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Immigration Geopolitics Beyond the Mexico–US Border

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Abstract

Despite the centrality of Mexico–US border policing to pre- and post-9/11 US immigration geopolitics, perhaps the most significant yet largely ignored immigration-related fallout of the so-called war on terrorism has been the extension of interior immigration policing practices away from the southwest border. As I outline in this paper, these interior spaces of immigration geopolitics—nominally said to be about fighting terrorism, but in practice concerned with undocumented labor migration across the Mexico–US border—have not emerged accidentally. Rather, the recent criminalization of immigration law, the sequestering of immigration enforcement from court oversight and the enrollment of proxy immigration officers at sub-state scales have been actively pursued so as to make interior enforcement newly central to US immigration geopolitics. I argue here that these embryonic spaces of localized immigration geopolitics shed new light on the spatiality of US immigration governance, which has typically been thought of by geographers as active predominantly at the territorial margins of the state. I conclude the paper with some thoughts as to how geographers might rethink the what and where of contemporary US immigration geopolitics.

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... Some feminist geopolitical work on migration usefully draws insight from Giorgio Agamben's "states of exception", which conceptualises how certain categories of individuals are cast into bare life, legal abandonment, or removed from protections as an assertion of sovereign power. This concept is instructive for understanding state policies and practices towards migrants, asylum-seekers, and immigrant detainees (Coleman 2007;Gordon 2010;Mountz and Hiemstra 2014), with geographers paying careful attention to the spatialities of those processes that lead to legal abandonment (Belcher et al. 2008;Coleman 2007;Pratt 2005). Bonilla pushes this body of work, in line with recent moves in the sub-field (Armenta 2016;Chavez 2008;Ehrkamp 2019;García 2017;Herrera 2016;Menjívar 2021), for a deeper engagement with the ways that racialisation, racial power, and racism produce this legal abandonment. ...
... Some feminist geopolitical work on migration usefully draws insight from Giorgio Agamben's "states of exception", which conceptualises how certain categories of individuals are cast into bare life, legal abandonment, or removed from protections as an assertion of sovereign power. This concept is instructive for understanding state policies and practices towards migrants, asylum-seekers, and immigrant detainees (Coleman 2007;Gordon 2010;Mountz and Hiemstra 2014), with geographers paying careful attention to the spatialities of those processes that lead to legal abandonment (Belcher et al. 2008;Coleman 2007;Pratt 2005). Bonilla pushes this body of work, in line with recent moves in the sub-field (Armenta 2016;Chavez 2008;Ehrkamp 2019;García 2017;Herrera 2016;Menjívar 2021), for a deeper engagement with the ways that racialisation, racial power, and racism produce this legal abandonment. ...
... Had she been Central American, instead of immediate removal she would have been transferred to ORR, screened by an asylum or child protection officer, and eventually released to her mother, while awaiting immigration proceedings. Carmen's case illustrates how "spaces of exception" exist for Mexican youth at the border, in which exceptionality is not only extra-juridical -that is outside of the law, or even simply a suspension of a law (Coleman 2007) -but rather a "point of indistinction between violence and law, the threshold on which violence passes over into law and law passes over into violence" (Agamben 1998, cited in Coleman 2007. This is not to suggest that US state bordering practices stop at the border. ...
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... The first is blending criminalization with everyday life through "a collection of surveillant nodes" and security techno-apparatuses targeting cities and civilians (Graham 2010;Soja 1995). New urbanist military elements infuse the immigration enforcement apparatus, impacting people's everyday mobility through localized relations of social control (Coleman 2007;Stuesse and Coleman 2014). Immigrant detention and deportation are threats experienced in the most "intimate recesses of immigrant life" and amount to "migrant incapacitation" and forced or disciplined mobility at the everyday level (Coleman and Kocher 2011, 235). ...
... Conceptualizing sanctuary also surfaces "variegated landscapes" or "patchworks" of local immigration policies and enforcement conflicting at various scales (Coleman 2007;Walker and Leitner 2011). As federal immigration policy pushes "the border inward," particularly since 9/11, proximate jurisdictions can assume different responses to immigration (Coleman 2007). ...
... Conceptualizing sanctuary also surfaces "variegated landscapes" or "patchworks" of local immigration policies and enforcement conflicting at various scales (Coleman 2007;Walker and Leitner 2011). As federal immigration policy pushes "the border inward," particularly since 9/11, proximate jurisdictions can assume different responses to immigration (Coleman 2007). For example, one can declare itself a sanctuary while the other maintains a 287g agreement with ICE (Coleman 2007;Varsanyi 2008aVarsanyi , 2008bWalker and Leitner 2011b). ...
Article
Today’s immigrant rights movements bring attention to jails—some cities’ largest public safety expenditures—as primary sites for deportation operations. This article examines how these movements push for sanctuary while challenging jails’ political and economic place in cities. With qualitative and archival data from a case study in Santa Ana, California, this research finds that by ending U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) contracts, exposing the economic and political interests invested in jails, and pushing for jail reuse alternatives, sanctuary planning threatens public investment in police and security infrastructure. Challenges to these movements include jurisdictional fragmentation with diverse approaches to detention.
... A now substantial body of scholarship in geography and beyond has demonstrated that the international mobility of people is no longer primarily regulated at ports of entry into a given territory but through a complex web of increasingly spatially ambiguous border controls both beyond and within state territories (e.g. Bialasiewicz 2012;Coleman 2007a;Vaughan-Williams 2010;Yuval-Davis, Wemyss, and Cassidy 2018). According to this literature, borders have been pushed outwards to points of embarkation and to international waters. ...
... Concurrently, there has been a rise in interior spaces of border control (e.g. Coleman 2007a;Inda 2006;Martin 2012). Migrant status, for example, is increasingly policed in workplaces and in a range of other everyday spaces (e.g. ...
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This article is published as part of the Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography special issue based on the Vega symposium: 'Bounded spaces in question: X-raying the persistence of regions, territories and borders, edited by Anssi Paasi. ABSTRACT The distorted shape of many of today’s political borders has been widely noted. An increasingly sprawling body of literature in geography and beyond has explored the growing spatial ambiguity of borders which are now seen as both externalized and networked throughout society. There is some recognition that the spatial reconfiguration of borders to appear in locations that challenge conventional assumptions about the relationship between state, border and territory may involve a temporal dimension; however, the many ways in which time and space work through each other to shape what it means to move in and out of a political community have remained largely overlooked. In order to make sense of the complex temporal and spatial entanglements involved in contemporary bordering processes, I advance an understanding of borders as devices which selectively contract and expand the distance between internal and external spaces and mobilize and immobilize migrants by altering the speed and rhythm of their movements. A focus on dynamic, fragmented and ephemeral border timespaces, in my view, offers a more nuanced account of how the cross-border movements of migrants are currently regulated.
... An increasingly sprawling body of literature in political geography and related disciplines has demonstrated that borders are now enforced in spaces within and beyond state territories (e.g. Bialasiewicz, 2012;Coleman, 2007;Martin, 2012;Mountz, 2011;Vaughan-Williams, 2010;Yuval-Davis et al., 2018). At the centre of this spatially ambiguous landscape of border controls is the most intimate of spaces: the human body, in which borders increasingly are embedded. ...
... Surveillance of mobile populations through the body consequently seems to provide the solution to one of the key dilemmas in a time of heightened insecurity about global mobility: namely, the need to strengthen security without impeding globalization. Indeed, many of the technologies discussed above serve the dual purpose of facilitating the mobility of capital, goods and low-risk, 'normal' and 'qualified bodies', while, at the same time, imposing restrictions on the mobility of high-risk, 'deviant' and 'disqualified' bodies (Aas, 2006;Amoore, 2006;Coleman, 2007;Lyon, 2005;Sparke, 2006;van der Ploeg, 2003). ...
Article
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This paper argues that cultural and political strategies that appeal to citizenship and national identity can be used to regulate flows across borders. In this process, citizen bodies may be enrolled as key agents. Drawing on the National Friday Wear programme – a Ghanaian government initiative intended to encourage white-collar workers to dress their bodies in domestically produced textiles on Fridays to reduce the consumption, and thereby also the inflow, of foreign textiles – the paper illustrates that citizen bodies are both spaces upon which borders are inscribed and geopolitical actors that perform borders on behalf of the nation-state.
... Research shows that the U.S. immigration enforcement system fosters widespread legal cynicism in immigrant communities (Theodore and Habans 2016; Zatz and Smith 2012). Since the 1990s, the immigration system has undergone a process of devolution, whereby the federal government has granted local officials elevated powers and expanded roles in immigration enforcement (Abrego et al. 2017;Armenta 2017;Coleman 2007;Hagan, Eschbach, and Rodriguez 2008;Kubrin 2014;Meissner et al. 2013). Members of immigrant communities, regardless of their immigration status, have been subject to greater scrutiny and social control at the local level (Kanstroom 2007), which has led to allegations of discrimination and racial profiling during routine traffic stops (Capps et al. 2011;Meissner et al. 2013) and the widespread confinement of immigrants, especially black and Latino men, in immigrant detention centers with frequent reports of mistreatment and abuse (Abrego et al. 2017;Golash-Boza and Hondagneu-Sotelo 2013;Hernández et al. 2018;Phillips, Hagan, and Rodriguez 2006). ...
... Fussell (2011:595) finds that a similar process, referred to as the "deportation threat dynamic," plays out in the context of labor rights violations and results in migrant workers being hesitant to contact labor enforcement agencies when confronting exploitative working conditions (see also De Genova's [2002] discussion of deportability). Alternatively, the devolution of immigration enforcement, which has elevated the power and expanded the role of local police in immigration enforcement (Coleman 2007), may challenge the view that local law enforcement are primarily concerned with street-level crimes, thereby undermining law enforcement's institutional legitimacy in immigrant communities. Black's (1976) theory of law offers greater insights on why and how immigrant community members may or may not mobilize the law by notifying the police about crime victimization experiences, particularly across different immigrant policy contexts. ...
Article
Sanctuary jurisdictions have existed in the United States since the 1980s. They have recently reentered U.S. politics and engendered contentious debates regarding their legality and influence on public safety. Critics argue that sanctuary jurisdictions create conditions that threaten local communities by impeding federal immigration enforcement efforts. Proponents maintain that the policies improve public safety by fostering institutional trust among immigrant communities and by increasing the willingness of immigrant community members to notify the police after they are victimized. In this study, we situate expectations from the immigrant sanctuary literature within a multilevel, contextualized help-seeking framework to assess how crime-reporting behavior varies across immigrant sanctuary contexts. We find that Latinos are more likely to report violent crime victimization to law enforcement after sanctuary policies have been adopted within their metropolitan areas of residence. We argue that social policy contexts can shift the nature of help-seeking experiences and eliminate barriers that undermine crime victims’ willingness to mobilize the law. Overall, this study highlights the unique role social policy contexts can serve in structuring victims’ help-seeking decisions.
... The border is porous and diverse -like it has always been -as it is in its nature (Brunet-Jailly & Dupeyron 2007;Dear 2013) and consists of pieces of wall, fence, and other barriers both natural and manmade. FENNIA 198(1-2) (2020) 9/11 is recognized as the turning point in bordering and security (Arreola 2010); nevertheless, it has been argued that 9/11 was not the reason so much as it was an excuse (Coleman 2007;Winders 2007). It was under the Clinton administration (Coleman 2007) that the most influential border operations in recent times took place. ...
