Six sex-differentiated population scales were made based on derived typical scores (TS). The results revealed that the DIR consisted of two cultural dimensions: perceived vulnerability and connection. Both dimensions explained between 51% and 61% of the variance in all countries. Reliability coefficients were acceptable in all cases (>0.7). We propose that public policies combat Islamophobia considering these dimensions and taking into consideration the thresholds of the derived PTs to identify in which regions or social groups these intervention policies are needed.
Purpose
Islamophobia is a growing social problem that leads to the discrimination of Muslims. Using Group Conflict Theory and the Integrated Threat Theory as the theoretical frameworks, this study aims to measure the presence of Islamophobia in the hiring practices of the most southern state of Switzerland.
Design/methodology/approach
An experimental formative research study was conducted with employees. Based on CVs for two positions, back-office and front-office, candidates were selected for interviews and reasons were provided. Two variables were manipulated to represent the “Muslim appearance” on the CVs: the picture and the name. A content analysis of reasons was conducted in addition to descriptive statistics of survey responses.
Findings
A negative perception of Muslim candidates emerged from the answers with a clear difference between the two scenarios: candidates perceived to be Muslim were not rejected from the back-office position, but they were from the front-office position.
Social implications
Results demonstrate that hiring practices in Ticino Switzerland are, in some cases, based on a prejudicial attitude. As long as Muslims were “not seen as Muslims to the customers,” they were judged as acceptable for the job. This has implications for social marketing research and practice aimed to change this discrimination behavior. A next step could be to understand if it is fear of Muslims or fear of what the public might think of Muslims that cause the selection difference between the two jobs. Systems-wide and macro level social marketing research is well suited to investigate such problems and test solutions, in a local context, following the methodology used in this study.
Originality/value
A disturbing escalation of the phenomenon of Islamophobia has emerged across the globe. This paper examines a fundamental issue in equity and prosperity, which is equal opportunity for employment. Using experimental design, the authors find that discrimination exists in hiring practices, which is a problem that social marketing is well equipped to address.
In this study news discourses dealing with the Roma minority in Bulgaria are analyzed. One of the most problematic issues facing Bulgaria in terms of the EU membership process was its attitude toward minorities. The government implemented several policies in this regard and was finally accepted as a member. The overall situation of the Roma minority has improved over time, but has the perceptions of society and the attitude of the media also changed with regard to minorities? This study is seeking answers to these questions. Media discourse plays an important role concerning the determination and maintenance of dominant ideas. Therefore this study mainly focuses on the news discourse related to the Roma minority. As a result it is observed that the news discourse maintains the current prejudices and ideologies about the Roma minority. In news items, the Roma minority are represented as marginal or different people who reside in illegal settlements, people who are more tolerant of violence, and people who need to be protected.
The presence of Islam in Europe is accompanied by contradictory dynamics. While on the one hand institutions are gradually accommodating Muslim demands and vice versa, on the other hand tendencies of Islamist and anti-Muslim radicalisation are reinforcing each other. In addition to analyses of institutionalisation processes that entail modes of a new normality, this volume offers contributions on political Islam, anti-Muslim policies as well as on social negotiations on conflict and integration. Finally, scholarly and literary reflections are examined with regard to their normative underpinnings. The volume brings together contributions from sociologists, Islamic scholars and literary scholars. With contributions by Asligüel Aysel, Sana Chavoshian, Aletta Diefenbach, Lena Dreier, Johannes Ebner, Özkan Ezli, Anja Frank, Lisa Harms, Jörg Hüttermann, Sarah Kaboğan, Ines Michalowski, Olaf Müller, Cemal Öztürk, Gert Pickel, Detlef Pollack, Anna Felicitas Scholz, Reinhard Schulze, Mustafa Şen, Levent Tezcan and Monika Wohlrab-Sahr.
Numerous studies demonstrate that immigrant and ethnic minority populations’ sense of belonging to the political communities in which they reside depends in part on the welcoming context: the constellation of policies, discourses, identities and prevailing attitudes relating to ethnocultural diversity in those political communities. However, while these studies typically focus on national belonging, in multilevel political communities belonging may be expressed at the national and subnational levels. Relying on a survey of ethnic minority group members in Canada, this study compares national and subnational belonging in three provinces where subnational and national welcoming contexts are very similar, to one case, Quebec, where the subnational welcoming context is significantly different from the national one. The results show a distinctive set of dynamics in Quebec, where ethnic minorities who feel excluded are more likely than those in other provinces to hold the subnational community responsible for their exclusion.
