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Media, Racism and Islamophobia: The Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Media
Sociology Compass
Abstract
This article examines the representation of Islam and Muslims in the British press. It suggests that British Muslims are portrayed as an ‘alien other’ within the media. It suggests that this misrepresenatation can be linked to the development of a ‘racism’, namely, Islamphobia that has its roots in cultural representations of the ‘other’. In order to develop this arguement, the article provies a summary/overview of how ethnic minorities have been represented in the British press and argues that the treatment of British Muslims and Islam follows these themes of ‘deviance’ and ‘un-Britishness’.
... Därtill visar forskningen att framställningar i dagspress av marginaliserade områden och de boende där tenderar att bli rasifierade (Molina 1997), till exempel genom att de boende representeras negativt utifrån dikotomier som vinnare-förlorare, god-ond, stark-svag, civiliserad-brutal och hjälten-skurken (Hall 1997;van Dijk 2000;Boréus 2016). Den internationella forskningen om media och rasism har bland annat visat att rasifierade diskurser tenderar att rikta fokus mot den hotfulla mannen, antingen som en kriminell och farlig ung man (Hall med flera 1978;Saeed 2007) eller som en far, som båda framställs som kulturellt främmande, som förtrycker och hämmar sin fru och/eller dotter, som då framställs som förtryckt (Ericsson med flera 2002). Dessa dikotomier bygger på stereotyper, många gånger tillsammans med en annorlundahet där individer och grupper reduceras till klichéer och samtidigt jämförs med en outtalad norm (Hall 1997;Ericsson med flera 2002). ...
... I hierarkin återfinns exempelvis barn, gravida kvinnor och tonårsflickor högt upp och skildras som mest oskyldiga, medan tonårspojkar och män återfinns långt ned. I linje med det har forskare visat att kvinnor i högre utsträckning framställs som offer, samt att (unga) män, framför allt utlandsfödda (eller de som antas vara det) med bakgrund från länder utanför väst och boende i marginaliserade områden, framställs som farliga, våldsamma och involverade i organiserad brottslighet (Hall med flera 1978;Ericsson med flera 2002;Saeed 2007;Boréus 2016). Detta kan också anses vara i enlighet med hierarkin över ideala offer (Christie 1986;Thorbjørnsrud och Ustad Figenschou 2016). ...
... Temat trygghet knyter an till att en stor andel av nyhetstexterna handlar om våld och kriminalitet, vilket ligger i linje med tidigare studier om mediebilden av marginaliserade områden (Ericsson med flera 2002;Boréus 2016;Backvall 2019) samt med den internationella forskningen om media och rasism (Hall med flera 1978;van Dijk 2000;Saeed 2007). Forskning har även visat att unga som bor i marginaliserade områden själva menar att det är viktigt att ta plats, till exempel genom fritidsaktiviteter (Dahlstedt och Frempong 2018). ...
Media discourses about marginalized areas are often dominated by narratives of male violence and crime, issues that have attracted considerable attention in previous research. The purpose of this study is instead to explore media portrayals of girls and young women living in marginalized suburban areas in Southern Stockholm, in order to extend existing knowledge about the specific opportunities and obstacles that women face. The study uses an intersectional perspective and the concept of territorial stigmatization together with a critical discourse analysis. It is based on the analysis of 474 media texts published over the past 40 years. Two recurrent topics in the media portrayals were identified: safety and “take space” (“ta plats” in Swedish). In the articles on these topics, we identified underlying dilemmas of responsibility – who is responsible for girl’s and young women’s safety and taking space? In relation to such dilemmas, two frequently occurring positions for girls and young women could be discerned; those of victims and/or enablers. On the one hand, girls and young women are not depicted as responsible for the problems often associated with marginalized areas, such as crime and violence, but rather as the victims of such problems. On the other hand, they are portrayed as having various other responsibilities, not only for themselves but also for other girls, and even for their parents, in relation to taking space. In conclusion, girls and young women are faced with two types of discourses, shaped by their gender, age and the place they live, which we argue can be understood as specific forms of the concept of territorial stigmatization — territorial victimization and territorial responsibilization.
... Temsiller, arka plan kurgusu olarak da ifade edebileceğimiz temsil çerçeveleri ile şekillenir. İslam ve Müslümanlar söz konusu olduğunda da İslamofobi, literatürde sıklıkla karşılaşılacağı üzere (Gölcü & Aydın Varol, 2018;Poole, 2002;Saeed, 2007;Temel, 2020;Yel, 2018;Yorulmaz, 2018) önemli bir temsil çerçevesi olarak işlev görmektedir. Buna göre günümüzde medya aracılığıyla yayılan tarihsel ve modern anlatılar, insanların Müslümanları bir tehdit olarak algılamasını kolaylaştırmaktadır. ...
... Representations are shaped by representational frameworks, which can also be described as the background constructs. When it comes to Islam and Muslims, Islamophobia functions as a significant representational framework, as frequently encountered in the literature (Gölcü and Aydın Varol 2018;Poole 2002;Saeed 2007;Temel 2020;Yel 2018;Yorulmaz 2018). Accordingly, historical and modern narratives disseminated through the media facilitate the perception of Muslims as a threat. ...
Dijital platformlarda Müslüman kadın kimliğinin nasıl temsil edildiğini Netflix dijital platformunda yayınlanan Élite dizisi örnekliğinde analiz etme çabası, bu çalışmanın konusunu oluşturmaktadır. Geleneksel medya ve yeni medyada temsil sorunu literatürde sıklıkla ele alınan bir temaya karşılık gelmekte, İslamofobi, oryantalizm ve self-oryantalizm temaları çerçevesinde Müslüman kadın temsili de çeşitli araştırmalara konu edilmektedir. Ancak Türkiye’de gerçekleştirilen akademik çalışmalara bakıldığında Müslüman kadın kimliğinin dijital platformlarda nasıl temsil edildiği konusunda ayrıntılı bir araştırmanın yapılmadığı görülmektedir. Çalışma bu çerçevede Netflix dijital platformunda yayınlanan Élite dizisinde Müslüman kadın kimliğinin hangi temalar çerçevesinde ele alındığını ortaya koyma amacı taşımaktadır. Araştırma kapsamında Netflix dijital platformunda 2018 yılında yayınlanmaya başlayan Élite dizisinin 3 sezon 24 bölümü, nitel araştırmalarda sıklıkla kullanılan doküman analizi ile ele alınmış, elde edilen veriler içerik analizi tekniği ile analiz edilmiştir. Analiz aşaması belirlenen temalar çerçevesinde şekillenmiştir. Çalışmanın başlıklar halinde ele alınan tüm temaları, seküler yaşam tarzını tehdit eden bir unsur olarak İslam algısının yansımaları şeklinde ortaya çıkmaktadır ve İslamofobik temsillerin temelinde tam da bu tehdit algısının mevcut olduğu görülmektedir. Müslüman kadın ise söz konusu tehdit algısının düğümlendiği odaklardan birini temsil etmesi bakımından merkezidir. Toplumsal entegrasyonun ancak kimlikte Müslüman olunsa dahi seküler gündelik pratiklerin benimsenmesi yoluyla gerçekleştirilebileceği ima edilmektedir. Bu çerçevede bir İspanyol gençlik dizisi olan Élite’in Müslüman kadın kimliğini, geleneksel medyadan yeni medyaya devamlılık sağlayan bir perspektifle İslamofobik bir tarzda ele aldığı ifade edilebilir.
... The objective is to propagate an inherent, palpable danger or dread of terrorism in general (Poole and Richardson 2006). The worldwide media propagates Islamophobia by framing (Saeed 2007) and using a variety of metaphors, including ''Islamic terrorism'', ''Muslim fanatic'', and ''radical Muslim'' (Latif 2024a, b, c, d, e, f), to defame the Muslim population as a whole (Akbarzadeh and Smith 2005). Due to the media's deliberate efforts, there is a greater demand for security and surveillance, and the police are using various forms of racial profiling against Muslims (Abukahlil 2002). ...
... This creates an imbalance between the terrorist and the organizations they are fighting. The internet has supplanted conventional media as a faster and more efficient means of reaching a larger audience with messages (Saeed 2007). ...