... FENNIA 198(1-2) (2020) 9/11 is recognized as the turning point in bordering and security (Arreola 2010); nevertheless, it has been argued that 9/11 was not the reason so much as it was an excuse (Coleman 2007;Winders 2007). It was under the Clinton administration (Coleman 2007) that the most influential border operations in recent times took place. In 1993, the same year that Romero wrote about the US-Mexican border, the US Border Patrol instigated Operation Hold the Line in El Paso, Texas, followed by Operation Gatekeeper in San Diego, California and Operation Safeguard in Nogales, Arizona in 1994, and Operation Rio Grande, Texas in 1997(Dear 2013. ...
Article
The mainstream paradigm of the US-Mexico borderlands is that the undocumented migrants are posing a serious threat to the area, yet who or what is actually in danger at the border and what is the danger? This paper explores, through a phenomenological participant-researcher approach, the tension and different perceptions of danger connected to the southern Arizona borderlands. By joining the humanitarian aid group Ajo Samaritans as a volunteer, the borderland is both experienced and observed on the ground through active participation. In closing, it is observed that different actors convey different, and at times even direct opposite, dangers that elevate tension in the area. Under the surface, however, there are similarities and while this study argues that there are many threats as well as endangered entities in the desert, the undocumented migrants are the group most threatened and the desert itself poses the greatest danger.
... Therefore, Mexico, alongside the U.S., is now key in controlling, monitoring, and regulating migration across Central and North America. However, while ample geographic attention has been given to bordering practices and immigration enforcement in the U.S. context (see : Ackleson 2005;Coleman 2007Coleman , 2009Coleman & Kocher 2011;Winders 2007), much less has been devoted to the ways in which these mechanisms operate in Mexico, Central America, and beyond (see : Brigden 2018a;2018b;Van Ramshorst 2021;Vogt 2018Vogt , 2020Walker 2018). ...
Article
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In recent years, security and immigration enforcement has expanded rapidly throughout Mexico. From checkpoints and patrols to a vast system of detention and deportation, Mexican officials have implemented far-reaching measures to curtail international migration from Central America. Many of these efforts have been concentrated along the Mexico–Guatemala border and deep within southern Mexico, culminating in Programa Frontera Sur, a militarized approach to border security implemented in 2014. In this article, we explore how security and immigration enforcement in Mexico rely on spatial hierarchies that divide north and south. The practice of security and immigration enforcement has received significant attention across many disciplines. The notion of spatial hierarchies and the ways in which scalar differentiation impinges upon well-being has been less covered. As we show, these hierarchies partition North and Central America according to colonial modes, subordinating the latter as inferior while working across global, national, and local scales. Crucially, the linkages between securitization and the spatialization of hierarchies provide insights into nation-building and regional identity, where Mexico and the United States are increasingly designated as separate from South and Central America.
... En concreto, Coleman subraya como el contraterrorismo, y el enfoque policial y militar hacia la migración, se combinan con un trabajo local, sub-estatal y lejos de la línea fronteriza en el control migratorio. Estas tendencias "constituyen una nueva manera de localizar y re-escalar la geopolítica del control migratorio" (Coleman 2007: 56 traducción propia). Además, dado que el gran punto de mira de esta geopolítica migratoria, es el cuerpo del migrante indocumentado en camino al territorio estatal, la escala y el lugar de la geopolítica también se ve conmocionado. ...
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En este artículo sugerimos interpretar la migración como factor geopolítico, un factor que no esta siempre sujeto a las decisiones estatales. Realizamos una revisión de la literatura sobre la geopolítica de las migraciones, sobre todo centrado en el control migratorio, identificando sus limites y potencialidades. Después, presentamos la Autonomía de las Migraciones como una manera de complementar o retar conceptos asumidos dentro la literatura de la geopolítica de las migraciones como la primacía analítica de las actuaciones de los estados en materia migratoria. En base al trabajo de Yann Moulier Boutang, proponemos prestar atención a la capacidad propia de los movimientos migratorios para intervenir en transformaciones estructurales de tipo económico, político, cultural y legal. Este enfoque en las migraciones como factor geopolítico puede guiar futuras investigaciones y enriquecer nuestra comprensión de las transformaciones en las fronteras y de la geopolítica misma.
... En sintonía con esta estrategia, el presidente Clinton promulgó una serie de leyes tales como la Ley Antiterrorista y de Efectiva Aplicación de la Pena de Muerte (AEDPA, por sus siglas en inglés) y la Ley de Reforma de Inmigración Ilegal y Responsabilidad de los Inmigrantes (IIRIRA, por sus siglas en inglés), las cuales, en conjunto, establecían una lista de delitos que facilitaban el proceso de deportación de migrantes indocumentados. La IIRIRA, por ejemplo, expandió en 1996 la lista de ofensas que conducían a la deportación e incrementó las penalidades para quienes no fueran ciudadanos y estuvieran irregularmente en Estados Unidos (Coleman, 2007). Estas leyes fueron impulsadas por un cabildo conservador, restriccionista y criminalizante hacia los migrantes que ha tenido una influencia mayor en las decisiones del ejecutivo norteamericano (Holland, 2014). ...
Article
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En este artículo se presenta un análisis de la situación de aquellas personas que viven en situación de calle en la ciudad de Tijuana y cuya vida ha estado marcada por experiencias migratorias hacia Estados Unidos o de retorno forzado desde aquel país. El análisis es parte de un proyecto de investigación comprometida que, a la vez que tomaba acciones concretas para paliar la necesidad de alimentación de quienes viven al día en un contexto de fronteras y políticas migratorias endurecidas y que con el arribo de la pandemia tuvieron muchas dificultades para acceder a ello, también ofrecía la posibilidad de aplicar un cuestionario para conocer la diversidad de características y condiciones en que estas personas vivían durante la pandemia. En este artículo nos enfocamos en las características sociodemográficas, la experiencia migratoria y las condiciones de habitabilidad de esta población, en donde reconocemos que la situación de precariedad de esta población no sólo persiste, sino que se agudizó en los tiempos de pandemia.
... Borders are not static (Jones, 2016). State authorities, policies, and practices cause borders to disappear for some, only to reappear elsewhere for others (Coleman, 2007). The case of the Rohingya in Bangladesh advances Jones and Coleman's argument by focusing on the moment when borders take a mobile form and how they simultaneously accommodate and confine one particular group and differentially affect the others. ...
Article
This article discusses how the Rohingyas – a forcibly displaced community transformed the everyday lives and the territory of Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh. Since August 2017, Cox's Bazar, a borderland of Bangladesh is hosting more than a million of non-citizens within 32 camps in its two subdistricts. Based on mobile ethnographic research, I argue – a. borderlands are sites where politics of territory intersects politics of identity. The Rohingyas' statelessness and perpetuated marginalization are the outcome of this politics between identity and territory of the nation-states. b. The state prioritizes the security of its citizens from the refugees. Consequentially, the state enacts combined mechanisms of biopolitical and territorial practices that physically demarcate the refugee camps and socially segregate the refugees. I introduce this combination of mechanisms as hybrid governmentality. In Cox's Bazar, the key mechanisms of hybrid governmentality include - labelling refugees based on political rationale and providing them with identification cards, enacting street level surveillance to ensure confinement of the refugees, and maintaining everyday separation between refugees and the citizens.
... Geographers and other social scientists conducting spatial analyses have made significant contributions to recent studies of immigration control across the world. While some scholars have focused on the historical development of the policies generating the infrastructure of immigration enforcement ( Coleman, 2007( Coleman, , 2009( Coleman, , 2012a( Coleman, , 2012bColeman & Kocher, 2011;Coleman & Stuesse, 2016;Varsanyi, 2007) as well as the state of exception that permits such immigration policing regimes ( Dikec, 2009;Klein & Williams, 2012;Mainwaring, 2012), other scholars have focused on politicians' and political parties' deployment of anti-immigrant rhetorics, ultimately shaping cultural values and conceptions of national identity ( Carter & Merrill, 2007;Nagel, 2016;Nespor, 2014). Quantitative methods have been used to analyze variability in immigrant apprehension and detention rates across space ( Moinester, 2018), as well as to estimate determinants in rates of Assisted Voluntary Return ( Leekes et al., 2017). ...
Chapter
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The proliferation of for-profit immigrant detention centers in rural and suburban communities sets the stage for this chapter. Taking a feminist geographic approach to discourses surrounding sites and cases in Texas, the authors use discursive analysis and informant interviews to expose uneven power relations, divergent discourses across actors, and disproportionate impact present within an immigration landscape controlled through state tactics of invisibility and dislocation.
... 68 Dentro de los estudios de migración se ha retomado a la securtización como un término que hace referencia a la seguridad nacional de un Estado Nación, el cuál es construido desde los campos de la criminología y las relaciones internacionales. Para Campesi (2012), la securtización es el "proceso manera directa en el incremento de la persecución de inmigrantes indocumentados en todo territorio estadounidense (Coleman, 2007;Alarcón y Becerra, 2012). ...
Chapter
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El fenómeno migratorio México-Estados Unidos es único en el mundo, esto debido a la larga tradición histórica, volumen del flujo y complejidad de procesos socioeconómicos y culturales que se desarrollan. En la última década, el fenómeno se ha caracterizado por la deportación de mexicanos desde el interior del país, lo que ha llevado a un cambio en el perfil de las personas deportadas así como una transformación en las demandas de atención, ya que la asistencia básica y emergente no es suficiente, sino que se requiere la implementación de programas transversales de integración y reintegración social y económica para los deportados y sus familias. Estas situaciones de deportación y cambio en el perfil de las personas ha impactado en la posibilidad de anticipar, regular y crear mecanismos de intervención eficientes por parte del gobierno mexicano. En el caso de Tijuana, segunda ciudad receptora de deportados, la vinculación entre organizaciones de la sociedad civil y el sector privado han generado una dinámica de intervención eficiente para la incorporación laboral de los migrantes que llegan y deciden radicar en la ciudad, pero también ha evidenciado la ausencia de interés por parte del Estado en los temas de atención migratoria. Bajo este contexto, el objetivo del capítulo es analizar las formas en que se ha desarrollado, colectivamente, la estrategia de intervención en pro de los deportados en el ámbito de reintegración laboral, en la ciudad de Tijuana, rescatando la importancia y alcance que podrían tener los programas y acciones a favor de dichos migrantes a partir de la cooperación de múltiples actores, fomentando así lo que se ha denominado una gobernanza migratoria
... As a result, borders illustrate "a place of friction or meeting where alterity is negotiated [… they] are a kind of space where the relationship with otherness can be developed in such a way as to allow for identity-building and place-making" (Szary, 2015, p. 36). From this point of view, borders are not only physical lines at the margins of nation-states but also social, cultural, and other processes which play out at different scales and spaces (Asiwaju, 1984a(Asiwaju, , 1984bColeman, 2007;Paasi, 2012;Cons and Sanyal, 2013;Laine, 2015;Szary, 2015;Moyo and Nshimbi, 2019). As observed by Gregor Dobler: ...
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This book examines the nexus between political borders, pastoral nomadism, and human security in Africa. It uses a host of applied interdisciplinary insights to analyse social, political, and cultural processes, circumstances, and consequences to showcase the human security crisis in the context of climate change, inter-group relations, leadership strategies, institutions, and governance within the region. With a special focus on West Africa and Nigeria, the volume discusses crucial themes that highlight the role of borders in the security architecture of the region which include, • Political economy of herdsmen-farmers’ conflicts in West Africa; • The scarcity-migration perspective of the Sahel region; • Population pressure, urbanization, and nomadic pastoral violence in West Africa; • Human trafficking and kidnapping for ransom in Nigeria; • Drivers of ‘labour’ migration of Fulani herders to Ghana, and other topics. A key contribution to a pressing issue, this volume will be of interest to scholars and students of history, political science, anthropology, geography, international relations, literature, environmental science, and peace and conflict studies.