Media are sites of struggle for representations, and cartoon shows on television can immensely impact the psyche of young viewers. Drawing upon Bandura’s social cognitive theory, George Gerber’s cultivation theory and symbolic annihilation, this study investigates how the symbolic annihilation of minorities takes place in Hindi language cartoon shows. We examine how Hindi language cartoon shows produced in India methodically underrepresent characters belonging to minority communities using qualitative content analysis of four such shows. In this article, we question the positioning of these characters in secondary, antisocial roles identifying them either as ‘other’/foreigner or ‘other’/negative. This symbolic annihilation of religious minorities in Hindi language cartoon shows resembles the symbolic annihilation of racial minorities in the English language cartoon shows.
This article focuses on how exposure to different media genres relates to two components of attitudes, Muslims as a group and Islam as a religion. It also highlights how these components mediate the relationship between media exposure and behavioral intention, namely voting intention towards banning veiling in public spaces. The analysis builds on an online survey conducted in Switzerland. We found that exposure to specific media genres is not equally associated with attitudes towards Muslims versus attitudes towards Islam. Contrary to our expectation, we did not find the association to be stronger when it came to influencing attitudes towards Muslims as compared to influencing attitudes towards Islam. However, our findings clearly showed that it matters whether people consume news via television or newspapers, especially mass-market (commercial television and tabloids) versus upmarket news (public television and quality newspapers). Attitudes towards Muslims living in Switzerland are more negative among those consuming mass-market news than those consuming upmarket news. Anti-Islam attitudes, however, were only associated with reading newspapers—both tabloids and quality newspapers. The findings provided only partial support for the mediating role of attitudes towards Muslims and Islam concerning the indirect relation between media exposure and voting intention towards banning veiling.
Framing of the Muslims and Islam has been a debatable/is a contentious area of interest for researchers. This study is designed to analyze the approach of the Australian press towards the Muslims and Islam when it covers the terrorist incidents in Australia and in other part of the world, especially in the western countries. The news related to terrorist incidents and activities published during a six-month timeframe, that is, from October 2016 to March 2017, in two popular newspapers namely The Daily Telegraph (leaning towards the Liberal Party) and The Courier Mail (right-centered newspaper in its nature) was thoroughly analyzed. The major objective was to know how these newspapers frame the Muslims and Islam in their news contents when the issue of terrorism is under discussion. Despite the different political leanings of the selected newspapers, their approach towards the Muslims and Islam was found to be similar as both the dailies framed the terrorism related stories in a way to associate the Muslims and Islam with terrorism.
Keywords: Hijab, Islamophobia, Terrorist attacks, The Courier mail, The daily telegraph
This qualitative textual analysis used framing theory to compare 80 online articles from Cable News Network (CNN) and British Broadcasting Company (BBC) dealing with the 2019 Christchurch mosque shooting in New Zealand. The study examined themes of Islamophobia and White supremacy and the media representation of the White perpetrator who carried out the attack. The analysis over eight days following the shooting identified the most prominent frames used by both network, and how these frames were employed to serve a specific context. The study found that the attack was too shocking to the extent that BBC and CNN adopted a new non-classical narrative that was not typical of western news coverage of attacks committed by White perpetrators. This shift was represented by adopting frames of ‘terrorist’ and ‘terrorism’ and avoiding the frame of ‘mentally sick perpetrator’ that used to be prevalent in western media coverage of similar attacks. Both networks associated the perpetrator with White supremacy and engaging in a terrorist attack. While both CNN and BBC framed the shooting as a terrorist attack driven by Islamophobic sentiments, the terrorism framing was more obvious on CNN than on the BBC. The White supremacist motive was highlighted by CNN, while the right-wing framing was central in the BBC coverage.