Islamophobia in the media occurs when media sources present hostile, inaccurate, and/or deceptive stories about Islam, Muslims, or Arabs. Islamophobia is the term used to describe strong antipathy or prejudice toward Muslims, intense hatred or fear of Islam, particularly as a political force, and the study of how and to what extent the media promotes There has been a lot of scholarly and political discourse on Islamophobia. The discourse around Islamophobia in the media often focuses on the rhetorical strategies utilized by individual media outlets or by the mass media of a given nation or region, such the US or Europe. A few instances of this are when Islam is portrayed in a poor light relative to other religions, when Muslims are linked to terrorism, when Muslims and their followers are portrayed as aggressive or primitive, and when Muslim viewpoints are excluded from discussions on politics and academia, among other subjects. On the other hand, reactions to talks about Islamophobia in the media frequently cast doubt on what actually qualifies as Islamophobia, how frequently, how severe, and how effective Islamophobic language is, as well as the political reasons for such talks. This study aims to determine whether or not there was obvious inherent bias by examining the tone, structure, and topics offered by the print media prior to a terrorist event. This study examines how the world press has connected Islam to terrorism and emphasizes how subliminal print messages might contribute to Muslim racial profiling and the spread of Islamophobia. The editorials of six prominent international newspapers between 2014 and 2017 provided the data for this study, which created strata of ten significant worldwide terrorism incidents at random. The investigator examined editorials for a month following the event. The researcher’s results and conclusions are obtained by statistical interpretation following data analysis using event methodology and content analysis.
... From television debates to YouTube channels, former Muslims have become a prominent voice in the discourse around Islam (Elsässer, 2021;Khazaal et al., 2023). The nonreligious messengers are often very critical of Islam (Saeed, 2007). While, in the diaspora, it is usually not newsworthy if someone leaves Christianity, biographies of former Muslims breaking with Islam are being published regularly. ...
... Challenging religious expectations is a delicate venture in a context where anti-Muslim tendencies are already strong (Saeed, 2007). Often, the feelings and ideas related to fellow Muslims and Islam might feel too complex to translate into activist slogans. ...
This dissertation seeks to unravel how young nonbelievers in Morocco and the Moroccan diaspora engage in subtle forms of everyday activism to normalise being nonreligious. At its core, this involves analysing where and how this normalisation occurs, identifying ‘ordinary’ nonbelievers as contributors to this process, and understanding how such activism develops over time. To grasp the complexity of this phenomenon, this research employs a qualitative, intersectional, and comparative approach. The data draws from intermittent hybrid fieldwork conducted between 2019 and 2023 in Morocco and Western Europe, incorporating approximately fifty qualitative life story interviews, participatory observations, and social media analysis. Additionally, this research draws back on previously conducted data between 2016 and 2019, which enables a long-term perspective. The research group primarily consists of educated nonbelievers from urban middle-class Muslim backgrounds in Morocco and within the Moroccan diaspora. Though most may not explicitly identify as activists, their actions subvert religious norms and are therefore often perceived as dissent.
... Similarly, media coverage plays a pivotal role in shaping perceptions about migration and minorities. Some studies stated that up to 90% of coverage of Muslim populations in Western countries carries a negative bias (Saeed 2007;Byng 2010;Taras 2012;Nielsen and Otterbeck 2016). Asad's hypothesis of European identity finds great popularity among many academics and specialists, chiefly when they examine the facts that relate the minorities-in some cases communities-to modern Italian cultures as food (Ferrara 2011;Mescoli 2015;Chiodelli 2015), Languages (Gale 2013), traditions (Mescoli 2015), religious practice (Zanfrini and Bressan 2020), religious sub-groups (Roman, and Goschin 2011;Gallo, and Scrinzi 2019;Sündal 2012), customs (Beasley Von Burg, andAdam 2010;Minganti 2013;Menin 2011), and public spaces appearance (Zhang, Gereke, and Baldassarri 2022). ...
This article examines the everyday experiences of the Egyptian minority in Milan, Italy, focusing on challenges arising from the lack of formal recognition for their religious affiliations—Islam and Coptic Orthodoxy—which are central to their ethnic identity. Drawing on Talal Asad’s notion of recognition, Edward Said’s critique of Orientalism, and Nelson Maldonado-Torres’ coloniality framework, it critiques how European policies conflate secularization with security, marginalizing non-European communities. Italy’s legal system highlights this tension: while de jure constitutional protections guarantee religious freedom, de facto bureaucratic and political barriers exclude minority faiths from equal standing. Egyptian migrants must navigate this imbalance, where theoretical rights rarely translate into practical access, forcing them to continually adapt their religious and ethnic identities in a marginalizing society. The article shows how religious invisibility sustains marginalization, contrasting Europe’s multicultural ideals with exclusionary practices. It reveals how colonial legacies shape migrant experiences and restrict rights.
... This struggle is also experienced by Moroccan feminists who, when rejecting Islamic principles, risk a double sanction: "In Morocco, they would fail to connect with the vast majority of Moroccan women […] and, outside Morocco, they would be accused of not representing their own authentic culture" (Sadiqi, 2008: 330-1). Challenging religious expectations is also a delicate venture in Europe, given that anti-Muslim tendencies are dominant (Saeed, 2007); in this setting, Muslims form the minority and many hesitate to express their criticisms of Islam. Afraid that their arguments are selectively read, misinterpreted or simplified, feelings and ideas related to fellow Muslims and Islam might feel too complex to translate into activist slogans. ...
This empirical article presents an ethnographic, longitudinal and comparative study on nonreligion in urban Morocco and the diaspora in Western Europe. Central to the article is the question of why most former Muslims, despite their wish to change the status quo, refrain from activism. Drawing on 50 in-depth interviews conducted between 2019 and 2023 with young, educated, middle- and upper-class atheists and agnostics, the study shows that the motivation not to engage in the debate can be manifold. In Morocco, legal, professional and social risks discourage open expression of nonreligion, while many feel fatigued by repetitive debates and negative responses. In Europe, where anti-Islam sentiments are prevalent, former Muslims often avoid the topic of leaving Islam for a different reason, namely, to prevent bolstering negative stereotypes about Muslims. This article aims to compare the various motives for non-engagement that emerge within the different minority and majority settings.
... These cosplay events vary from cosplay fashion show (Coswalk), cosplay parade (Cosparade), or jejepangan festival as presented in Figure 3. These events are always well attended by cosplay fans of all ages, both male and female, children, teenagers and adults (Saeed, 2007). ...
This research focuses on the phenomenon of hijab cosplay as a fashion trend in popular culture and the representation of identity among Muslim women who combine cosplay and hijab. This research uses qualitative method with perceptual phenomenology approach, which aims to understand how Communication Theory of Identity developed by Michael Hecht and his colleagues in analyzing the identity of a hijab cosplayer by understanding it through four layers: personal layer, endorsement layer, communal layer, and relational layer. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with purposively selected hijab cosplayers, participant observation at cosplay events and observation of their activities on social media, and visual content analysis of photos and videos uploaded by participants on platforms such as Instagram. Triangulation of methods and data sources was used to increase the validity of the research findings, while member checking and peer debriefing were conducted to ensure the accuracy of interpretations. The results of this study show that the existence of hijab cosplay as a fashion trend in popular culture reflects a complex identity dynamic in which individuals successfully combine elements of religion and popular culture in their expression. Despite the challenges, hijab cosplayers have opened up a new space within the cosplay community, expanding the definition and acceptance of different forms of cultural expression. With the support of social media, this trend continues to grow, contributing significantly to intercultural dialogue and inclusivity in the global community. Therefore, the use communication theory of identity is very useful in understanding the identity formation process of hijab cosplayers in depth.
... En esta etapa los estudios se fundamentan en la aplicación de la teoría de frame o del encuadre como metodología para analizar el tratamiento informativo sobre el islam y los musulmanes en la prensa occidental, así como con herramientas como Sketch engine. Destacando fundamentalmente, entre otros, los estudios británicos ( Saeed, 2007;Baker et al., 2013;Hanif, 2021), estudios holandeses (D´Haenes et al., 2007), estudios alemanes (Boomgaarden, 2009), estudios finlandeses (Creutz, 2008), canadienses (Kangi, 2018) y estudios españoles ( Fundación Tres Culturas, 2010; Observatorio de la islamofobia en los Medios, Plataforma Ciudadana contra la islamofobia (2014); Ali et al., 2018;Calvo et al., 2018;Duran, 2019). ...