... The productive power of migrant management (Nail 2015) at the scales of policy regulations and discourse as well as at the everyday plays a significant role in reproducing migrant-led diversification. While the "crisis" framing of migration has been pronounced within public debates in the European and American contexts, especially with regard to "illegality" and refugees (Coleman 2007;Sigona 2018;Taylor and Meissner 2019), this has been less so in Asian global cities where migrants enter predominantly as forms of short-term labour. Migrant management, therefore, looks different in this part of the world. ...
Article
What do measures of management during this exceptional and volatile time tell us about the regulation of migrant-driven diversity and its implications in the arrival city? Using the term “differential diversification” from Singapore, I examine how the socio-political life of the pandemic is deeply entangled with the management of low-waged labour migrants. Techno-political discourses and practices of pandemic management accelerated the state’s attempts to differently include migrant workers, revealing the bare viscerality of biopolitics already in place prior to the pandemic. I argue that diversity is ordered through a striking co-production of migrant management and pandemic management. This paper draws upon government discourses to demonstrate that measures of pandemic management contribute not only to the spatial regime of migrant management. They also articulate and rationalise the subject transformation of the low-waged migrant to the extent that, on top of being a moral risk, they are also now a medical risk.
... (Walker and Leitner 2011). The increased policymaking taking place in states and municipalities is part of a broader trend of the devolution of immigration responsibilities to local levels, including coordinating with federal immigration authorities on matters of immigration control and immigrant policing (Ellis 2006;Coleman 2007aColeman , 2007bVarsanyi 2008). For example, through the 287(g) Program and Secure Communities, local police authorities are deputized to check the immigration status of detainees and initiate deportation proceedings (Walker and Leitner 2011). ...
Thesis
Interest groups and campaigns intent on spurring political participation often focus on highlighting potential threats in order to engage their target audiences. However, the use of threat in this approach is at times immobilizing because it diminishes the extent to which people feel equipped to respond. In this study, I re-assess the hypothesis that exposure to threatening political messages is a necessary and sufficient condition to encourage one’s political activism among Latinos. I focus on Latinos in particular because the extant literature has focused almost exclusively on the role of restrictive immigration environments as the primary catalyst driving political participation within the Latino electorate, suggesting that threat best stirs the Latino “sleeping giant.” Political elites seeking to increase civic participation may be more likely to engage individuals if they couple threat with an opportunity frame that emphasizes policy initiatives a group can aspire to accomplish. My findings are based on an original online survey experiment of 1,015 Latino adults in the United States and secondary analyses of Latinos in the American National Election Study (2008, 2012). I find that a message combining elements of threat and opportunity is a significant catalyst of various forms of participation, including intended and observed forms of civic engagement. These effects are moderated by gender, with women being especially receptive to the coupled threat-and-opportunity message. In sum, there is room to delve more deeply into the motivating effects behind paired messaging alternatives within the field of political science where social movements, like that of immigration, give rise to a dynamic set of policy options, some of which may be more desirable and provide hope for the Latino electorate.
... Nevertheless, conducting research on, at, and through the border has been a major contributor to studies of police and policing in and adjacent to geography over the past several years (Jones, 2016;Jones & Johnson, 2014;Loyd et al., 2013). Bringing activist orientations and ethnographic scholarship into a broader spatial frame, geographers have turned to the border as a context for police studies in ways that include issues related to the latest in surveillance technologies, applications of carceral policies, racialization and profiling, militarization, and as Boyce (2016Boyce ( , 2018Boyce ( , 2020 and Coleman (2005Coleman ( , 2007Coleman ( , 2009 Coleman, 2014), policing at the US/Mexico and US/Canada borders is both a proving ground for methods and tactics of policing that are increasingly employed in the US interior, as well as a litmus test for the spirit of contemporary geopolitics. ...
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Despite the fact that any semblance of a “police studies” in geography is relatively recent, with calls for its development and expansion still being made in the literature today, geographers have nevertheless made important contributions to how scholars understand police and policing as a multifaceted manifestation of state power, coercion, and territoriality. Given the formative contributions that have already been made, and with promises of increased scholarly activity to come, there remains much opportunity for geography to become the go‐to social scientific discipline for translating theory into action and advanced methods into practice. This is particularly so given heightened and widespread credence to the concept of defunding policing as we know it in the wake of continued and increasingly ruthless killings by police across the United States. In this article on police and policing in geography, I trace the brief history of a police studies, highlighting recent and contemporary contributions to its progress through critical examinations of community‐, border‐, affective‐, and insidious‐policing practices. Finally, I conclude with a brief discussion about how a police/policing studies can move forward as a durable geographical sub‐field vis‐à‐vis greater inclusion of would‐be scholars for whom being policed has been a lived experience that has resulted in personal encounters with hyper‐criminalization, displacement, expulsion, un‐homing, and incarceration.
... The slippage of the governance of immigration into the criminal sphere has been well-documented in criminology, sociology, and law. Much attention has been focused on the USA, particularly in response to George W Bush's immigration enforcement regime, which prosecuted undocumented migrants on charges such as identity theft and fraud for working under incorrect or false social security numbers (see Coleman 2007;Kanstroom 2004;Miller 2005). Furthermore, in the UK the Home Office's 'hostile environment' has vastly increased the reach of criminal penalties in immigration-related crimes, targeting people who assist unauthorised immigrants to enter, or to find accommodation and employment in the UK. ...
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The encounter between a migrant and the state is almost always fraught. The power of the state to approve or deny immigration status produces a power imbalance whereby the migrant is subject to the whim of the state. This research extracts encounters between migrants, police, immigration officers, and interpreters in the UK to conceptualise how the minutia of these encounters, and the standardised practices they involve, might impact the ability of migrants to express themselves and exercise their own voice in interactions. Adopting a reflexive ethnographic methodology, and using data gathered with police workers as a pilot case, I consider how the varied objectives of agencies and actors in the migration sector intersect with migrant experiences in practice. Ultimately, implications for migrant security lie in the recognition that migrant voice can be obscured as a result of mundane and everyday procedures. Banal bordering processes can go unnoticed and unaddressed by policy makers, but are often loaded with meaning for migrants subject to them. The vulnerability of migrants and the unbalanced nature of encounters between migrants and the state highlights how state power manifests at an everyday level, suggesting that insecurity is not unique to migrants without documents, but is present in all encounters between migrants and the state. Nevertheless, the professionals who are interacting with migrants are often in a position whereby they have the experiential expertise to offer workable, though limited, solutions, although they do not always have access to the channels or the resources necessary to implement them.
... The evidence presented in this chapter, which captures the experiences of the traders suggest that the border is a huge hurdle which they must continuously negotiate and cross. The border in this case refers to both the physical line at the margin of the South African state, which is manifest at the Beitbridge border, for example, as well as symbolic practices and discourses beyond the physical border, but in the interior of the nation state (Coleman 2007;Cons and Sanyal 2013;Laine 2015; of South Africa, which also have a bordering effect, with the result that human mobility is limited. Cases in point relate to the harassment that the traders suffered at the border as well as in Johannesburg, such as Johannesburg inner city streets. ...
Book
This book examines Africa-Europe relationships and intra-Africa relationships vis-à-vis migration. It analyses the African integration project that is being used to effectively manage migration within Africa and across its RECs, and harnessing it for development. The book presents debates related to the EU’s hardening and securitisation of its external border against migrants from Africa. It shows that migration actually challenges Africa-European relations, which is discussed as an important theme in this book. Authors in this book volume investigate several issues ranging from conundrums relating to migration between Africa and Europe to migration within Africa, but also in relation to borders and boundaries, its bearing on regional and continental integration and the significance of this in terms of relations between Africa and Europe. This book volume brings into conversation issues relating to the governance of migration for development, social cohesion and regional integration.
... The evidence presented in this chapter, which captures the experiences of the traders suggest that the border is a huge hurdle which they must continuously negotiate and cross. The border in this case refers to both the physical line at the margin of the South African state, which is manifest at the Beitbridge border, for example, as well as symbolic practices and discourses beyond the physical border, but in the interior of the nation state (Coleman 2007;Cons and Sanyal 2013;Laine 2015; of South Africa, which also have a bordering effect, with the result that human mobility is limited. Cases in point relate to the harassment that the traders suffered at the border as well as in Johannesburg, such as Johannesburg inner city streets. ...
Chapter
The historical continuities around migration suggest that it not only is a potent force and phenomenon but also has the capacity to transform societies. Africa-Euro migrations point to the need to move beyond a narrow, misinformed populist narrative of a flood of African refugees and migrants flowing into Europe. Further, intra-Africa migration, which is characterised by, among others, cross-border informality, continues to be marginalised, so are other so-called informal actors. Indeed, migration continues to stir a xenophobic backlash in many African countries, which places migrants from within Africa in a limbo. This indeed calls for proactive and robust social protection mechanisms at the level of regional economic communities. These narratives, which this volume has examined, point to the need for effective migration governance, which will lead to better regions and inclusive development.
... 220 conclusIon The evidence presented in this chapter, which captures the experiences of the traders suggest that the border is a huge hurdle which they must continuously negotiate and cross. The border in this case refers to both the physical line at the margin of the South African state, which is manifest at the Beitbridge border, for example, as well as symbolic practices and discourses beyond the physical border, but in the interior of the nation state (Coleman 2007;Cons and Sanyal 2013;Laine 2015; of South Africa, which also have a bordering effect, with the result that human mobility is limited. Cases in point relate to the harassment that the traders suffered at the border as well as in Johannesburg, such as Johannesburg inner city streets. ...
Chapter
Migration has been dominating the national, regional, and global scholarly discourse in recent years. Recent global estimates indicate that 3.4 percent of the world’s population, about 258 million people, are international migrants and all countries are origins and destinations of human migration. Poverty and inequality constructed within the dominant national economic paradigm compounds the problematics of migration. Consequently, the United Nations (UN) initiated the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to end poverty in all its forms; however, that there is a nexus between migration and sustainable development is not in doubt. But the nexus between migration and sustainable development is not a one-way traffic; rather, it is a two-way traffic. In other words, there is a reciprocal relationship between migration and sustainable development. Thus, while migration affects sustainable development, conversely, sustainable development influences migration. The study concludes that while documented migration tends to beget sustainable development, undocumented voluntary international migration tends to endanger it. Conversely, while sustainable development is likely to increase documented migration, lack of it tends to increase undocumented migration. For migration to be a win-win for both origin and host countries, the study recommended that an effective global policy on migration that can reduce undocumented voluntary international migration and encourage documented international migration is a harbinger for sustainable development which can enhance global prosperity, peace, and security. This chapter is essentially a desktop study relying solely on secondary data.
... The evidence presented in this chapter, which captures the experiences of the traders suggest that the border is a huge hurdle which they must continuously negotiate and cross. The border in this case refers to both the physical line at the margin of the South African state, which is manifest at the Beitbridge border, for example, as well as symbolic practices and discourses beyond the physical border, but in the interior of the nation state (Coleman 2007;Cons and Sanyal 2013;Laine 2015; of South Africa, which also have a bordering effect, with the result that human mobility is limited. Cases in point relate to the harassment that the traders suffered at the border as well as in Johannesburg, such as Johannesburg inner city streets. ...