Postpartum depression (PPD) is a heterogeneous syndrome that is one of the most
common complications of childbirth. Previous literature suggests that seven to twenty
percent of U.S. women experience perinatal mood symptoms, making PPD treatment
vital for the well-being of mothers and their infants. However, there is a paucity of
literature focusing on the perinatal experiences of women of color, including Muslim
women, which suggests further research is needed to better understand PPD in this
population. The current study describes the characteristics of a convenience sample of
U.S. Muslim women’s postpartum depressive symptoms and identifies associated risk
and protective factors in this sample. Muslim women living in the United States (N =
261) participated in an online survey, which inquired about demographics, perinatal
medical and risk factors, mental health (depression and anxiety), tolerance of ambiguity,
acculturation, and gender role attitudes. Participants also provided details about religious
and cultural contexts of their perinatal experiences. Data were analyzed utilizing both
quantitative and qualitative approaches. Overall, the majority of the sample was married and highly educated compared to the general U.S. Muslim population. Results showed that 28% of the sample endorsed clinical levels of depression. Across a series of multiple linear regression analyses, we noted that Islamic religiosity, tolerance of ambiguity, religious practice during pregnancy, engaging in the five daily prayers postpartum, and Tehneek predicted lower postpartum depressive symptoms. Islamic religiosity, engaging in the five daily prayers postpartum, and Tehneek also predicted life satisfaction. Finally, qualitative analyses revealed that at least some women in the sample experienced ambivalence toward some culturally specific practices in the perinatal period. Results of the current study provide a foundation for future research, which should focus on developing and assessing prevention programs, screening tools, and interventions that address the unique mental health needs of perinatal Muslim women.
The growing power of the media to define social values and perceptions is a conspicuous feature of contemporary life. Radio is one such shaper of social reality perceptions. While much of the media research focuses on secular organisations operating in a Western, liberal context, not much attention has been paid to this tension between religion and modernity within media outlets. This article examines representations of Israel’s Jewish ultra-orthodox minority in Israel’s daily radio satire shows, a popular and intuitive medium. It shows that content is usually based on the broadcasters’ spontaneous feelings contrary to other media. The findings in the article depict an isolated community out of touch with public consensus and mainstream society.
This chapter begins by providing a definition of the term ‘ethics’, moving on to describe the tensions between ethics, public interest and harm. The chapter then proceeds to examine how ethical principles can be applied to three case studies, each from a different field of communication. The first of these is journalistic coverage of COVID-19; the second concerns ‘sexualised’ depictions of children in marketing campaigns; the third concerns public relations organisations that are dedicated to spreading disinformation. Trigger warnings and content notes are discussed, both of which have been used in digital media spaces to alert readers to potentially distressing content; the chapter discusses why these measures can be regarded as ethical.
Much of the current rhetoric surrounding climate change focuses on the physical changes to the environment and the resulting material damage to infrastructure and resources. Although there has been some dialogue about secondary effects (namely mass migration), little effort has been given to understanding how rapid climate change is affecting people on group and individual levels. In this Element, we examine the psychological impacts of climate change, especially focused on how it will lead to increases in aggressive behaviors and violent conflict, and how it will influence other aspects of human behavior. We also look at previously established psychological effects and use them to help explain changes in human behavior resulting from rapid climate change, as well as to propose actions that can be taken to reduce climate change itself and mitigate harmful effects on humans.
Both vernacular security studies and critical terrorism studies (CTS) offer constructivist analyses of security couched in understandings of security speak. However, neither adequately take account of the ways in which social media presents important opportunities for greater insight into how terrorism is constructed. This study analyses tweets posted after the 2017 Manchester bombing, exploring how jihadist terror attacks are constructed on social media. To do this, we combine social network analysis, as a sampling method, with discourse analysis. The study finds that Twitter provides a platform for diverse terrorism discourses to be expressed and contested. This indicates a literate lay audience within post-attack narratives, self-aware of dominant social constructions of “Muslim terrorism”. Indeed, it suggests an audience that, on Twitter, is hardly only audience but seeks to speak security itself. Insights are gleaned with respect to depicting, defending, and critiquing Muslims, constructing what it means to be a terrorist, portrayals of victimhood, and how terror events feed into broader critiques of “political correctness” and “liberal” politics. Therefore, the analysis also provides further insights into the portrayal and (self-)positioning of Muslims in the wake of a jihadist attack and nuances accounts of Muslims’ securitisation qua terror.