El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la desinformación actual sobre el islam desde la verificación de contenidos, tomando como punto de partida una revisión sobre etapas del estudio de la imagen del islam desde los medios de comunicación occidentales. Incorporando la verificación de datos mediante la herramienta Factcheck tools, se concluye que, tras el análisis de 270 contenidos sobre el mundo islámico en lengua inglesa y española, hay concentración de factcheckers en India y España, donde aprecian dos tipos de contenidos, uno de rechazo implícito y otro de rechazo latente hacia la comunidad musulmana, fundamental para prevención de conflictos.
... He claims that culture, not economics or politics, is driving a new cold war. He continues that Islam, with its innate propensity to violence, poses the most serious threat to Western civilization (Saeed, 2007). Bernard Lewis, another orientalist, perceived Islam as a constant threat to the West and perpetuated Islamophobia by keeping its intellectual infrastructure alive (Gökhan Genel, 2014, p. 112). ...
The presence and capabilities of religious groups in Turkey, particularly in terms of their propaganda power, is an undeniable reality. These groups have a well-established institutional infrastructure in magazine publishing, and the magazine industry has successfully transitioned into the digital realm. However, there is a lack of sufficient studies in the literature concerning the role of Islamist magazines in Turkey in addressing Islamophobia on a global scale. Religious groups in Turkey have historically and culturally established strong ties with society, particularly in utilizing magazines as a tool for propaganda. In this context, the study examines the theme of Islamophobia, which has become increasingly widespread globally, especially in Europe and the United States, in the magazines published by religious groups in Turkey. Using a qualitative methodology, the article analyzes the publications of the five major religious groups in Turkey, focusing on the concept of Islamophobia. The data collected has been examined through semiotic analysis and content analysis techniques. The findings of the study reveal that religious groups exhibit shortcomings in publishing articles that generate counterarguments to Islamophobia and in utilizing global language in their magazine publications. It is believed that this study will contribute to future research on the relationship between religious groups, Islamophobia, propaganda, and digital communication.
... With respect to islamophobic narratives, the analysis of the headlines reveals the pervasiveness of these narratives and representations, which have been extensively studied in the literature on media and islamophobia (awan, 2017;Bleich et al., 2015;Cervi et al., 2021;Fitriyani et al., 2015;Kabir, 2006;Moosavi, 2015;Rane et al., 2014;Saeed, 2007). these narratives contribute to the construction of a monolithic and often dehumanizing portrayal of islamic societies, reinforcing a dichotomy between the 'West' and the perceived 'other' (Celermajer, 2007;huRd, 2003;Mamdani, 2002;Mohammadi, 2012;Poole & Richardson, 2006;Pratt, 2011;Sayyid, 2018;tariq & iqbal, 2023). ...
This study employs Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine how major world powers represented and reacted to the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban takeover in August 2021, as reflected in newspaper headlines. The data corpus comprises 76 headlines from leading national newspapers in the US, the UK, China, and Russia over a one-month period. Fairclough’s three-dimensional CDA framework was applied, focusing on textual descriptions, discursive interpretations, and explanations of broader social practices. The analysis revealed contrasting representations shaped by underlying ideologies and geopolitical interests. US headlines exhibited a pragmatic approach, cautiously exploring engagement with the Taliban. UK tabloids have adopted sensationalized condemnation, reflecting the lingering narratives of moral superiority. The Chinese and Russian media portrayed the events as a strategic victory over Western hegemony, aligning with their ambitions to challenge US dominance. Linguistic strategies such as emotive lexis, modality, and transitivity constructed diverse discursive framings - the US balancing uncertainties, the UK amplifying outrage, and China/Russia asserting triumphalism. These narratives negotiated power dynamics and reinforced divergent worldviews, resonating with broader social practices such as China’s Belt and Road, Russia’s regional influence, and Britain’s post-US vacuum concerns. The findings illuminate how media discourse is shaped by, yet also shapes the shifting geopolitical landscape. Contrasting ideological forces discursively constructs pivotal events to legitimize interests and assert dominance in an increasingly multipolar world order. This analysis contributes to understanding the media’s role in representing global conflicts through the lens of competing nationalist agendas.
... Most of these studies have been conducted in first-world countries, namely the UK, USA, EU, Canada, and Australia. These include studies conducted by Baker et al. (2007), Bartoszewicz et al. (2022), Macaulay and Deppeler (2020), O'Doherty and Lecouteur (2007), Parker et al., (2022), Saeed (2007), Wodak and Richardson (2013). The commonality among these studies is that in order to construct narratives about refugees, these media employed a specific type of argumentation. ...
This research investigated the representation of Rohingya refugees stranded in Aceh province in the Indonesian news media during the four-year crisis between 2020 and 2023. The study aimed to examine how Rohingya refugees were represented in the media during the crisis using the Critical Discourse Analysis and the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA). The research employed a mixed method analysis to analyse the corpus data of 46,769 words extracted from 62 news articles published in two mainstream Indonesian publications, namely the regional Serambi Indonesia and the national Jakarta Post, between June 24, 2020, and March 27, 2023. Using corpus linguistics and Van Dijk’s CDA, the research uncovered four prominent argumentation strategies used in the media to portray the refugee crisis. Serambi Indonesia and the Jakarta Post utilised the Humanitarianism and Administration argumentation the most, concentrating on precarious conditions and efforts to handle the influx of refugees. Nevertheless, the local daily Serambi Indonesia used some Threat/Danger argumentation, portraying refugees as dangers and threats to local safety. The study further reveals how the media’s alignment with the government agenda is decisive for the press to construct public narratives. The narrative is expected to influence people’s attitudes and behaviours toward refugees in the province of Aceh.
... It not only reflects perceptions but also can change and influence behaviour (Mayer et al., 2021). Media discourse spread to promote a paradigm that separates us from others (Joye, 2010;Saeed, 2007). The other is frequently viewed as a danger rather than as normal, neutral or benign (Monson, 2017). ...
Stigma has grown in importance as a concept for understanding consumer behaviour during crises and gaininginsights into post-pandemic food and travel intentions. While previous studies examined stigma from the perspective ofstigmatised individuals, the current study investigated stigma from the perspective of other societies and their willingness tovisit stigmatised countries or dine at stigmatised restaurants. The main aim of the current paper was to analyze the effect o fstigma associated with COVID-19 on travel intentions to stigmatised countries and food avoidance at stigmatised restaurants.It also examined the effect of media discourse on stigma. A number of 593 questionnaires from Egyptians and structuralequation modelling (SEM) were used to test the model. The findings showed that stigma associated with COVID-19 has asignificant and negative effect on travel intentions to stigmatised countries, while stigma has a significant and positive ef fecton avoiding dining at stigmatised restaurants. Additionally, media discourse significantly con tributes to the stigma associatedwith COVID-19. On the other hand, there was no significant impact of food avoidance at stigmatised restaurants on theintention to travel to stigmatised countries. COVID-19-related discrimination and stigma must be stopped, and the mediashould enhance awareness without raising anxiety. The current research provided important insights that can be used to helprevitalise the travel and food industries and to combat stigma-related prejudice.
... It not only reflects perceptions but also can change and influence behaviour (Mayer et al., 2021). Media discourse spread to promote a paradigm that separates us from others (Joye, 2010;Saeed, 2007). The other is frequently viewed as a danger rather than as normal, neutral or benign (Monson, 2017). ...
Stigma has grown in importance as a concept for understanding consumer behaviour during crises and gaining insights into post-pandemic food and travel intentions. While previous studies examined stigma from the perspective of stigmatised individuals, the current study investigated stigma from the perspective of other societies and their willingness to visit stigmatised countries or dine at stigmatised restaurants. The main aim of the current paper was to analyze the effect o f stigma associated with COVID-19 on travel intentions to stigmatised countries and food avoidance at stigmatised restaurants. It also examined the effect of media discourse on stigma. A number of 593 questionnaires from Egyptians and structural equation modelling (SEM) were used to test the model. The findings showed that stigma associated with COVID-19 has a significant and negative effect on travel intentions to stigmatised countries, while stigma has a significant and positive ef fect on avoiding dining at stigmatised restaurants. Additionally, media discourse significantly con tributes to the stigma associated with COVID-19. On the other hand, there was no significant impact of food avoidance at stigmatised restaurants on the intention to travel to stigmatised countries. COVID-19-related discrimination and stigma must be stopped, and the media should enhance awareness without raising anxiety. The current research provided important insights that can be used to help revitalise the travel and food industries and to combat stigma-related prejudice.