Chapter
Migration is a force that has led to the transformation of modernity (Papastergiadis, The turbulence of migration: Globalization, deterritorialization and hybridity. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000). This transformation has taken many forms and continues to do so. In order to better understand the complexity of the situation, this book addresses both the migration flows and processes within Africa and between Africa and Europe. The continent of Africa is characterised by extensive interactions across its artificial and contiguous borders and borderlands. In addition, there are efforts at regionalism, and therefore, the question of whether efforts to integrate Africa, through the regional economic communities, could be informed by lessons and parallels drawn from across Africa is tackled in this book. And given that the issue of migration is challenging intra-Africa relationships as well as its relationships with other regions of the world, such as Europe, the question of how migration can be managed to trigger socio-economic transformation and development in Africa is discussed in the African context, but also in light of the experiences of the EU.
... Desde los años noventa, en los Estados Unidos empezaron a evolucionar las estrategias de control relativas al cruce documentado e indocumentado de personas y al tráfico de drogas (Slack y Whiteford, 2011;Andreas, 2009). Por un lado, la frontera mexicana se ha expandido lentamente hacia el interior de los Estados Unidos con el aumento de las deportaciones (Coleman, 2007), mezclándose los enfoques criminales y administrativos sobre la base de la raza y la etnicidad (Provine y Sanchez, 2012). Por otro lado, a partir de la operación "Hold the Line" en El Paso, Texas (1993), primera de una serie de operaciones fronterizas, las tensiones internas en los Estados Unidos se han desplazado a la frontera mexicana, con un énfasis en el incremento de recursos y tecnología (Heyman, 2012). ...
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Analiza las formas que toma la clandestinidad en la movilidad transfronteriza de la población residente y en tránsito en tres de las ciudades con mayor población en la frontera México-Estados Unidos: Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez y Matamoros. El objetivo principal es captar la comprensión que las personas tienen de las prácticas de clandestinidad que constituyen su respuesta al régimen económico que emana de las políticas de control del Estado y de la industria del tráfico de drogas y trata de personas (Izcara y Andrade, 2015; Slack y Whiteford, 2011; Andreas, 2009).
... Scholars argue that illegality as neoliberal governmentality produces particular "modes of being" as it is "lived through a palpable sense of deportability," which compels immigrants to remain invisible and avoid public space (De Genova 2002, 439;Hiemstra 2010). It is manifest in the expanded reach of post-9/11 immigration enforcement strategies and their heavy reliance on pervasive forms of surveillance that police the spaces of immigrants' daily life, permeating them with fear and risk (Coleman 2007). ...
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This ethnographic research with Latina, immigrant mothers and health care and social service workers in Williamsburg, Virginia analyzes the production of insecurities in immigrant women’s lives, as they fulfill their gendered role as caretakers of the family. I argue that the process through which immigrant women come to associate accessing public benefits and health care services with danger is reflective of neoliberal governmentality, which cultivates mothers as self-reliant subjects charged with ensuring their families’ survival. I forward the concept “insecuritization,” an interactive process through which institutional actors communicate a threat of harm to immigrant women by triggering anxieties linked to gendered norms and expectations regarding motherhood. Insecuritization steered immigrant mothers away from local institutions towards individualized strategies for solving their problems. Immigrant women responded to insecuritization by developing their own informal networks to assist them in accessing resources and care, a process that aligned with neoliberal projects of social disinvestment but also involved forging new social connections that could hold the potential for challenging neoliberal logics. This research elucidates gendered dimensions of governmentality and suggests new thinking about dialectics of women’s creative agency and disciplinary power in a neoliberal order.
Article
This article examines how local-level immigration enforcement practices shape undocumented students’ educational experiences and trajectories. Drawing on 71 in-depth interviews with immigrant young adults who grew up undocumented and attended a public high school in San Diego County, this article illustrates the increasing number of places that have become associated with immigration enforcement and subsequently deemed unsafe for undocumented students and their families. We find that this hostile landscape of enforcement powerfully shapes students’ trajectories, including the range of colleges that they apply to. More specifically, young adults often limited their college applications to only include schools located within San Diego County to avoid crossing federal immigration checkpoints and to be close to their parents’ home in the event of an arrest/deportation.
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This article examines the upheaval associated with the extension of carceral immigration enforcement into a particular rural county in Washington State. Migrant workers in shellfish, cranberry, and tourism industries began to leave the county, either through the forced mobility of deportation or quasi-voluntarily, to rejoin deported family or to avoid deportation. This process simultaneously constrained the agency of undocumented workers and presented employers with a destabilized race and labor regime that they represented as a labor shortage. In this situation, the local race and labor regime was destabilized, to the detriment of local capitals. This article extends the understanding of the regulation of labor via carceral immigration enforcement, arguing for an understanding of the place-specific and conjunctural nature of the articulation of immigration control and labor regimes. Such an approach reveals how immigration enforcement’s many functions, including the sovereignty-producing and political capital-producing functions, can work in contradiction with the labor regulating, social control functions.
Article
A signature policy of former US President Donald Trump was his plan to halt unauthorized migration from Mexico by building a wall the length of the US–Mexico border. While the existing research has identified several political, demographic and spatial correlates of individual-level support for (or opposition to) the wall, existing research has yet to provide local-level estimates of aggregate support for a border wall and an account of its spatial distribution. Using multilevel regression and synthetic poststratification (MrsP) and data from large-scale public opinion surveys conducted between 2016 and 2022, this article presents county-level estimates for support for the US–Mexico border wall. The results demonstrate that while a majority of the American public opposes the construction of the wall, there is substantial variation in county-level support. Support for the wall is highest in areas where Trump received strong support in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections. Support is also linked to proximity to the US–Mexico border and racial–ethnic composition at the county level in complex ways. It is similarly linked to county-level cooperation (or lack thereof) with federal immigration enforcement, pointing to an opinion–policy link at the local level.
Article
Border cities in Yunnan, China, have become attractive destinations among Myanmar migrants. Using Ruili as a case study, this paper analyzes China’s border control upon Myanmar migrants to create a cross-border division of labor. It finds that China experiments with a flexible model of border control by allowing Myanmar migrants to cross the border with relative ease and integrate into the local labor market, while denying their rights to civil protection and limiting their mobility to other Chinese cities. This model promotes and regulates the movement of Myanmar migrant workers, constituting a pragmatic order to facilitate the logic of capital accumulation. The cross-border division of labor in production between Ruili and northern Myanmar articulates a spatially uneven structure of capitalist production that creates incentive and hinderance to low-end workers’ transnational migration and, moreover, reflects the Chinese state’s efforts to encourage industrial relocation from the affluent coast to the poor hinterland to address regional disparity.
Article
This article builds on the political geography of islands and emerging research on the relationship between island, border and sovereignty. Today, islands are recognised as crucial sites for the understanding of contemporary border controls. Military bases that were built during earlier colonial periods are increasingly used for transnational migrant detention practices. This article aims to offer another important insight to the politics of borders from an island perspective. Drawing from the case of Okinawa, the article shows how bases on islands themselves produce borders. Fences and lines that encircle the US bases on Okinawa Island cannot be reduced to conventional military off-limits boundaries. They are particular kinds of borders, which I would call ‘base borders’, that continue to divide the island into military and public spaces and demarcate two seemingly territorially bound sovereignties. Base borders are, however, more than the manifestation of extraterritoriality. While they regulate the mobility of local residents, base borders enable military servicemembers to enjoy extraterritorial rights, including the right to avoid being held responsible for a crime they committed outside the bases. In addition to this uneven mobility control, base borders have a function to control local resistance movements through the criminalisation of the base border crossing by protesters and the authorisation of the use of force by security guards. This article closely investigates how base borders function and are used in reality, and in doing so, it uncovers multiple ways in which base borders reproduce colonial relations between the US military (in coordination with Japan) and Okinawa.
Article
Too often, scholarship on immigration conflates sanctuary ordinances with the non-cooperation policies, often embedded in these ordinances, which limit cooperation between local officials and federal immigration authorities. In this article, I disentangle the two by tracing the rise of non-cooperation policies in health and welfare agencies since the New Deal. Doing so challenges assumptions about the origins, targets, consequences, and significance of early sanctuary policies. It reveals that non-cooperation was federal policy between 1935 and the early 1970s, when local, state, and federal officials began to experiment with cooperation. When the consequences of such practices became clear, welfare and health officials were forced to reaffirm non-cooperation just before the sanctuary movement burst onto the scene. This research clarifies why scholars see early sanctuary ordinances as largely symbolic: because many local, state, and federal officials had largely abandoned cooperation in practice. It also challenges the widespread assumption that non-cooperation fundamentally represents local resistance to federal power. Instead, I demonstrate the key role played by the federal government in the rise of non-cooperation in health and welfare agencies. Lastly, this research reaffirms the significance of the fragmented nature of federal institutions for promoting immigrant rights.
Article
Since the late 1980s, immigrants convicted of certain criminal offenses have been subject to mandatory detention during their deportation proceedings. Due to court backlog and complicated cases, noncitizens mandatorily detained in this way can be held for years at a time, without any legal right to a bail hearing. While political rhetoric and policy aims of the past three decades have painted so-called “criminal aliens” as a highly dangerous group from whom the American public needs protecting, the criminal convictions that invoke mandatory detention and likely deportation are actually quite diverse, in large part due to the expansion of the “aggravated felony” ground of deportation to include a wide variety of less serious crimes. Drawing from forty interviews with lawyers and other legal actors in New York City’s detained immigration court from 2017–2018, this article explores the effects of aggravated-felony-based mandatory detention. I argue that in doubly punishing immigrants who have already served time for criminal convictions, the immigration system funnels criminalized noncitizens—particularly those from poor Black and Latinx communities—toward deportation, perpetuating inequality and upholding existing racial hierarchies.
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Este capítulo discute la importancia creciente que cobró, a partir de los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001, la frontera sur de México para la política de seguridad de Estados Unidos. El trabajo pone de relieve cómo la reconfiguración de las amenazas geopolíticas y los intereses estratégicos de Estados Unidos en la frontera sur resultaron en políticas que, al imponerse sobre la política mexicana, moldearon la relación del Estado mexicano con su propia frontera, su población fronteriza y con Guatemala. El argumento que se propone es que el perímetro de seguridad estadounidense se ha consolidado y expandido territorialmente desde el fin de la Guerra Fría, independientemente de las amenazas que han justificado los tratados, las políticas y las estrategias de control fronterizo implementadas por México.
Article
Over the past two decades United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) have engaged in a series of workplace raids in small rural towns home to meat processing plants. Targeted enforcement operations such as workplace raids are indicative of a shifting spatiality of bordering practices as immigrant policing moves from the territorial borderline into the ‘everyday’ spaces where migrants and non-migrants live and work. Drawing upon a feminist geolegal framework, we examine how raids - as geolegal events - extend beyond the work site to shape spaces of encounters in small, rural towns home to poultry processing. In particular we consider the short and long term impact of a workplace raid at a poultry plant that took place a decade ago in Moorefield, West Virginia. Using interview data with white non-immigrant residents still living in Moorefield, we demonstrate how the workplace raid was not only acutely traumatic for immigrant targets, but also affected resident-bystanders’ perceptions of place and the legal geographies of migration with lasting effects on embodied, emotional and social relationships in spaces of encounters. We find that the raid reconfigured some white resident bystanders’ sense of humanitarian concern, responsibility, friendship and solidarity with immigrants who live in their community yet the legal rationale for the raid also normalized the discourse of racialized criminality performed through the raid itself. These insights, elucidated through feminist geolegal analysis, highlight the cascading effects of the state’s bordering practice in small towns as well as how resident-bystanders reconcile or may resist border enforcement.