İçinde bulunduğumuz dijital çağda pek çok konuda olduğu gibi İslam dünyası ile ilgili bilgi de kitle iletişim araçları ile üretilmektedir. Yazılı basın, televizyon, dergi ve gazeteler bir yandan islamofobik üretime katkıda bulunurken diğer yandan İslam ve Müslümanlara yöneltilen nefret söylemlerini meşrulaştırma ve yaygınlaştırma işlevi görmektedir. Batı ana akım medyası bu konuda etkin biçimde kullanılmakta, hayali ya da öteki İslam ve Müslüman inşası artarak sürmektedir. Medeniyetler Çatışması tezi ile temelleri atılan çatışma ortamı, 11 Eylül İkiz Kule Saldırılarının katkısı ile medya için oldukça elverişli bir propaganda zeminine dönüşmüştür. Medeniyetler çatışmasının yanı sıra Aydınlanmanın aklı merkeze alarak kutsala karşı tavır takınması Batı’nın dinle husumetini artırmaktadır. Öte yandan İslam’ın sosyal hayatın her alanını kapsayıcı kodlara sahip olması seküler değerlerle çelişmekte ve özelde İslam’a karşı agresif tutumları ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Bu bağlamda zalim, despot, barbar ve gerici Doğu’nun demokrasi, eşitlik ve hukukun üstünlüğü gibi evrensel değerlere sahip Batı’ya karşı savaş açtığı bir portre çizilmektedir. Özellikle 11 Eylül Saldırıları sonrasında atmosfer medyanın İslam ve Müslüman karşıtlığını körüklediği tartışılmazdır. Bu durumun temel nedeni hem Batı’nın işgalci hareketlerini sağlam bir meşruiyet zemininde inşa etmek hem de Batı toplumlarındaki öteki algısını diri tutmak sureti ile Batılı kimliğin inşasını sürdürmektir. Bu çalışmanın amacı Batı ana akım medyasının öteki olarak İslam’ın inşa edilmesindeki rolüne yönelik çıkarsamada bulunmaktır. Bu bağlamda Fransa’da yayın yapan yüksek tirajlı iki derginin kapak seçimleri nitel araştırma tekniklerinden göstergebilimsel analiz yolu ile çözümlenmiştir. Araştırma sonucunda her iki derginin de kullandığı görsellerin, renklerin, dilin ve kelime öbeklerinin amaçlı olarak tasarlandığı tespit edilmiştir. Bu tasarımda Batı ve Doğu, din ve coğrafya bakımından karşı karşıya getirilmekte, iki ayrı medeniyetin çatışması vurgulanmaktadır. Öte yandan göstergelerin ayrıntılı olarak izi sürüldüğünde, Doğu’nun artan popülasyonu karşısında Batı toplumlarının endişe duymasının amaçlandığı ve Hristiyanlığın İslam karşısında giderek zayıflayacağına yönelik kaygı ortamı yaratılmaya çalışıldığı ifade edilebilir.
Muslim migrants and their descendants in Western Europe have consistently been shown to hold more negative attitudes toward homosexuality, the more religious they are. In this article, we go beyond this mono-dimensional view of religiosity and develop a theoretical framework that combines (a) the role of different dimensions of religiosity in anchoring cultural attitudes and (b) the potential impact of destination hostility and discrimination on the retention of cultural attitudes toward homosexuality among Muslim migrants in Western Europe. For the analysis, we use eight rounds of the European Social Survey, enriched with country-level data. Findings indicate that Muslim migrants’ mosque attendance, as a dimension of religiosity, has the negative effect that was expected. Particularly, Muslims who grew up in Western Europe are negative about homosexuality if they attended mosque regularly, whereas among first-generation Muslim migrants, origin-country norms are a strong predictor of attitudes toward homosexuality. In addition, we find that perceived group discrimination drives the maintenance of negative attitudes toward homosexuality, especially among mosque attendees. These results imply that the development of more liberal attitudes among European Muslims is held back by a combination of socialization in conservative religious communities and hostility from host-country populations.
This study aims to explore the representation of Turkey in the British news texts covering the Cyprus problem in the 2000s. The article goes on to question how the British broadsheet press represents Turkey, as one of the role-playing states in the fate of Cyprus. Using Said’s Orientalism and Young’s White Mythology as a theoretical basis for evaluation, a qualitative content analysis was utilized upon 45 news texts. Findings established that the othering of Turks was alive during this period. The British press portrayed Turkish people involved in the Cyprus problem as ‘dark-skinned Turks’, ‘from underdeveloped eastern Anatolia’ that ‘wear Islamic dress and have large families’ and are ‘settlers’ invaders or occupiers on the Cyprus island. Comparatively, the other role-players in the Cyprus problem (Greece, Greek Cypriots, and Turkish Cypriots) were less frequently Orientalized and not in the traditional sense, as presented by Said, their level of being orientalized relating to their relations with the British.