... Studies in Muslim societies have investigated the relationship between Islam and digital technology, focusing on topics such as religiosity and consumer attitudes (Souiden & Rani, 2015), Islamic education among youth (Alkouatli et al., 2023), media representation and Islamophobia (Saeed, 2007), the impact of Muslim communities on Islamophobia (Bowe & Makki, 2016), the emergence of hybrid Muslim identities in the digital realm (Evolvi, 2017), and women's empowerment in the Islamic context (Gökhan, 2019;Nisa, 2021). These findings demonstrate the intricate interplay among technology, culture, digital Islam, and societal norms. ...
This study aims to identify key developments and trends in digital Islamic studies, including influential authors and their contributions, patterns of collaboration, and the evolution of themes in the literature of the 1060 Scopus database from to 1969–2024. This study also examines the representation of women and the main theoretical frameworks in the field. Biblioshiny, R-Studio, VOSViewer, and N-Vivo were used for bibliometric and sentiment analyses. This study found that academic attention to Islam and digital technologies has increased since the early 2000s with a shift towards online platforms for religious expression and community building. The study also examines the role of key authors, such as Norah Abokhodair, Sarah Vieweg, Marcia C. Inhorn, Eva F. Nisa, Giulia Evolvi, Morgan Clarke, Patrick Eisenlohr and Emma Baulch. The analysis of trends in the digital Islamic literature shows an increasing integration of digital technologies in Islamic practice from 2008 to 2021, with a focus on social media and mobile applications for religious education and engagement. Since 2021, Instagram has become an important space for the expression and discussion of Islamic identity. The research examines digital Islam as a major area of digital religion, exploring the role of the 'digital Muslim' in the 'digital Ummah.' This study reveals how digital Islam blends conventional and modern techniques, employs a cross-disciplinary theoretical approach, and significantly includes women. These findings demonstrate that women are more visible in highly cited studies.
... 724 dergiler ortak indekslerle birlikte ESCI (n=210), SSCI (n=197), AHCI (n=83) ve SCI-Expanded (n=9) indekslerinde taranmaktadır. (Saeed, 2007). ...
Bir insanın ya da toplumun inançları nedeniyle dışlanması, şüpheyle yaklaşılması ve düşmanca söylem ya da eylemlere maruz kalması insanlık dışı bir yaklaşımdır. İslamofobi, tam da bu çerçevede söylem ve eylemlerin oluştuğu bir olgudur. Özellikle Müslümanların azınlıkta olduğu Batı toplumlarında İslamofobi söylemler ve eylemleri son yıllarda sıkça görülmektedir. İslamofobi söylemlerinin oluşması ve yaygınlaşmasında medya önemli bir role sahiptir. Medyanın geniş kitlelere ulaşması nedeniyle insanların düşüncelerini etkilediği bilinmektedir. Bu anlamda İslamofobi algısının yaratılması ve Müslümanlara karşı olumsuz söylem ve eylemlerin ortaya çıkmasında medya etkili olmaktadır. Bu çalışmada İslamofobi ve medya konusunda yapılan çalışmalardan yola çıkarak İslamofobi’nin yayılımında medyanın konumuna ilişkin genel bir bakış açısı sunulmaktadır. Bu bakımdan çalışmada Web of Science veri tabanında yer alan 465 araştırma makalesi bibliyometrik yöntemle incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın en önemli sonuçları arasında İslamofobi ve medya konusunda en fazla çalışmanın iletişim bilimlerinde (n=109) yapılması yer almaktadır. İslamofobi ve medya konusunda yapılan çalışmalarda çeşitli ülkelerin medyalarında kullanılan İslamofobi söylemlerine odaklanıldığı saptanmıştır.
... Studies have shown that media coverage tends to depict Muslims as violent and backward, contributing to Islamophobia and justifying aggressive foreign policies (Poole, 2002). This biased portrayal not only affects international relations but also impacts Muslim communities in Western countries, leading to discrimination and social exclusion (Saeed, 2007). ...
Abstract: The article explores the abuse of globally good "terms" like "democracy" and redefines "terrorism" in the context of Middle Eastern affairs, arguing that such language manipulation undermines genuine democratic principles and human rights. It highlights the contradictory use of "democracy" to describe Israel, despite its policies often being at odds with democratic values, and the redefinition of "terrorism" to delegitimize legitimate resistance movements. The article underscores the role of the United States in this narrative, noting its extensive military actions globally while labeling its adversaries as terrorist threats. This hypocrisy disheartens Iranian peace activists and reformists, who find their struggle for civil rights marginalized in favor of geopolitical alliances with Israel. The piece delves into various democratic theories-classical liberal, participatory, deliberative, and radical democracy-illustrating how each offers distinct perspectives on governance and citizen engagement. It also contrasts Western democratic models with non-Western approaches like Ubuntu in Africa and Confucian democracy in Asia, which emphasize community and harmony over individualism. Further, the article critiques media portrayals, highlighting Edward Said's and Noam Chomsky's arguments on biased reporting and propaganda. It discusses how media narratives shape public perception, often demonizing Muslim populations and justifying aggressive foreign policies. The article calls for a critical examination of these narratives and support for grassroots movements and human rights organizations striving for justice and peace in the Middle East. It concludes by reaffirming the need to uphold true democratic values and human rights, challenging the dominant, often misleading, political discourse.
... For example, the Racial Position Model proposes that minority groups are evaluated along two dimensions of perceived inferiority and perceived cultural foreignness, each linked to different types of threat (Zou & Cheryan, 2017). There is little doubt that Muslim and Pakistani communities in the UK are mostly perceived as culturally foreign (Elsayed, 2023;Modood, 2006Modood, , 2009Saeed, 2007), and so are illegal immigrants and refugees in general (Lynn & Lea, 2003;Thomas, 2020). However, some Muslim Pakistanis have managed to rise to prominent positions in UK society: Sadiq Khan (the mayor of London), Baroness Sayeeda Warsi (the first Muslim to serve in a British Cabinet), or Sir Mohammed Anwar Pervez (a Pakistani-born British billionaire). ...
How does climate change threat affect attitudes towards ethnic and religious minorities and climate change refugees? We show that threatening climate change can have deep psychological effects even among social majority groups in relatively prosperous and peaceful societies. Using three survey experiments with self-identified White British participants ( N = 616, N = 587, and N = 535), we demonstrate that social majority members who are exposed to threatening information about climate change (vs. neutral information) and, at the same time, feel little national efficacy over climate change, evaluate more negatively certain ethnic and religious minorities, especially Muslims and Pakistanis. We found the same trend in the evaluation of climate refugees, although it reached statistical significance only in one of the experiments. We explain these reactions as pertaining to groups that are perceived as threatening the salient ingroup and its collective agency. Our research significantly contributes to the literature on the social and political implications of (climate change) threat, especially by focusing on boundary conditions, namely the perception of collective control in case of complex and large threats.
... Therefore, based on these viewpoints, the media may contribute to Islamophobia while offering a method for combating it. (Saeed, 2007) ...
Islamophobia is an expression of prejudice and enmity toward Muslims. After 9/11, it became more prevalent in western society, especially in Sweden, where two hundred occurrences with overtly anti-Islamic overtones were registered in 2007 and the number increases so on if other western countries are included in the list. Hate speech against Islam and Muslim immigrants, and publication of caricatures of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) were counted as freedom of speech.
... Edward Said's earlier work is a good example of how representations of Islam presented in the media are mostly negative, where "the West is radically at odds and this tension establishes a framework radically limiting knowledge of Islam" (Said, 1981: 163). This resonates in the contemporary era in, for example, the furore surrounding the Danish cartoons (Saeed, 2007). ...
Muslims have come to occupy a central role in discussions about citizenship and belonging in the UK. A cursory glance at the context surrounding this development reveals the importance of critical events in which Muslims are imbricated, and which help shape the discursive ground upon which Muslims/Islam are understood. This paper charts a number of critical events, beginning with the Rushdie Affair in 1989 through to the recent “war on terror” to consider how certain tropes emanate from these, and how through the workings of media and policy-making these gather velocity over time to pronounce themselves in an atmosphere, against and within which Muslim life should be apprehended.