Article
By way of a case study of a key Trump-era Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) workplace raid amidst the arrival of 287(g) programs in Eastern Tennessee, this article places the violence of the carceral state in relation to the ongoing work of emancipation in the American South. It 1) reconceptualizes immigration enforcement as a key locus for intensifying the carceral state’s power via a specific form of violence work and 2) maps the manner in which horizons of abolition take shape in the shadow of this violence. The radical reimagining of immigration as the abolition of policing, detention, and borders is linked to everyday grassroots efforts that seek to counter the pervasive state violence of 287(g) policies. Distinct forms of relational care have slowed and, in some cases, halted the political dominance of carcerality, drawing upon historic emancipatory projects of Southern abolition democracy.
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US immigration enforcement has led to a rise in the number of deportations. Several studies identify deportees as more likely to attempt re-entry to reunify with family members in a variety of international settings. These demographic changes have prompted some scholars to theorize how deportation produces a unique mobility subject: the unintended returnee. The importance of studying unintended returnees is amplified when we examine the 3.1 million unauthorized migrants deported by the US between 2005-2013. Over 1.5 million children living in the US were impacted by these removals. Data from the US Department of Homeland Security, indicate that among those who remigrate, the majority are those with US born children. While unauthorized reentry, is not new, the forms that return migrations take reveal changes in the organization of clandestine border-crossings that heighten the risk of violence. To provide insight on how these changes may impact deportees who remigrate, this article examines the chain of events that followed a 2006 immigration work-site raid and deportation of a migrant who was separated from his US based family. The concept of clandestinity – licit and illicit strategies that enable surreptitious cross-border mobility – is employed to understand how this person, following deportation, leverages his involvement in a human smuggling network as a smuggler (coyote) to reenter without authorization. By drawing inferences from a single case, I elucidate how immigration enforcement measures, along with limited avenues for humanitarian relief, may create conditions that compel deportees to defy the power of the state to produce involuntary transnational families and rely on illicit clandestine migration services to enable family reunification.
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This symposium analyzes, deconstructs, and interrogates aspects of "borders" from Brownsville, Texas, westward to San Diego, California, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific, and across international barriers –– into Mexico. In fall 2018, the Trump administration and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) sent federal troops to the southwest border, laying concertina wire and supporting DHS operations. Here, borders refer to physical, geographical, metaphorical, and/or philosophical spaces that tend to separate us or, alternatively, bring us closer together. The primary aim of the symposium is to theorize and discuss perspectives on borders and what constitutes “homeland” security on the international border between Mexico and the U.S. The papers consider how the border affects communities who dwell there and visitors who are passing through for political, safety, and economic reasons, including migrants and asylum seekers. If successful, this symposium should emphasize the continued need for a discussion as to why borders simultaneously separate and unite us. The reader may note that these manuscripts were written and reflect border and homeland security issues and realities pre-COVID-19 though they are still relevant today.
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The Department of Homeland Security (DHS), primarily the Customs and Border Protection (CBP) Agency, will be analyzed through the lens of the knowledge analytic (KA)developed in earlier work (Garrett 2001; 2004; 2010, and Hummel 2006). Stories told by managers (Hummel 1991) and others in organizations are important for understanding the modern organizational pyramid and the differences between knowledges with regard to border security operatives and their attitudes towards migration policy and other issues along the U.S.-Mexico border. DHS and subordinate agencies rank perennially at or near the bottom of the federal government in terms of the Federal Employees Viewpoint Surveys (FEVS) – showing that many of the strains in the organization are between executives, management, and workers. Stories are analyzed from the border involving various frontline workers and managers dealing with border security issues in the larger context of DHS, including perceptions of others working between agencies through narratives (MerleauPonty 1962/2009). The FEVS and the stories (Boje 1991; 1995) are compared and contrasted, set in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas, showing differences that may lead to more appreciation and better understanding of multiple knowledges in organizations.
Article
Utilizing a decolonial feminist lens, I develop an account of a “care-ful geopolitics” as alternative approach to considering La Frontera in the era of Trump. Differing from “Great Wall geopolitics,” which relies on a colonial and imperialist imaginary, a care-ful geopolitics engages in a multiscalar analysis through a decolonial imaginary, attends to complexity and contextuality, and takes seriously interdependency. Prescriptively, I argue that a care-ful geopolitics entails a global “duty to care” for and about those humans, nonhumans, and ecosystems that will be impacted by the construction of Trump's “Great Wall.”
Article
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The Department of Homeland Security (DHS), primarily the Customs and Border Protection (CBP) Agency, will be analyzed through the lens of the knowledge analytic (KA) developed in earlier work (Garrett 2001; 2004; 2010, and Hummel 2006). Stories told by managers (Hummel 1991) and others in organizations are important for understanding the modern organizational pyramid and the differences between knowledges with regard to border security operatives and their attitudes towards migration policy and other issues along the U.S.-Mexico border. DHS and subordinate agencies rank perennially at or near the bottom of the federal government in terms of the Federal Employees Viewpoint Surveys (FEVS) – showing that many of the strains in the organization are between executives, management, and workers. Stories are analyzed from the border involving various front-line workers and managers dealing with border security issues in the larger context of DHS, including perceptions of others working between agencies through narratives (Merleau-Ponty 1962/2009). The FEVS and the stories (Boje 1991; 1995) are compared and contrasted, set in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas , showing differences that may lead to more appreciation and better understanding of multiple knowledges in organizations.
Chapter
African informal migrant traders in Johannesburg, South Africa, refer to informal actors who cross borders in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region and beyond, for the purpose of buying and selling goods. The fact that they are constructed as informal suggests that they are placed on the margins of the socio-economic space. In this context, the issue of how individual states or the SADC as a regional bloc manages or regulates informal traders comes to the fore. This chapter therefore discusses how the governance of migrant traders in Johannesburg implicates on intra-Africa migration and by extension the regional integration drives and indeed the African Union agenda targeting the establishment of the African Economic Community (AEC), by 2028. The chapter concludes by suggesting innovative ways of managing migrant traders for inclusive migration regimes, regional and continental integration.
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Mushrooming of illegal housing on the periphery of cities is one of the main consequences of rapid urbanization associated with social and environmental problems in developing countries. This book discusses the linkage between urbanism and sustainability, and how sustainable urbanism can be implemented to overcome the problems of housing and living conditions in urban areas. Through case studies from India, Indonesia, China, etc. using advanced GIS techniques, it analyses several planning and design criteria to solve physical, social, and economic problems, and refers to urban planning as an effective measure to protect and promote cultural characteristics of specific locations in developing countries. TABLE OF CONTENTS
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This chapter argues that the securitisation and the spatial mobility of borders beyond the physical line on the map into the interior of states, such as the case of South Africa so as to monitor and “border” migrants between neighbouring countries, are counterproductive. This is precisely because these migrants come from member states of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). On this basis, this chapter calls for border management strategies which should reduce the impact of the border—both actual and symbolic, so as to create decent conditions for migrants to live and earn livelihoods as regional citizens of SADC.
Book
Using a gender-sensitive political economy approach, this book analyzes the emergence of new migration patterns between Central Mexico and the East Coast of the United States in the last decades of the twentieth century, and return migration during and after the global economic crisis of 2007. Based on ethnographic research carried out over a decade, details of the lives of women and men from two rural communities reveal how neoliberal economic restructuring led to the deterioration of livelihoods starting in the 1980s. Similar restructuring processes in the United States opened up opportunities for Mexican workers to labor in US industries that relied heavily on undocumented workers to sustain their profits and grow. When the Great Recession hit, in the context of increasingly restrictive immigration policies, some immigrants were more likely to return to Mexico than others. This longitudinal study demonstrates how the interconnections among class and gender are key to understanding who stayed and who returned to Mexico during and after the global economic crisis. Through these case studies, the authors comment more widely on how neoliberalism has affected the livelihoods and aspirations of the working classes. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners in migration studies, gender studies/politics, and more broadly to international relations, anthropology, development studies, and human geography. https://www.routledge.com/Class-Gender-and-Migration-Return-Flows-between-Mexico-and-the-United/Buznego-Lee-Perez/p/book/9781138318946
Article
In this paper I outline the potential for three strands of recent critical and feminist scholarship in geography to advance discussions of anti-human trafficking, particularly state responses to the problem. These strands are: the geopolitics of film and media; geographies of bordering and preclusion; and carceral regimes, spaces and institutions. These strands respectively present a critical engagement with the role of representations, practices and institutions in anti-trafficking activity which can enliven discussions within and beyond the discipline on anti-human trafficking responses. This is because they re-centre political concerns around (in)security and sovereign power as these intersect with human rights.
Article
This paper, based on research conducted with asylum seekers in three European Union (EU) member-states, examines the connections among various forms of violence against forced migrants in different state settings. Because violence that is produced within states is not uniform and often transcends borders, understanding how it varies across different geographical settings illustrates the complexity of the risks that migrants face. This paper presents a typology that examines interconnections between the production of various forms of violence and the complex spaces that constitute irregular migration into the EU to better understand these multifaceted factors and why we can anticipate certain forms of violence in a particular space. It also fosters future avenues of research as it provides a foundation for greater collaboration and advocacy to expose and rectify hierarchical imbalances of power and actors responsible for such violence.
Article
Immigration procedures related to asylum and detention are based on sex/gender binaries. Such binaries frame the bodies of undocumented transgender asylum seekers as unintelligible to immigration law and subject them to intense trauma. The experiences of trauma and death of transgender detainees within detention centers is a spatialized experience. The assignment of detention cells based on birth gender, denial of hormones and live saving treatments constitute a racialized and gendered torture upon the body of the transgender detainee. The article attends to the narratives of transgender detainees within detention cell by analyzing the script of “ Tara's Crossing,” a play based on the narratives of transgender detainees and asylum seekers. The play was produced by LGBTQ immigrant right activists soon after the attacks on 9/11 and the intensification of detention and deportation as a part of national security procedures. Drawing upon the script of Tara's Crossing, along with activist archives such as flyers, newsletter articles, and radio interviews of Balmitra Vimal Prasad, the protagonist of the play, the article analyzes the ways in which the sex/gender binary is reiterated within the detention cell, as well as asylum procedures. I turn to the activism around Tara's Crossing and the present-day activism of transgender immigrants in order to show how trauma experienced by transgender detainees holds potential for creating coalitional oppositional politics.
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Drawing on in‐depth interviews with 50 Latin American immigrants in Dallas, Texas, this article uncovers systematic distinctions in how immigrants holding different legal statuses perceive the threat of deportation. Undocumented immigrants recognize the precarity of their legal status, but they sometimes feel that their existence off the radar of the US immigration regime promotes their long‐term presence in the country. Meanwhile, documented immigrants perceive stability in their legal status, but they sometimes view their existence on the radar of the US immigration regime as disadvantageous to their long‐term presence in the country. The article offers the concept of system embeddedness—individuals' perceived legibility to institutions that maintain formal records—as a mechanism through which perceived visibility to the US immigration regime entails feelings of risk, and perceived invisibility feelings of safety. In this way, the punitive character of the US immigration regime can overwhelm its integrative functions, chilling immigrants out of opportunities for material and social well‐being through legalization and legal status. More broadly, system embeddedness illuminates how perceived visibility to a record‐keeping body that combines punitive and integrative goals represents a mechanism of legal stratification for subordinated populations—even absent prior punitive experiences with other social control institutions that might otherwise be thought to trigger their system avoidance.