This paper examines the representation of British Muslim communities in the British broadsheet press and provides empirical evidence that (i) British Muslim communities are almost wholly absent from the news, excluded from all but predominantly negative contexts; (ii) that when British Muslims do appear, they are included only as participants in news events, not as providers of informed commentary on news events; and therefore (iii) that the issues and concerns of the communities are not being served by the agendas of the broadsheet press. The paper presupposes that the power relationships represented in the broadsheet press are both generative and transposable, modifying power relations in other fields (Bourdieu, 1991). I argue that the dominant modes of representing British Muslims are therefore both a product of and a contributing factor to the continued social exclusion of British Muslim communities at all levels of society.
If, as W. E. B. Du Bois observed, the problem of the twentieth century was the problem of the color line, the problem of the twenty-first century may be one that reaches back to premodernity: religious identity. Even before 9/11 it was becoming evident that Muslims, not blacks, were perceived as the "other" most threatening to Western society, even in a relatively pluralist nation such as Britain. In Multcultural Politics, one of the most respected thinkers on ethnic minority experience in England describes how what began as a black-white division has been complicated by cultural racism, Islamophobia, and a challenge to secular modernity. Tariq Modood explores the tensions that have risen among advocates of multiculturalism as Muslims assert themselves to catch up with existing equality agendas while challenging some of the secularist, liberal, and feminist assumptions of multiculturalists. If an Islam-West divide is to be avoided in our time, Modood suggests, then Britain, with its relatively successful ethnic pluralism and its easygoing attitude toward religion, will provide a particularly revealing case and promising site for understanding.
Islamic Peril explores the lack of historical and cultural understanding in the mass media as it studies the coverage of conflicts involving Muslims in the Middle East, the Caucasus, the Balkans, and Western societies. It demonstrates the resilience of core Western images of Muslims that have continued to recur in depictions of Islam for over a millennium. The author won the inaugural Robinson Prize for this book.
SolomosJohn. Race and Racism in Britain. Second edition. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1993. Pp. xi, 279. $18.95 paper. - Volume 26 Issue 2 - Carlton Wilson
I should make a couple of things clear at the outset, however. First of all, I shall be using the word ‘Orientalism’ less to refer to my book than to the problems to which my book is related; moreover I shall be dealing, as will be evident, with the intellectual and political territory covered both by Orientalism (the book) as well as the work I have done since. This imposes no obligation on my audience to have read me since Orientalism; I mention it only as an index of the fact that since writing Orientalism I have thought of myself as continuing to look at the problems that first interested me in that book but which are still far from resolved. Second, I would not want it to be thought that the licence afforded me by the present occasion - for which of course I am grateful - is an attempt to answer my critics. Fortunately, Orientalism elicited a great deal of comment, much of it positive and instructive, yet a fair amount of it hostile and in some cases (understandably) abusive. But the fact is that I have not digested and understood everything that was either written or said. Instead I have grasped some of the problems and answers proposed by some of my critics, and because they strike me as useful in focusing an argument, these are the ones I shall be taking into account in the comments that follow. Others - like my exclusion of German Orientalism, which no one has given any reason for me to have included - have frankly struck me as superficial or trivial, and there seems no point in even responding to them. Similarly the claims made by Dennis Porter, among others, that I am ahistorical and inconsistent, would have more interest if the virtues of consistency (whatever may be intended by the term) were subjected to rigorous analysis; as for my ahistoricity that too is a charge more weighty in assertion than it is in proof. Now let me quickly sketch the two sets of problems I’d like to deal with here. As a department of thought and expertise Orientalism of course refers to several overlapping domains: firstly, the changing historical and cultural relationship between Europe and Asia, a relationship with a 4,000-year-old history; secondly, the scientific discipline in the West according to which beginning in the early nineteenth century one specialised in the study of various Oriental cultures and traditions; and, thirdly, the ideological suppositions, images and fantasies about a currently important and politically urgent region of the world called the Orient. The relatively common denominator between these three aspects of Orientalism is the line separating Occident from Orient and this, I have argued, is less a fact of nature than it is a fact of human production, which I have called imaginative geography. This is, however, neither to say that the division between Orient and Occident is unchanging nor is it to say that it is simply fictional. It is to say-emphatically-that as with all aspects of what Vico calls the world of nations, the Orient and the Occident are facts produced by human beings, and as such must be studied as integral components of the social, and not the divine or natural, world. And because the social world includes the person or subject doing the studying as well as the object or realm being studied, it is imperative to include them both in any consideration of Orientalism for, obviously enough, there could be no Orientalism without, on the one hand, the Orientalists, and on the other, the Orientals.