... In late August 2020, a French satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo, republished the Danish cartoons controversially. The Swedish media purposely misrepresents the Muslim migrants with "otherness" in their reporting, causing harassment, discrimination, and frustration among the Muslim refugees that are running away from the Syrian crisis (Saeed 2007;Abdelhady and Malmberg 2018). The editorial cartoons in American media are portraying Muslims in American society negatively by representing them as Jihadists, extremists, and violent people (Gottschalk 2017). ...
Islamophobia is the contemporary form of religious persecution as an Islamic share of the phenomenon after other Abrahamic religions in the past. Judaism, science, and Christianity have had their share of torment in Europe many centuries ago, and now it seems the turn of Islam to taste the bitter pill of religious torture and cultural intolerance. When and how Europe or the world will relax its assault on Abrahamic religions and tolerate other cultures is a critical question that begs more questions than answers. This study examines how global Islamophobia is threatening the future of the unity of mankind, security, and the global political economy, with Islam being the religion with the second largest followership and Muslims making up more than one-fourth of the global population. The study adopted an empirical analytical method where data was collected from documented sources and empirical data, and analysis was made using empiricism. The study finds that persecution of religion is not a new phenomenon globally but that the threshold is now targeted exclusively at Islam and Muslims more than at other Abrahamic religions, particularly in Europe and America, and that this is reversing global tranquility and the political economy of the globe negatively. The study recommends, among several other alternatives, that a true spirit of humanism pursued in the aura of dialogue and mutual understanding will ameliorate the situation and restore the desired unity of mankind in the future.
... Oboler [87] has stressed the importance of differentiating and identifying variations of Islamophobia so that they can be addressed accordingly. Islamophobia, which is a latent factor of Islamic misinformation, has been characterized as an Orientalist view of a culture that is considered "other" [100], as racial hatred of Muslims [58], as fear stoked by the state [18], as negative perceptions of Islam (e.g., social perceptions post 9/11 [14]), as negative representations of Islam [93,99], as narratives that are anti-Muslim [12,46], as unfounded hostility toward Islam or unfair discrimination against Muslims to exclude them from mainstream political and social affairs [61], etc. As discussed in Section 1, Islamophobia has grown to include Islamic misinformation as a weapon in its arsenal [82]. ...
Online misinformation about Islam and Muslims has increasingly become a weapon in the arsenal of Islamophobia. Such content typically aims to marginalize and disempower Muslims and sow animosity between them and non-Muslims. However, there has not yet been an investigation of the impact of such targeted misinformation on the online practices of Muslims. Through semi-structured interviews with 19 Muslim participants from diverse backgrounds, we sought to understand how Muslims in the United States navigate and use the very online spaces that are leveraged to spread misinformation targeted at them. Our findings provide a nuanced understanding of how targeted misinformation subjects Muslims to misperceptions from non-Muslims and has the harmful effect of leaving Muslims exhausted and disempowered by the futility of their attempts to correct the misperceptions. In addition, we identify forces that drive Muslims to act or retreat in their online practices in response to being targeted by misinformation. These findings can be useful to industry, civil society organizations, and policymakers in order to curb injustices related to Islamic misinformation.
... News values and framing types on varied aspects is still a topical issue that cannot go unnoticed, as it is still a phenomenon under exploration, with their motifs viewed and judged differently by various scholars (Molla, 2021;Wozniak et al., 2015;Saeed, 2007). Using a case study, Ogunyemi (2014)'s examination of news values on how Africa has previously been framed in the Western news media reveals that there are more stereotypes associated with Africa, especially those media outlets that adopted to peddle ethnocentrism in their reports. ...
This study investigates the portrayal of international technology companies in the media, with a specific focus on Facebook rebranding. Utilizing content analysis and correlational observation, we conducted a comparative analysis of search interests and news frames between Western and African-based news websites following the announcement of Facebook’s rebranding to Meta. Two datasets were examined to assess search interest and sentiment scores based on the positivity, negativity, and neutrality of published stories from selected African and Western countries. The findings reveal the persistence of colonial influences in news coverage, with Western websites demonstrating sympathy and African websites emphasizing conflict-driven narratives. These observations underscore the significance of media diversity and representation in shaping public discourse, particularly in postcolonial contexts characterized by ethnocentrism, poverty, violence, and political instability.
... In this study, we thus wanted to go beyond the role of language in understanding support for immigration in Quebec. Our experiment allows us to examine how Quebecers evaluate immigration candidates from two different countries, both of which share the official language of Quebec, but one of which also shares a significant ethnocultural bond with Quebec, while the other does not and also has a different religious background that has attracted significant negative media attention worldwide (Døving 2020;Saeed 2007) and in Quebec (Bakali 2015), namely Islam. ...
This research explores the linguistic features of the media discourse on Pahalgam attack and reviews the
coverage of this event in Indian and Pakistani media sources. Adopting CDA approach, the study reveals
how the language is being used to shape the public opinion regarding the attack, war between India and
Pakistan and the geo political ramifications. A comparative discourse analysis of selective news articles
demonstrates the techniques of framing and linguistic strategies used by both media to create narrative
about the event. The study reveals the functions of metaphors, lexical selections, and narrative designs in
shaping the audience attitudes toward the conflict. According to the findings, the two media houses, though
using the same linguistic strategies to describe the attack, were considerably different in terms of framing
of the event, which reflected their respective nationalistic narratives. The current research adds a
contribution to the field of media studies where the role of language as an instrument of power and
ideology in the sphere of conflict discourse is emphasized. The research also highlights the importance of
media literacy in trouble spots and presents possible directions for further studies of language
contributions to the formation of public opinion in politically tense environments.
The influence of media on the formation of attitudes towards Muslims and Arabs in the period following the 9/11 attacks resulted in the propagation of harmful stereotypes and the increase in hate crimes targeting Muslims and Arabs during this time. This was also spread by the role of media, including popular culture media, in disseminating these negative narratives. Using a qualitative approach, this study aims to examine the media’s endeavours to depict Muslims in a positive portrayal and the dearth of meaningful sources documenting these empathetic endeavours through the prism of moderation, especially in post-9/11. This article argues that Evelyn Alsultany's notion of Simplified Complex Representation serves as a gateway for the media's effort to showcase Muslims and Arabs in a more nuanced way.. There are tons of instances that have been analysed from TV dramas, movies, and comics to demonstrate how the media shapes people’s perspectives of Muslims and Arabs. The article contends that media is not merely a mirror of societal views but a powerful agent capable of shaping and modifying perceptions.
The Third Person Effect ( tpe ) hypothesis postulates that individuals are likely to estimate that negative news media will have greater effects on others than on themselves. This study uses tpe to explore whether an individual’s religious predispositions and use of religious media influences the impact of negative news coverage on their perceptions of Islam. Furthermore, it tests whether religious predispositions, an individual’s use of religious media, and tpe influence a person’s support for censorship of negative media coverage of Islam. The researchers constructed two different scenarios in which differential estimates were used to evaluate the effect of tpe . The first scenario involved participants comparing the impact of negative news of Islam on others in society (close others) with the impact on themselves. In the second scenario, they compared the impact of negative news of Islam on Westerners (distant others) with the impact on themselves. Data was collected through a self-administered questionnaire administered to 652 Kuwaiti respondents. Results indicate that respondents perceive themselves to be less influenced by negative coverage of Islam than others in their society and Westerners. Religious predisposition and the “individual” use of religious media predicted a tpe contrast between the respondents and Westerners. Finally, religious predispositions, religious media use, and tpe contrasts between the respondents and Westerners predicted support for media censorship.
This paper investigates the claim that immigrants have a moral duty to integrate. I argue that socially excluded immigrant minorities have a moral permission to form enclaves, which means that they have at most only limited duties to integrate. Positively, I argue that enclaves can play an important role in supporting the self-respect of socially excluded immigrants. Negatively, I argue social exclusion makes the putative duty to integrate—when it conflicts with enclave formation—unreasonably burdensome. I also argue that even if integration is a genuine duty, it cannot be permissibly enforced as a social expectation vis-à-vis socially excluded immigrants because members of dominant social groups lack standing to blame socially excluded immigrants for failing to integrate. My argument is pessimistic because it recognizes that integration may nonetheless play an important role in tackling relational inequality. Social exclusion thus means that immigrant minorities have only limited duties to integrate, but it also makes integration particularly valuable.