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International borders are open to some movements and forbid others. These roles appear to be opposites, with intensified cross-border transactions accompanied by a heightened interdiction of unauthorized immigrants and narcotics. This is an outcome of the contradictory political interests and ideas which promote and oppose globalization. These political processes not only shape general policies, but are expressed in the specific tasks and technologies applied by border control agencies. They are revealed through detailed ethnographic fieldwork on US agencies on the Mexican border, including the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), its Border Patrol and Inspection branches, the US Customs and the military.
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Criminals are not popular. No politician in recent memory has lost an election for being too tough on crime. In 1996, the Republican Congress and the Democratic President collaborated on two major statutes affecting the legal protections available to criminals. The Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA) modifies the habeas corpus statute in a number of ways, affecting the disposition of federal post-conviction challenges to all criminal convictions, not just those resulting in death sentences. The Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) addresses lawsuits filed by prisoners challenging the conditions of their confinement. The PLRA covers both suits dealing with the complaints of individual prisoners and suits dealing more broadly with conditions at entire institutions or in prison systems.
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Among scholars of globalization and neoliberalism, there has been a marked turn away from the national as a relevant scale in today's world, with researchers arguing that the national is being 'rescaled' to local, regional and global scales. This paper argues that we need to move beyond this rescaling argument to recognize that the national still is relevant in contemporary political economy. Seeing the national not as a discrete scale but as a dimension of political economic practice is an alternative analytical approach that treats the national as constitutively implicated in other scaled activities. Distinctions between one scale and another are not so clear. This approach enhances our understanding of contemporary patterns and processes because, instead of focusing on one set of scales or another, analysis can reveal relations among multiple scales. This approach also moves us beyond the historical periodization posited in the rescaling literature. Instead of providing descriptions of contemporary change in which the dominant national is giving way to a messier configuration of global and local scales, the idea of scales-as-dimensions offers a way of analysing scalar relations more generally. This can then be used in both contemporary and historical analysis. The rescaling argument treats the national largely as residual, which serves to draw our attention away from complex scalar practices without offering a truly different way of thinking about scalar relations.
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HEYMAN J. MCC. (1999) Why interdiction? Immigration control at the United States-Mexico border, Reg. Studies 33 , 619-630. International borders are open to some movements and forbid others. These roles appear to be opposites, with intensified cross-border transactions accompanied by a heightened interdiction of unauthorized immigrants and narcotics. This is an outcome of the contradictory political interests and ideas which promote and oppose globalization. These political processes not only shape general policies, but are expressed in the specific tasks and technologies applied by border control agencies. They are revealed through detailed ethnographic fieldwork on US agencies on the Mexican border, including the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), its Border Patrol and Inspection branches, the US Customs and the military. HEYMAN J. MCC. (1999) Pourquoi l'interdiction de sejour?: le controle de l'immigration a la frontiere entre les Etats Unis et la Mexique, Reg. Studies 33 , 619-630. A la frontiere, la circulation est tantot libre, tantot interdite. Ces deux possibilites semblent etre opposees, etant donne l'intensification des operations trans front alieres, conjointement avec l'interdiction renforcee des sans-papiers et des stupefiants. Ceci est le resultat des interets et des idees politiques contradictoires en faveur de et contre la mondialisation. Ces processuspolitiques ne font queformuler les politiques generales, mais s'expriment aussi dans les taches et les technologies specifiques appliquees par les forces de l'ordre a la frontiere. Ils se font jour a partir des etudes ethnographiques des forces de l'ordre americaines a la frontiere mexicaine, y compris les services de l'immigration et de la naturalisation, ses divisions de la surveillance et du controle, la douane, et l'armee. HEYMAN J. MCC. (1999)Warum Verbote? Einwanderungskontrolle an der Grenze zwischen Mexiko und den Vereinigten Staaten, Reg Studies 33 , 619-630. Internationale Grenzen gestatten gewisse Uberschreitungen, wahrend sie andere verbieten. Sie scheinen entgegengesetzte Rollen zu spielen, wobei verstarkte grenzuberschreitende Transaktionen von scharferen Verboten nicht genehnigter Einwanderung und unerlaubter Einfuhr von Rauschgiften begleitet zu sein scheinen. Dies ist ein Ergebnis widerspruchlicher politischer Interessen und Ideen, welche sich fur Globalisation einsetzen und widersetzen. Diese politischen Vorgange pragen sich auch in spezifischen Aufgaben und Technologien aus, die von Grenzkontrollstellen angewandt werden. Diese Befunde sind das Ergebnis ins einzelne gehender ethnografischer Feldforschung, die sich mit Grenzkonstrollen der Vereinigten Staaten an der mexikanischen Grenze beschaftigen, einschliesslich zustandiger Stellen fur Einwanderung und Einburgerung (Immigration & Naturalisation Service INS), den Grenzkontroll-und Inspektionszweigen, den Zollbehorden der USA und dem Militar.
Article
In 1996 Congress passed two laws, the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, which substantially increased the likelihood that permanent residents will be deported from the United States for criminal convictions. The deportation provisions of these 1996 laws are now being applied retroactively to immigrants who could not or would not have been deported under the law in place at the time the immigrants were convicted for their offenses. Noting the potential injustice of this change in the rules by which immigrants were expected to conduct their lives, Professor Morawetz explores the constitutionality of the retroactive application of these new deportation schemes. Rather than relying upon a traditional ex post facto analysis, however, Professor Morawetz examines how the retroactive application of these laws may offend the Due Process Clause, as it has been interpreted and applied in a body of Supreme Court case law addressing economic legislation. The plenary power doctrine alone, Professor Morawetz argues, does not bar the courts from testing the retroactive application of these deportation provisions according to the substantive due process standard enunciated by the Court. In fact, courts may be forced to address the constitutionality of the deportation provisions due to jurisdictional restrictions contained in the 1996 laws. After analyzing the history and text of the 1996 legislation, Professor Morawetz concludes that it would be unconstitutional to apply retroactively many, if not all, of these deportation provisions to immigrants whose conduct and convictions occurred prior to the implementation of Congress's new scheme.
Article
With the decline of violent geopolitical conflict as an overriding organizing principle in relations among advanced industrialized states, there is a growing gap between traditional conceptions and paradigms of security and the contemporary practice of security policy. Most advanced states increasingly define their security interests less in terms of war fighting and more in terms of crime fighting; less in terms of deterring military invasions and more in terms of deterring law evasions. This has involved a twofold transformation: an outward expansion of the portfolio of national security issues from domains previously associated with internal policing, and the deployment of the external military apparatus for a variety of international policing missions. Focusing on the United States, the essay examines how the coercive apparatus of the state has been reconfigured and redeployed, especially during the past decade. Specifically, it traces the growing fusion between law enforcement and national security. Among the numerous manifestations of these changes, the essay concentrates on four central developments: the heightened prominence of law enforcement issues in official security discourse and the exercise of U.S. power, the conversion of military hardware and technology for police missions, the increased overlap between law enforcement and intelligence communities, and the deployment of the military for internal and external police operations categorized as "Military Operations other than War." Moreover, the essay explores the consequences of these changes for the traditional agenda of security studies and argues that these changes reflect both a militarization of policing and a domestication of soldiering.
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The United States government's declared and orchestrated war on terrorism has internal as well as external dimensions. Externally, it has identified or attempted to identify the terrorist threat with particular nation states, such as Afghanistan and Iraq. But much of the war has been fought internally. Because the enemy could reside anywhere, even within the United States and within those states that the United States would never accuse of sponsoring or even condoning terrorism, the war against terrorism requires allies to turn inward to rout out the enemy. For the United States at least, the revision and deployment of immigration law and policy has played an important role in that inward turn.This article approaches the internal war on terrorism by contextualizing it historically, particularly within the history of United States immigration law and policy that has attempted simultaneously to expand and enrich the polity and to exclude or deport "bad aliens," or those aliens seen as posing a threat to the security or cultural unity of the United States. The events surrounding September 11, 2001 brought back into the fore questions about what groups of aliens, and even citizens, are most likely to pose threats to that security and unity. Of course, September 11 was not the first threat experienced by the United States that provoked a response affecting noncitizens, as well as citizens whose loyalty was questioned. If citizens and noncitizen immigrants had begun to take for granted certain civil rights and liberties before September 11, doing so required forgetting -- or at least assuming that Chinese exclusion, immigration quota systems, Japanese internment, an the McCarthy era were securely of the past. For many Muslim residents, forgetting was not possible. The 1996 Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act, which disproportionately affected Arab Muslims, was a recent reminder of the shadow of suspicion that antiterrorist measures could cast on their lives.Part I studies the history of United States immigration law and policy, and other related areas of law, for various lines that have been drawn to distinguish bad aliens from good aliens. Part II discusses how, in the context of the McCarthy era, some of the same demarcations were used to distinguish good from bad citizens based on presumed affiliations with bad aliens or enemy states. Part III focuses on the war on terrorism in the wake of September 11, and contends that the distinctions between good and bad aliens from each of the previously studied historical periods have influenced official and unofficial state imagination of, and response to, the terrorist threat. Part IV argues that the responses to the threat function to legitimize the war on terrorism, and describes that process.
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Two of the most important legal trends of recent years have been the dramatic changes in the nation's immigration laws and the general devolution of decision-making authority from federal to state and local governments. ... Taking them in turn, Professor Chang rejects each of the various policy rationales offered in opposition to federal authorization of state anti-immigrant welfare discrimination. ... Professor Romero explains that there is little reason to expect that immigration policy made by the states will be any less race-based than that made and enforced by the federal government, as racism has long dominated all levels of government. Despite his resultant pessimism about the impact of devolution of welfare and immigration law enforcement on noncitizens, Professor Romero suggests that there might nevertheless be some surprising advantages in allowing states a greater role in immigration lawmaking. ... They conclude that the racial and ethnic profiling that has dominated the anti-terrorism campaign - the dragnet arrests of more than 1,200 Arab or Muslim immigrants, interviews of 5,000 men of certain ages and national origin, intentional delays of visa processing in Arab nations, mass arrests of nonimmigrant student visa violators from Arab and Muslim countries, and targeted efforts to remove persons from Middle Eastern countries with outstanding deportation orders - operates further to entrench deeply destructive stereotypes of Arabs and Muslims as disloyal and dangerous.
The aggravated felony provision of the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act was was originally intended to provide for the deportation of non-citizens convicted of very serious crimes. Over the last 15 years, however, the provision has been consistently expanded to include a plethora of minor crimes that are neither aggravated nor felonious. Moreover, Congress has categorically prohibited aggravated felons from applying for discretionary, equitable relief. This Note contends that the sweeping and indiscriminately applied aggravated felony provision violates an individual's universally recognized right to respect for family and private life. The Note concludes that to comply with international law and treaty obligations, Congress should follow the standards employed by the European Court of Human Rights in deportation cases. Under this approach, a court may overturn a deportation order when the relevant interests of the non-citizen outweigh those ofthe United States.
In the wake of the recent Supreme Court decisions on the legal rights of “enemy combatants,” this Article highlights the continuing problems of immigration detainees and their lack of access to adequate judicial process. Based on the author’s extensive research into habeas corpus actions filed by inmates in the Oakdale Federal Detention Facility, this Article explores the consequences of limiting habeas actions to courts in the territorial site of the prison. Because the Federal District Court for the Western District of Louisiana refuses to issue stays of removal, detainees are deported before their habeas actions can be judged on the merits, and consequently are denied an adequate remedy for illegal government action.