L'article analyse la notion d'information primaire et identifie trois limites majeures potentielles a la credibilite des sources officielles : la division au sein des organisations (division personnelle, professionnelle et politique), leurs differents niveaux de cooperation et de competition, l'impact des valeurs nouvelles. Etude du cas particulier de l'Irlande du Nord
Cet article fait part de la vulgarisation et de l'enracinement du racisme dans le sens commun britannique. En effet, l'A. explique a travers l'exemple de villes ou les refugies sont peu nombreux, comment les politiques de discrimination, de diabolisation des demandeurs d'asile sont percues par les gens. La legitimation dans une large mesure d'un comportement raciste de l'Etat est relaye au sein de la population par les medias, notamment les tabloides anglais, qui contribuent pleinement a amplifier les sentiments de peur et d'insecurite. La lutte antiraciste passe par des actions au plus proche des individus, en commencant par l'ecole
This book chronicles the policy debates on Islamism in the United States over the course of time, providing a comprehensive account of the origins of policy followed by a balanced critique and recommendations for change. It then delves deeper into the US political scene to analyze the historical, political, cultural, and security issues that might help explain America’s preoccupation with Islam and Muslims. Furthermore, the author sheds much light on the multiplicity of regional and international factors, such as the political decay of the Middle Eastern state and the end of the Cold War, that shape the thinking of US officials about the contemporary Islamist phenomenon. In addition to examining the domestic, regional, and international context of US Islam policy, the book applies and tests the pronouncements of US officials in four representative case studies - Iran, Algeria, Egypt and Turkey. Finally, Gerges addresses the clash of civilizations debate and assesses the relative weight of culture and values in US officials’ words and deeds on Islamism.
Attitudes Towards Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Other Immigrants: A Literature Overview for the Commission for Racial Equality
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Finney, Nissa and Esme Peach 2004. Attitudes Towards Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Other Immigrants: A Literature Overview for the Commission for Racial Equality. London: ICAR/CRE.
The Future of Muslims in Canada
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Elmasry, Mohamed 2002. The Future of Muslims in Canada. Conference Paper October 20, 2002. Ottawa, Canada.
Not Easy Being British: Colour Culture and Citizenship
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Modood, Tariq 1992. Not Easy Being British: Colour Culture and Citizenship. London: Runnymede Trust.
The End of Antiracism.' Pp. 49–61 in 'Race', Culture and Difference
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Gilroy, Paul 1992. 'The End of Antiracism.' Pp. 49–61 in 'Race', Culture and Difference, edited by James Donald and Ali Rattansi. London: Sage.
Islam and the British Press After 9
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Beyond Orientalism: Why Palestine is still the issue
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Saeed, Amir and Drainville, Elaine 2006. Beyond Orientalism: Why Palestine is still the issue. Conference paper for AMPE/MECSA joint conference. Leeds Metropolitan University 13–15 January 2006.
Changing Ethnic Identities
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Modood, Tariq 1994. Changing Ethnic Identities. London: PSI.
Black and White Media: Black Images in Popular Film and Television Runnymede Trust 1997. Islamophobia: A Challenge For Us All
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Ross, Karen 1996. Black and White Media: Black Images in Popular Film and Television. London: Polity Press. Runnymede Trust 1997. Islamophobia: A Challenge For Us All. London Runnymede Trust.
The British Media and Muslim Representation: The Ideology of Demonisation. London: Islamic Human Rights Commission
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Don't Mention The War, Northern Ireland, Propaganda and The Media
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Australians Imagining Islam.' Pp. 128–41 in Muslims and the News Media
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Manning, Peter 2006. 'Australians Imagining Islam.' Pp. 128–41 in Muslims and the News Media, edited by Elizabeth Poole and John Richardson. London: I.B. Tauris.
Summary Report on Islamophobia in the EU after 11
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Allen, Chris and Joergen Nielsen 2002. Summary Report on Islamophobia in the EU after 11 September 2001. Vienna, Austria: European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia.
Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage. London: Policy Studies Institue
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Representing 'Race': Ideology, Identity, and the Media
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Bin Laden, Islam and America's New 'War on Terrorism
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Identity and Culture
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Weedon, C. 2004. Identity and Culture. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press.
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The Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Media (The Age and Herald Sun Newspapers)
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Akbarzadeh, Shahram and Smith, Bianca 2005. The Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Media (The Age and Herald Sun Newspapers). Monash, Australia: Monash University Press.
Communication and Race: A Structural Perspective
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A Different Hunger: Writings on Black Resistance Welcome or Over Reaction Refugees and Asylum Seekers in the Welsh Media
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