Avec le présent article, nous cherchons à contribuer aux réflexions critiques sur les rapports de pouvoir qui traversent sur différents plans, interpersonnel, institutionnel et politique, les pratiques participatives dites inclusives. À partir de l’analyse d’un dispositif de promotion à la santé sexuelle, destiné à des communautés musulmanes en Suisse, nous mettons en lumière un paradoxe entre, d’une part, l’intention d’inclusion d’une population considérée comme minorisée et, d’autre part, les mécanismes d’altérisation à l’œuvre au sein de la communication entre les différents acteurs du dispositif. En adoptant une approche socioculturelle et dialogique en psychologie et une méthodologie compréhensive combinant analyse de documents, entretiens semi-directifs, observations participantes et identification d’incidents critiques, nous examinons les dynamiques psychosociales qui s’actualisent entre les acteur·rice·s impliqué·e·s dans le dispositif et mettons en évidence des hiatus que nous appelons tensions dialogiques entre les différentes perspectives. Nos résultats montrent que des processus d’altérisation sont à l’œuvre et traversent l’ensemble du dispositif, de sa conception à sa mise en œuvre durant des ateliers de formation. L’étude contribue ainsi à éclairer certains des mécanismes de maintien des rapports de pouvoir au sein même des interactions qui ont lieu dans un dispositif participatif.
Background: Recent high-profile cases of #Islamophobia online raise questions about how #youth view and understand #Islamophobic #hatespeech on #socialmedia.
Analysis: In this study, we interviewed 25 respondents who identify as Muslim and have experienced hate speech on social media and 25 respondents from mainstream #Canadian youth who are active users of social media. We also arranged a partially mediated online multilogue between the respondents on religion-induced hate speech, especially Islamophobia in #Canada.
Conclusions and implications: While both groups agreed on the harmful impacts of unmoderated hate speech #online, they disagreed on the definition of #Islamophobia as the systematic oppression of #Muslims and held conflicting views on Islamophobia as a form of racism.
This study expands upon research examining how journalists describe the cultural clashes between Islam and “the West.” Much of the recent scholarship in this area has focused on how media represent Muslim immigration to European and North American countries. In contrast, this investigation analyzes media portrayals of Islam within the framework of Western tourists visiting Qatar for the fifa World Cup. Using qualitative analysis, I examine three themes Western journalists used in describing conflicts presumed to occur when Western soccer fans visit a Muslim-majority country. While the themes might suggest a continued vision of a clash of civilizations, there was little in the news reports that suggested blatant Islamophobia. In fact, the findings hint that the modern West might sometimes treat the Muslim faith in a way that does not reveal open hostility, but subtly chips away at some of the distinctiveness of the religion.
Many contemporary researchers agree that group relative deprivation is a driver of political actions against outgroups. However, both relative deprivation and political actions are complex phenomena, making it important to further study this relationship in the context of other relevant variables. One such variable could be the specific outgroup. The purpose of our study was to evaluate differences in the contribution of group relative deprivation to the prediction of activist and radicalised intentions against two outgroups – Muslims and senior citizens. The multi‐group structural equation modelling was applied separately on nationally representative samples of youth from Germany ( N = 1,056), Norway ( N = 376) and the United Kingdom (UK) ( N = 1053). Group relative deprivation exhibited a robust relationship with activist intentions after controlling for general aggression, social desirability bias, age and gender, except in the UK, where the relationship between activist intentions and relative deprivation was stronger with Muslims as the target outgroup. The relationship between relative deprivation and radicalised intentions depended on the target outgroup across countries – it was related to radicalised intentions only against Muslims. The meaning and implications of these results are briefly discussed.
Media (e.g., film) are often designed around cisgender, heternormative logics and are not representative of the multiplicity of identities and identity expressions that exist in the world. Thus, media impedes the identity expression and performance of the communities who use them, as we do not see many parts of our identities represented or find that our identities are misrepresented. Video games, which are a genre of media, are especially problematic in how they perpetuate heteronormative normative logics. Unlike most media, however, video games give people agency over the aesthetics of game worlds--the characters and narratives--through the installation of mods. We conducted a content analysis coupled with a triangulation of mods through personal experience focused on the widely popular farming simulation game Stardew Valley. Drawing on a conceptual lens bringing together theories of identity and aesthetic agency, we highlight how the aesthetic agency afforded by mod installation provides opportunities for reclaiming representational diversity in game worlds along the following dimensions: sex and intimacy, gender and sexuality, race and ethnicity, and body diversity. We discuss the implications of mod installation, exploring its potential relationship with identity work and identity play. We then propose design guidelines for achieving aesthetic alignment.
Discussing the image of Muslims in the media, there should be an account of some of the major studies conducted on the topic. The analysis of media presentations of Muslims cannot but touch on the topic of the religious Other and the process of othering observed in the media. At the same time, it cannot neglect the studies of Edward Said (Orientalism. Vintage Books, New York, 1979) on Orientalism as the orientalist perception and understanding of Muslims are the prerequisites for some of the existing stereotypes and attitudes displayed by the general public.
Thus, this section focuses on topics such as Otherness, Orientalism, Islamophobia and how these have been used by the media when presenting the image of Muslims. It should also be mentioned that the concepts are interdependent, as each one of them has its own specificity, at the same time, however, they are very close to one another. In addition, the wider scope of literature on media presentations of Muslims would provide a better ground for comparison and contrast of the strategies used by the Bulgarian and the British media in the presentation of the image of the religious Other.
Differentiation between terrorists and Muslims can mitigate the negative effects of terrorism news. In this study, participants were shown Islamist terrorism news in a quota-based 2 (news: differentiated vs. undifferentiated) × 2 (perpetrator characteristics: insider vs. outsider, that is, a threat from within vs. an alien threat) experiment ( N = 444). Exposure to differentiated news increased attitudinal differentiation of Muslims from terrorists, which in turn decreased negative stereotypes but not negative implicit attitudes. There were no differences in effects of exposure to coverage of insider versus outsider terrorists on either stereotypes or implicit attitudes. Stereotypes were strongest when news was differentiated and depicted outsider terrorists.
Leading up to the Ted Lasso (2020–23) series finale in May 2023, fans anticipated whether various white, heterosexual romantic relationships on the show would come to fruition. When the finale finally aired, there was considerable disappointment at the lack of romantic conclusions for their characters, rather than satisfaction in the friendships that were developed over the show’s three seasons. Yet, queer and feminist theorizations of friendship position friendship as central to the human experience and valuable in analysing the social impacts of cisheteropatriarchal norms. In our analysis of social media posts, we employ feminist queer analysis to critically examine the interplay between the show’s portrayal of friendship and fans’ reactions to these plotlines that were shaped by cisheteronormative imaginaries of what types of relationships we should expect in television while the show defied romantic comedy tropes to focus on friendship. We argue that the romance-focused fan reactions obstructed the full spectrum of possible relationships, platonic and romantic, that were developed throughout the show’s run. When taken together, these relationships deepen our understanding of the ways that Ted Lasso can be taken as an illustration of the importance of friendship and care in our everyday lives, which should be treated with the same gravity as romantic relationships in popular culture.
This study employs qualitative textual analysis to examine framing dichotomies in mainstream local news coverage of a series of attacks on Amish residents in Ohio carried out by a breakaway Amish group in 2011. Using Stuart Hall’s understanding of narrative binaries and the anthropological concept of the other within the other, the study argues portrayals of both the victims and the perpetrators of those crimes employed common stereotypes of Amish groups. The study describes the negative consequences of the “good Other” representation applied to the victims of the crimes and argues for more nuanced news coverage of non-mainstream religious groups.