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This Comment evaluates how post-9/11 terrorism policy is radically reshaping immigration law and policy. I argue that since 9/11, immigration policy has become intertwined with and subordinated to terrorism policy. Existing immigration laws have been used as tools in the 9/11 investigations because they provide fewer procedural protections than related criminal laws. Since 9/11, few immigration policies have been created without terrorism policy in mind. Instead, immigration policy exists largely as a means of fighting terrorism. This merger of immigration and terrorism policy promotes the notion that immigrants are suspects first and welcome newcomers second, if at all. A hallmark of terrorism policy's control over immigration policy since 9/11 is the institution of what I call an immigration-plus profiling regime, which targets immigrants of certain national origins and presumed Muslim religious identity for increased scrutiny. This Comment also analyzes the major federal lawsuits to date, that challenge the federal government's actions impacting immigration policy since 9/11. Thus far, the federal judiciary has been largely complicit in the rewriting of our nation's immigration policy by viewing these 9/11 cases almost exclusively in their terrorism policy context and ignoring the impact these policies are having on immigration policies and, indeed, on our nation's immigrants.
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Preface. 1. Immigration to the United States: Politics and Policy. 2. Public Opinion and Interest Group Influence. 3. Issues in the Contemporary Immigration Debate on Capitol Hill. 4. The Congressional Politics of Immigration Policy, 1965-1982. 5. The Congressional Politics of Immigration Policy, 1982-1994. 6. Immigration Reform in the 104th Congress. 7. Congress and the Future of Immigration Policy. Sources. Index. About the Authors.
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This article examines U.S.–Mexico border security in both the pre- and post-September 11th, 2001 periods. It argues for and then employs a constructivist approach to better understand the socio-political context in which the United States has formulated policy solutions for certain defined threats or risks—namely undocumented migration, drugs, and terrorism. It explains how these phenomena are treated as security issues on the border, a process that involves the rhetoric and symbolism of political projects concerned with identity, power, and order. This analysis is accomplished through an evaluation of both policy changes and public discourse. The article contends that, in response to a number of transnational threats, a gradual merging of societal and state security has occurred in both periods. The piece concludes with some thoughts on the place of this approach within border studies and the future of U.S.–Mexico border security.
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This article analyses recent 'border control' policies implemented in the US-Mexico borderlands-specifically 'Operation Hold the Line', an initiative designed to seal the boundary from unofficial incursions of undocumented workers into the US. Through an interpretative, qualitative, and critical 'border analysis' that reads the relationships between borders, territoriality, and collective identity in an increasingly transnational and 'turbulent' moment of late modernity, the piece examines both the policy manifestations of the 'hardening' of the borderlands and the discourses which support it. The analysis is informed by new thinking about borders, widely defined, in International Relations as well as other disciplines.
Article
Border scholars have on the whole rejected the claim that the U.S.–Mexico border has been dissolved by late modern crossborder migrations of capital, people, and practices. However, in noting the escalation of militarized policing practices in the U.S.–Mexico borderlands in the midst of liberalizing trade agreements such as NAFTA, the tendency in this literature has been to reconcile hegemonic U.S. geopolitical and geoeconomic practices in the region as paired. In conversation with these approaches to U.S. statecraft in the region, I propose that border policing in the wake of September 11, 2001, surfaces the long-standing relative incoherence of U.S. geopolitical and geoeconomic practice. By investigating how nonlocally conceived policies come apart on the ground in terms of the local circumstances each produce, I describe the border as a security/economy nexus in U.S. statecraft.
Although the escalating criminalization of immigration law has been examined at length, the social control dimension of this phenomenon has gone relatively understudied. This Article attempts to remedy this deficiency by tracing the relationship between criminal punishment and immigration law, demonstrating that the War on Terror has further blurred these distinctions and exposing the social control function that pervades immigration law enforcement after September 11th prioritized counterterrorism. In doing so, the author draws upon the work of Daniel Kanstroom, Michael Welch, Jonathan Simon and Malcolm Feeley.
Article
Today in the United States, millions of undocumented persons are working long hours for illegally low pay, in workplaces that violate health and safety codes, for employers who defy labor and antidiscrimination laws. Many more fall victim to criminal activity, forced into involuntary servitude and subjected to physical abuse. Yet these immigrants often do not report their harsh conditions and cruel treatment for fear that they will attract the attention of immigration officials and be deported. Law enforcement policies that deter noncitizens from reporting crimes are surely unwise, undermining public safety and health and entrenching undocumented immigrants in a caste hierarchy. In this Article, Professor Michael Wishnie argues that those policies may be unconstitutional as well – violating noncitizens’ First Amendment right to “petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” The Article begins with the Supreme Court’s 1990 suggestion that noncitizens are not among “the people” whose rights the Framers intended to safeguard in the First and Fourth Amendments. To confront the Court’s reasoning on its own historical terms, Professor Wishnie examines the rich history of petitioning by noncitizens from early English tradition through the early nineteenth century, illustrating that the Founders did not intend to exclude noncitizens from “the people” whose rights would be established. Professor Wishnie then develops a theory of “extraordinary speech” to protect noncitizen petitioning and demonstrates how such a theory coheres with related doctrines of court access, unconstitutional conditions, and equal protection. Applying the theory, he concludes that some policies discouraging immigrant communications to law enforcement officials are so burdensome as to violate the First Amendment.
Article
This article documents the arrest and detention of an immigrant caught up in a post-9/11 enforcement sweep by immigration enforcement authorities. This article offers a critical discussion of the legal process to which this immigrant was subject and outlines two strategies to terminate proceedings on the basis of unlawful racial profiling and failure to charge the detained immigrant within a reasonable period of time. Using the case as a microcosm of immigration enforcement policy in the post-9/11 era, it is argued that race-based immigration enforcement justified by the War on Terror is an extension of race-based criminal enforcement justified by the War on Drugs. Consequently, political strategies to protect the rights of subordinated populations in the United States, both immigrant and native, against the authority of the state must be developed and supported by cross-racial alliances.
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Federal law enforcement agencies responded to the attacks of September 11, 2001, with forceful initiatives directed at noncitizens and their communities. In the years since the September 11 attacks, some of these initiatives have waned, but one that may come to rank among the most dangerous and enduring has seemingly gathered steam: the effort to enlist state and local police in the routine enforcement of federal immigration laws. Over the past century, individual police departments have occasionally participated in federal immigration enforcement, but the strategy rapidly became central to the federal government's post September 11 "war on terror" in a series of law enforcement initiatives.Together, these initiatives mark a sea change in the traditional understanding that federal immigration laws are enforced exclusively by federal agents, with local policing priorities set principally by local officials. The federal effort to enlist, or even conscript, state and local police in routine immigration enforcement has also prompted numerous policy criticisms. This Article first considers the validity and implications of the administration's determination that state and local police possess the "inherent authority" under federal law to make immigration arrests. Part II examines the lawfulness of a chief FBI method adopted to encourage such arrests, namely the use of its NCIC database to disseminate immigration status information to state and local police. Part III analyzes some of the implications of state and local immigration enforcement for racial profiling and selective enforcement.
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In this Article, Professor Michael Wishnie addresses the current pressing problem of denial of benefits to legal immigrants under the 1996 Welfare Reform Act in the context of a deeper inquiry into the very heart of immigration law: From where does the federal government derive the power to regulate its borders? Can Congress devolve this power to the states? Looking deeply into jurisprudence and textual sources, as well as history, he ascertains that this authority always has been exclusively federal and that to permit devolution would be to contradict the entire notion of sovereignty. Thus, Professor Wishnie concludes that any devolution of authority over immigration to the states, such as that contained in the 1996 welfare reforms, may not receive the judicial deference traditionally granted to federal immigration law. Instead, any state exercise in the immigration arena, even pursuant to Congress's explicit approval, must be evaluated under thirty years of precedent subjecting state discrimination against permanent resident aliens to heightened scrutiny.
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The Dayton Peace Accords brought the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina to an end but left ethnonationalism undefeated and the country divided. The Accords legitimized the wartime entity Republika Srpska, created by ethnic cleansing, yet offered the possibility of reversing ethnic cleansing with Annex VII, which declared the right of those displaced to return to their prewar homes. Implementing Annex VII across ethnonationalist-dominated localities was a struggle of power, capacity, and law over the control of place in postwar Bosnia. This article examines the localized geopolitics of wartime displacement and postwar returns in two contrasting Bosnian counties, Zvornik in eastern Bosnia, and Jajce in central Bosnia. Based on extensive fieldwork in both places, the article documents how the Bosnian wars radically transformed the demographic character and cultural landscape of both places. The postwar effort to implement Annex VII developed as a struggle over place between entrenched local ethnonationalists, multiple international agencies, and displaced persons. In the years following the war, ethnonationalist forces were largely successful in blocking “minority returns.” In response, the international community had, by 1999, imposed a legal system upon Bosnia's entities that facilitated returns and developed the local capacity to allow returns to (re)take place. Power tilted from localized ethnonationalists to localized internationals, and ethnically cleansed Bosnian places began to see more and more minority returns. Bosnian places, however, will never be as they were before the war. Bosnia remains a broken country.
Article
With the decline of violent geopolitical conflict as an overriding organizing principle in relations among advanced industrialized states, there is a growing gap between traditional conceptions and paradigms of security and the contemporary practice of security policy. Most advanced states increasingly define their security interests less in terms of war fighting and more in terms of crime fighting; less in terms of deterring military invasions and more in terms of deterring law evasions. This has involved a twofold transformation: an outward expansion of the portfolio of national security issues from domains previously associated with internal policing, and the deployment of the external military apparatus for a variety of international policing missions. Focusing on the United States, the essay examines how the coercive apparatus of the state has been reconfigured and redeployed, especially during the past decade. Specifically, it traces the growing fusion between law enforcement and national security. Among the numerous manifestations of these changes, the essay concentrates on four central developments: the heightened prominence of law enforcement issues in official security discourse and the exercise of U.S. power, the conversion of military hardware and technology for police missions, the increased overlap between law enforcement and intelligence communities, and the deployment of the military for internal and external police operations categorized as “Military Operations other than War.” Moreover, the essay explores the consequences of these changes for the traditional agenda of security studies and argues that these changes reflect both a militarization of policing and a domestication of soldiering.
Book
Neil Brenner has in the past few years made a major impact on the ways in which we understand the changing political geographies of the modern state. Simultaneously analyzing the restructuring of urban governance and the transformation of national states under globalizing capitalism, 'New State Spaces' is a mature and sophisticated analysis of broad interdisciplinary interest, making this a highly significant contribution to the subject. Available in OSO: http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/public/content/politicalscience/9780199270057/toc.html
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This paper is a sympathetic critique of the current view of the state and state restructuring in the literature on geographical political economy. We contend that although this literature has developed a view of the state that is far more complex than a crudely determinist or economistic reading, it nevertheless remains limited. The literature analyzes the imperatives that shape state restructuring in a way that ultimately always refers back to the need to preserve capitalist accumulation and maintain the legitimacy of capitalist social relations. We suggest that an effective strategy for moving beyond these limits is a more explicit methodological focus on imperatives beyond capitalist accumulation. To illustrate this strategy, we focus on one such imperative: the need to reproduce a relationship of political legitimacy between state and citizens. We present a case study that examines the significant build-up of U.S.–Mexico boundary enforcement in the 1990s. The case highlights the importance of the political–geographical relation between state and citizen for shaping state policy choices. We find that a critical impetus for the boundary build-up in the 1990s was a complex set of concerns about security that grew dialectically out of interactions between particular state actors and particular groups of citizens. While the build-up could be analyzed insofar as it helped reproduce the relations of capital, such an approach cannot capture the whole story. We conclude the paper by calling for an analysis of the state and state restructuring that extends the current focus on accumulation and capitalist social relations to include a much wider range of imperatives.