This study showcases the multimodal discourses that undergird (underlie) how women are misrepresented in advertisements both verbally and visually. Adopting a qualitative research methodology, the study seeks to unveil the ingenious (subtle) ideological discourses that are naturalized, disseminated, and legitimized about women in advertisements through the verbal i.e. textual and visual semiotic choices. The study is mainly anchored in Kress and van Leeuwen's seminal model of visual grammar (2006) and Van Leeuwen's social actor theory (2008), as previous accounts fail to provide a holistic picture of how advertisers exploit visual and the linguistic resources to disseminate particular ideologies about women. The results manifest that advertisements hypersexualize, oversimplify, and objectify women, and also promote negative stereotypes on women, focusing on their physical attraction disregarding their potentialities. Moreover, women are associated with beauty products, accessories, and kitchen equipment; advertisements perpetuate the traditional view that elegance is a prerequisite for women, which in turn signifies their societal influence or power. In effect, they shape or mould, and reshape the society's view about women. The study is, in particular, crucial as it adds to the body of work conducted in the newly emerging field of MCDA integrating it with other strands of DA namely CDA .
This chapter examines online Twitter community engagements and sentiments towards Afghan refugees following the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021. Using Netlytic, 32,213 tweets containing keywords such as “Afghan refugees,” “Afghanrefugees,” and “Afghanistan crisis” were collected from October 4–18, 2021. Analytical tools like Leximancer, SentiStrength, and Voyant were employed, guided by social identity theory, to explore opinions on immigration. Thematic and sentiment analysis revealed five key themes: Afghan Refugees, Refugee, Crisis, Evacuees, and Housing. Findings indicate a predominantly negative attitude towards Afghan refugees, consistent with the in-group/out-group dynamics explained by social identity theory.
This research paper, based on Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), aimed to uncover how the opinion articles published on Pravda.ru discursively depicted the war in Ukraine and the parties involved. To achieve this, two elements of CDA analysis, namely presupposition and structural opposition, were examined. The first element was scrutinized to determine how Pravda.ru depicted the war in Ukraine (RQ1), while the second element was analyzed to understand how Pravda.ru portrayed the parties involved, whether directly or indirectly, in the war (RQ2). For this study, 83 articles were subject to critical discourse analysis, covering the period from February 25, 2022, to February 24, 2023, the first year of the war. The results obtained from this study indicated that Pravda.ru employed various techniques to construct presuppositions and structural oppositions. Pravda.ru portrayed the war as a 'special military operation' and a 'proxy war.' The former, characterized as a euphemism, aimed to mitigate the impact of the word, presupposing that the events did not constitute aggression against Ukraine. The latter presupposed that Russia was a victim of a conspiracy. Furthermore, the results revealed that Pravda.ru used stigmatization and religious affiliations and terms to construct structural oppositions.
A simple definition of Human dignity describes it as a worth attached to every human being, by virtue of being born as a human. But is the situation really so simple? Several instances reveal that the notion, nature and operation of dignity evade such simplistic definitions. As we delve deeper, an important question surfaces: how is it that dignity remains most elusive for the Muslim populations? The so-defined age of Terror further justifies such loss of dignity for the Muslim populations. It must be stressed however, that while terror events like 9/11 (the USA) or 7/7 (London, UK) or 9/7 (New Delhi, India), have served to resuscitate the fear of the radical other (that is, the Muslims) these attitudes go back a long time in history. It is reflected in the general outlook towards Muslims. Undoubtedly, there remain a section of terrorists, who borrow from a particular interpretation of Islam. But is this cause enough for the wholesale othering of the Muslim community? Having to live as second- rate people despite being citizens, being saddled with assumed linkages to terrorism; these are just a few dimensions of the otherising discourse. Islam comes into the picture not only because the ‘terrorists’, in some cases, have been Muslims, but also because these radical sections forward Islam as the source of their actions. We need to question the uncritical homogenizing that follows such revelations, viz. all Muslims are terrorists, Islam is a violent religion, Muslims are disloyal and radical, so on and so forth. The perpetual tagging as the potential terrorists causes not only an irretrievable loss of identity, but also a fatal blow to one’s dignity. Here, Kant’s notion of dignity becomes useful for understanding the problem of Muslim indignity.
This CDA-based research paper aimed to uncover how the opinion articles published on Pravda.ru discursively depicted the war in Ukraine and the parties involved in that war. To that end, two elements of analysis were considered: presupposition and structural oppositions. The first element was considered to help us find out how Pravda.ru depicted the war in Ukraine (RQ1), and the second to help us find out how Pravda.ru portrayed the parties involved (directly or indirectly) in the war (RQ2). For this study, 83 articles were critically analyzed. These articles covered the period between February 25, 2022, and February 24, 2023—the first year of the war. Based on the results obtained from this study, Bravda.ru used different techniques to construct presuppositions and structural oppositions. The techniques employed to construct presuppositions were euphemism, playing the victim, and recalling the past, whereas the techniques employed to construct structural oppositions included stigmatization and recalling religious affiliations.
This paper examines the representation of British Muslim communities in the British broadsheet press and provides empirical evidence that (i) British Muslim communities are almost wholly absent from the news, excluded from all but predominantly negative contexts; (ii) that when British Muslims do appear, they are included only as participants in news events, not as providers of informed commentary on news events; and therefore (iii) that the issues and concerns of the communities are not being served by the agendas of the broadsheet press. The paper presupposes that the power relationships represented in the broadsheet press are both generative and transposable, modifying power relations in other fields (Bourdieu, 1991). I argue that the dominant modes of representing British Muslims are therefore both a product of and a contributing factor to the continued social exclusion of British Muslim communities at all levels of society.
If, as W. E. B. Du Bois observed, the problem of the twentieth century was the problem of the color line, the problem of the twenty-first century may be one that reaches back to premodernity: religious identity. Even before 9/11 it was becoming evident that Muslims, not blacks, were perceived as the "other" most threatening to Western society, even in a relatively pluralist nation such as Britain. In Multcultural Politics, one of the most respected thinkers on ethnic minority experience in England describes how what began as a black-white division has been complicated by cultural racism, Islamophobia, and a challenge to secular modernity. Tariq Modood explores the tensions that have risen among advocates of multiculturalism as Muslims assert themselves to catch up with existing equality agendas while challenging some of the secularist, liberal, and feminist assumptions of multiculturalists. If an Islam-West divide is to be avoided in our time, Modood suggests, then Britain, with its relatively successful ethnic pluralism and its easygoing attitude toward religion, will provide a particularly revealing case and promising site for understanding.
The new edition of Race and Racism in Britain builds on the strengths of previous editions of this widely-used text in providing a detailed and critical analysis of race relations and forms of racism in British society today. The book begins by mapping a conceptual framework that seeks to locate the British experience within a broader context which it proceeds to apply in a systematic assessment of trends, developments and political and policy debates since the 1950s.
Islamic Peril explores the lack of historical and cultural understanding in the mass media as it studies the coverage of conflicts involving Muslims in the Middle East, the Caucasus, the Balkans, and Western societies. It demonstrates the resilience of core Western images of Muslims that have continued to recur in depictions of Islam for over a millennium. The author won the inaugural Robinson Prize for this book.
A collection of innovative essays representing the most recent developments in poetry as discourse, the discourse of power, and discourse of psychiatry and psychosis. The essays in this volume deal with questions of interpretation of poetry, psychoanalysis, and political theory. All are presented here as appropriate objects of discourse studies which go beyond conventional analysis.
SolomosJohn. Race and Racism in Britain. Second edition. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1993. Pp. xi, 279. $18.95 paper. - Volume 26 Issue 2 - Carlton Wilson
I should make a couple of things clear at the outset, however. First of all, I shall be using the word ‘Orientalism’ less to refer to my book than to the problems to which my book is related; moreover I shall be dealing, as will be evident, with the intellectual and political territory covered both by Orientalism (the book) as well as the work I have done since. This imposes no obligation on my audience to have read me since Orientalism; I mention it only as an index of the fact that since writing Orientalism I have thought of myself as continuing to look at the problems that first interested me in that book but which are still far from resolved. Second, I would not want it to be thought that the licence afforded me by the present occasion - for which of course I am grateful - is an attempt to answer my critics. Fortunately, Orientalism elicited a great deal of comment, much of it positive and instructive, yet a fair amount of it hostile and in some cases (understandably) abusive. But the fact is that I have not digested and understood everything that was either written or said. Instead I have grasped some of the problems and answers proposed by some of my critics, and because they strike me as useful in focusing an argument, these are the ones I shall be taking into account in the comments that follow. Others - like my exclusion of German Orientalism, which no one has given any reason for me to have included - have frankly struck me as superficial or trivial, and there seems no point in even responding to them. Similarly the claims made by Dennis Porter, among others, that I am ahistorical and inconsistent, would have more interest if the virtues of consistency (whatever may be intended by the term) were subjected to rigorous analysis; as for my ahistoricity that too is a charge more weighty in assertion than it is in proof. Now let me quickly sketch the two sets of problems I’d like to deal with here. As a department of thought and expertise Orientalism of course refers to several overlapping domains: firstly, the changing historical and cultural relationship between Europe and Asia, a relationship with a 4,000-year-old history; secondly, the scientific discipline in the West according to which beginning in the early nineteenth century one specialised in the study of various Oriental cultures and traditions; and, thirdly, the ideological suppositions, images and fantasies about a currently important and politically urgent region of the world called the Orient. The relatively common denominator between these three aspects of Orientalism is the line separating Occident from Orient and this, I have argued, is less a fact of nature than it is a fact of human production, which I have called imaginative geography. This is, however, neither to say that the division between Orient and Occident is unchanging nor is it to say that it is simply fictional. It is to say-emphatically-that as with all aspects of what Vico calls the world of nations, the Orient and the Occident are facts produced by human beings, and as such must be studied as integral components of the social, and not the divine or natural, world. And because the social world includes the person or subject doing the studying as well as the object or realm being studied, it is imperative to include them both in any consideration of Orientalism for, obviously enough, there could be no Orientalism without, on the one hand, the Orientalists, and on the other, the Orientals.
L'article analyse la notion d'information primaire et identifie trois limites majeures potentielles a la credibilite des sources officielles : la division au sein des organisations (division personnelle, professionnelle et politique), leurs differents niveaux de cooperation et de competition, l'impact des valeurs nouvelles. Etude du cas particulier de l'Irlande du Nord
Cet article fait part de la vulgarisation et de l'enracinement du racisme dans le sens commun britannique. En effet, l'A. explique a travers l'exemple de villes ou les refugies sont peu nombreux, comment les politiques de discrimination, de diabolisation des demandeurs d'asile sont percues par les gens. La legitimation dans une large mesure d'un comportement raciste de l'Etat est relaye au sein de la population par les medias, notamment les tabloides anglais, qui contribuent pleinement a amplifier les sentiments de peur et d'insecurite. La lutte antiraciste passe par des actions au plus proche des individus, en commencant par l'ecole
This book chronicles the policy debates on Islamism in the United States over the course of time, providing a comprehensive account of the origins of policy followed by a balanced critique and recommendations for change. It then delves deeper into the US political scene to analyze the historical, political, cultural, and security issues that might help explain America’s preoccupation with Islam and Muslims. Furthermore, the author sheds much light on the multiplicity of regional and international factors, such as the political decay of the Middle Eastern state and the end of the Cold War, that shape the thinking of US officials about the contemporary Islamist phenomenon. In addition to examining the domestic, regional, and international context of US Islam policy, the book applies and tests the pronouncements of US officials in four representative case studies - Iran, Algeria, Egypt and Turkey. Finally, Gerges addresses the clash of civilizations debate and assesses the relative weight of culture and values in US officials’ words and deeds on Islamism.
Attitudes Towards Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Other Immigrants: A Literature Overview for the Commission for Racial Equality
- Finney
- Esme Nissa
- Peach
Finney, Nissa and Esme Peach 2004. Attitudes Towards Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Other Immigrants: A Literature Overview for the Commission for Racial Equality. London: ICAR/CRE.
The Future of Muslims in Canada
- Elmasry
- Mohamed
Elmasry, Mohamed 2002. The Future of Muslims in Canada. Conference Paper October 20, 2002. Ottawa, Canada.
Not Easy Being British: Colour Culture and Citizenship
- Modood
- Tariq
Modood, Tariq 1992. Not Easy Being British: Colour Culture and Citizenship. London: Runnymede Trust.
The End of Antiracism.' Pp. 49–61 in 'Race', Culture and Difference
- Gilroy
- Paul
Gilroy, Paul 1992. 'The End of Antiracism.' Pp. 49–61 in 'Race', Culture and Difference, edited by James Donald and Ali Rattansi. London: Sage.
Islam and the British Press After 9
- B Whittaker
Whittaker, B. 2002. 'Islam and the British Press After 9/11.' http://www.al-bab.com/media/ articles/bw020620.htm (last accessed March 26, 2007).
Beyond Orientalism: Why Palestine is still the issue
- Saeed
- Amir
- Drainville
- Elaine
Saeed, Amir and Drainville, Elaine 2006. Beyond Orientalism: Why Palestine is still the issue. Conference paper for AMPE/MECSA joint conference. Leeds Metropolitan University 13–15 January 2006.
Changing Ethnic Identities
- Modood
- Tariq
Modood, Tariq 1994. Changing Ethnic Identities. London: PSI.
Black and White Media: Black Images in Popular Film and Television Runnymede Trust 1997. Islamophobia: A Challenge For Us All
- Ross
- Karen
Ross, Karen 1996. Black and White Media: Black Images in Popular Film and Television. London: Polity Press. Runnymede Trust 1997. Islamophobia: A Challenge For Us All. London Runnymede Trust.
The British Media and Muslim Representation: The Ideology of Demonisation. London: Islamic Human Rights Commission
- R Saied
- Ameli
- Mohammed Syed
- Sameera Marandi
- Seyfeddin Ahmed
- Arzu Kara
- Merali
Saied R. Ameli, Syed Mohammed Marandi, Sameera Ahmed, Seyfeddin Kara and Arzu Merali 2007. The British Media and Muslim Representation: The Ideology of Demonisation. London: Islamic Human Rights Commission. Sardar, Ziauddin 1999. Orientalism. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press.
Australians Imagining Islam.' Pp. 128–41 in Muslims and the News Media
- Manning
- Peter
Manning, Peter 2006. 'Australians Imagining Islam.' Pp. 128–41 in Muslims and the News Media, edited by Elizabeth Poole and John Richardson. London: I.B. Tauris.
Summary Report on Islamophobia in the EU after 11
- Chris Allen
- Joergen Nielsen
Allen, Chris and Joergen Nielsen 2002. Summary Report on Islamophobia in the EU after 11 September 2001. Vienna, Austria: European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia.
Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage. London: Policy Studies Institue
- Modood
- Tariq
Modood, Tariq 1997. Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage. London: Policy Studies Institue. © 2007 The Author Sociology Compass 1/2 (2007): 443–462, 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00039.x Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd Modood, Tariq 2005. Remaking Multiculturalism after 7/7 (September 29, 2005) http:// www.opendemocracy.net/conflict-terrorism/multiculturalism_2879.jsp (last accessed May 14, 2007).
Representing 'Race': Ideology, Identity, and the Media
- Ferguson
- Robert
Ferguson. Robert 1998. Representing 'Race': Ideology, Identity, and the Media. London: Arnold.
A Renewed Look at the American Coverage of the Arabs: Toward a Better Understanding.' Pp. 157–94 in Split Vision, the Portrayal of Arabs in the American Media
- Ghareeb
Ghareeb, Edmund 1983. 'A Renewed Look at the American Coverage of the Arabs: Toward a Better Understanding.' Pp. 157–94 in Split Vision, the Portrayal of Arabs in the American Media, edited by E. Ghareeb. Washington, DC: American Arab Affairs Council. Gilroy Paul 1987. There Ain't No Black In The Union Jack. London: Hutchinson.
Akbar 1993. Living Islam
- Ahmed
Ahmed, Akbar 1993. Living Islam. London: BBC Books.
Bin Laden, Islam and America's New 'War on Terrorism
- Abukahlil
- Asad
Abukahlil, Asad 2002. Bin Laden, Islam and America's New 'War on Terrorism'. New York, NY: Open Media Books.
Identity and Culture
- C Weedon
Weedon, C. 2004. Identity and Culture. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press.
Public Awareness and the Media: A Study of Reporting on Race. London: Commission For Racial Equality. Van Dijk, Teun 1987 Communicating Racism: Ethnic Prejudice in Thought and Talk Elite Discourse and Racism
- Troyna
- Barry
Troyna, Barry 1981. Public Awareness and the Media: A Study of Reporting on Race. London: Commission For Racial Equality. Van Dijk, Teun 1987. Communicating Racism: Ethnic Prejudice in Thought and Talk. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Van Dijk, Teun 1991. Racism and the Press. London: Sage. Van Dijk, Teun 1993. Elite Discourse and Racism. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.