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In this paper I trace the changing practice and politics of North American border controls and analyze the implications of these changes for cross-border relations and continental integration. More than ever, I suggest, North American relations are driven by the politics of border control. I first examine U.S. border control initiatives before 9-11, and argue that these were politically successful policy failures: they succeeded in terms of their symbolic and image effects even while largely failing in terms of their deterrent effects. I then highlight the border-related economic, bureaucratic, and political repercussions of 9/11. I show why the task of border control has become significantly more difficult, cumbersome, and disruptive in the post-9-11 era, with significant ramifications for the North American integration project. I conclude by outlining three possible future border trajectories.
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Two months after the attacks of 9/11, the Bush administration, in the midst of what it perceived to be a state of emergency, authorized the indefinite detention of noncitizens suspected of terrorist activities and their subsequent trials by a military commission. Here, distinguished Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben uses such circumstances to argue that this unusual extension of power, or "state of exception," has historically been an underexamined and powerful strategy that has the potential to transform democracies into totalitarian states. The sequel to Agamben's Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, State of Exception is the first book to theorize the state of exception in historical and philosophical context. In Agamben's view, the majority of legal scholars and policymakers in Europe as well as the United States have wrongly rejected the necessity of such a theory, claiming instead that the state of exception is a pragmatic question. Agamben argues here that the state of exception, which was meant to be a provisional measure, became in the course of the twentieth century a normal paradigm of government. Writing nothing less than the history of the state of exception in its various national contexts throughout Western Europe and the United States, Agamben uses the work of Carl Schmitt as a foil for his reflections as well as that of Derrida, Benjamin, and Arendt. In this highly topical book, Agamben ultimately arrives at original ideas about the future of democracy and casts a new light on the hidden relationship that ties law to violence.
Article
Since the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the enforcement of our nation's immigration laws has received a significant amount of attention. Some observers contend that the federal government does not have adequate resources to enforce immigration law and that state and local law enforcement entities should be utilized. Others, however, question what role state and local law enforcement agencies should have in light of limited state and local resources and immigration expertise. Congress defined our nation's immigration laws in the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), which contains both criminal and civil enforcement measures. Historically, the authority for state and local law enforcement officials to enforce immigration law has been construed to be limited to certain criminal provisions of the INA that also fall under state and local jurisdictions; by contrast, the enforcement of the civil provisions, which includes apprehension and removal of deportable aliens, has strictly been viewed as a federal responsibility, with states playing an incidental supporting role. In previous Congresses, several proposals had been set forth that would appear to expand the role of state and local law enforcement agencies in the civil enforcement aspects of the INA. Congress, through various amendments to the INA, has gradually broadened the authority for state and local law enforcement officials to enforce immigration law, and some recent statutes have begun to carve out possible state roles in the enforcement of civil matters. Indeed, several jurisdictions have signed agreements (INA § 287(g)) with the federal government to allow their respective state and local law enforcement agencies to perform new, limited duties relating to immigration law enforcement. Still, the enforcement of immigration laws by state and local officials has sparked debate among many who question what the proper role of state and local law enforcement officials should be in enforcing such laws. For example, many have expressed concern over proper training, finite resources at the local level, possible civil rights violations, and the overall impact on communities. Some communities have taken steps to define or limit the involvement of local authorities in the implementation of immigration law. This chapter examines some of the policy and legal issues that may accompany an increased role of state and local law officials in the enforcement of immigration law.
Article
[Excerpt] The United States Border Patrol (USBP) has a long and storied history as our nation’s first line of defense against unauthorized migration. Today, the USBP’s primary mission is to detect and prevent the entry of terrorists, weapons of mass destruction, and illegal aliens into the country, and to interdict drug smugglers and other criminals along the border. The Homeland Security Act of 2002 dissolved the Immigration and Naturalization Service and placed the USBP within the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Within DHS, the USBP forms a part of the Bureau of Customs and Border Protection under the Directorate of Border and Transportation Security. During the last decade, the USBP has seen its budget and manpower more than triple. This expansion was the direct result of Congressional concerns about illegal immigration and the agency’s adoption of “Prevention Through Deterrence” as its chief operational strategy in 1994. The strategy called for placing USBP resources and manpower directly at the areas of greatest illegal immigration in order to detect, deter, and apprehend aliens attempting to cross the border between official points of entry. Post 9/11, the USBP refocused its strategy on preventing the entry of terrorists and weapons of mass destruction, as laid out in its recently released National Strategy. In addition to a workforce of over 17,000 agents, the USBP deploys vehicles, aircraft, watercraft, and many different technologies to defend the border. In the course of discharging its duties, the USBP patrols 8,000 miles of American international borders with Mexico and Canada and the coastal waters around Florida and Puerto Rico. However, there are significant geographic, political, and immigration-related differences between the northern border with Canada and the southwest border with Mexico. Accordingly, the USBP deploys a different mix of personnel and resources along the two borders. Due to the fact that over 97% of unauthorized migrant apprehensions occur along the southwest border, the USBP deploys over 90% of its agents there to deter illegal immigration. The Border Safety initiative and the Arizona Border Control initiative are both focused on the southwest border. The northern border is more than two times longer than the southwest border, features far lower numbers of aliens attempting to enter illegally, but may be more vulnerable to terrorist infiltration. As a consequence of this, the USBP has focused its northern border efforts on deploying technology and cooperating closely with Canadian authorities through the creation of International Border Enforcement Teams. Some issues for Congress to consider could include the slow rate of integration between the USBP’s biometric database of illegal aliens and the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) biometric database of criminals and terrorists; the number of unauthorized aliens who die attempting to enter the country each year; the increasing attacks on Border Patrol agents, and the threat posed by terrorists along the sparsely defended northern border as well as the more porous southwest border. This report will be updated as circumstances warrant.
Article
Recent statutory changes to the United States immigration law have resulted in a large increase in the number of lawful permanent resident noncitizens who are deported because of prior criminal conduct. Now, deportation is often a virtually automatic consequence of conviction for an increasingly minor array of crimes including possessory drug offenses and shoplifting. Under current statutory law, permanent resident noncitizens may be deported for crimes that were not grounds for deportation when they were committed and there may be no possibiilty of mercy or humanitarian relief. This Dialogue explores arguments for and against this system. Specifically, it examines the idea, rooted in history, that deportation is an unconstitutional punishment for criminal offenses.
In March of 2004, a group of legal scholars gathered at Boston College Law School to examine the doctrinal implications of the events of September 11, 2001. They reconsidered the lines drawn between citizens and noncitizens, war and peace, the civil and criminal systems, as well as the U.S. territorial line. Participants responded to the proposition that certain entrenched historical matrices no longer adequately answer the complex questions raised in the "war on terror." They examined the importance of government disclosure and the public's right to know; the deportation system's habeas corpus practices; racial profiling; the convergence of immigration and criminal law since the attacks; judicial review of military detentions at Guantanamo Bay and elsewhere; and noncitizens' rights in the United States and the European Union. From their insights have emerged an outline for future research and the seeds of a pragmatic legal approach to these increasingly complex questions, all grounded in a deep respect for human rights.
Article
From the Author's Introduction: We live in a time of unusual vigor, efficiency, and strictness in the deportation of long-term permanent resident aliens convicted of crimes. This situation is the result of some fifteen years of relatively sustained attention to this issue, which culminated in two exceptionally harsh laws: the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA) and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA). In many cases, these laws have brought about a rather complete convergence between the criminal justice and deportation systems. Deportation is now often a virtually automatic consequence of criminal conviction. This convergence, and the harshness of these laws - their retroactivity, their use of mandatory detention, the automatic and often disproportionate nature of the deportation sanction, and the lack of statues of limitation - raise two related questions: First, why are we doing this? Second, what could be the consequences of this approach for the constitutional legitimacy of deportation proceedings?
Since the September 11 attacks, courts have been reluctant to uphold the public's right to obtain government information through the Freedom of Information Act and the First Amendment right of access. Given the doctrinal and statutory confusion plaguing both FOIA and the First Amendment right of access since their inception, and the judiciary's historic tendency to defer to the Executive in matters implicating national security, recent appellate decisions rejecting right to know claims may seem unsurprising. But a closer reading of these cases reveals that the judiciary's failure to uphold the public's right to government transparency has been based on a fundamental lack of appreciation for and hostility to the right's very existence. These cases suggest that an enforceable right to know is unnecessary because the political process is adequate to force government disclosure. History amply demonstrates, however, the political process's incapacity to compel government disclosure, particularly when the nation is in a time of crisis and the government activities at issue concern noncitizens.
Article
The general hypothesis put forth in this Article is that well-accepted historical matrices are increasingly inadequate to address the complex issues raised by various U.S. government practices in the so-called "war on terrorism." The Article describes certain stresses that have recently built upon two major legal dichotomies: the citizen/non-citizen and criminal/civil lines. Professor Kanstroom reviews the use of the citizen/non-citizen dichotomies as part of the post-September 11th enforcement regime and considers the increasing convergence between the immigration and criminal justice systems. Professor Kanstroom concludes by suggesting the potential emergence of a disturbing new legal system, which contains the worst features of both legal dichotomies.
Article
The Bush administration's "Smart Border" accords with Mexico and Canada present a number of important implications for North America's border communities and regions. As part of the plans, new security technologies have emerged as the preferred policy solution to the difficult problem of screening for weapons and terrorist incursions into the United States through its international boundaries while maintaining flows of goods and individuals, key drivers of globalization and hallmarks of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) era. These new technological systems have various capabilities, ranging from prescreening cargo to identifying problematic travelers to detecting nuclear material in trucks. Deploying these systems in border communities, however, invokes a range of important economic, social, and political challenges, all of which are under examination in this work. Using a risk-centered approach to United States border security, this article explores several technologically oriented border control systems: screening, biometrics, and information technology. The research is based on regional field research and a public policy analysis method that uses Birkland's "focusing event" framework, a model that provides insights into the postcrisis policy formation process. The article concludes by offering an initial appraisal of these policies within the context of risk, interdependent border communities, and an open democratic society. Copyright 2005 by The Policy Studies Association..
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The clinicopathologic features of two cases of composite large-cell neuroendocrine carcinoma and surface epithelial-stromal neoplasm of the ovary are reported and those of eight previously published cases reviewed. The patients ranged in age from 22 to 77 years (mean, 56 years). The surface epithelial-stromal neoplasm was an endometrioid adenocarcinoma in one case, a mucinous cystadenoma in one case, and a mucinous adenocarcinoma in eight cases. The large-cell neuroendocrine carcinoma in these tumors may represent dedifferentiation of the neuroendocrine cells present in the surface epithelial-stromal tumor. This composite tumor type is highly aggressive. Of eight patients with follow-up information, all had died of disseminated tumor; six within 10 months, and two in 19 months and 3 years, respectively, after diagnosis. Only the neuroendocrine carcinoma component was found in the metastatic sites. Int J Surg Pathol 8(2):169-174, 2000
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This article assesses the efficacy of the strategy of immigration control implemented by the US government since 1993 in reducing illegal entry attempts, and documents some of the unintended consequences of this strategy, especially a sharp increase in mortality among unauthorized migrants along certain segments of the Mexico-US border. The available data suggest that the current strategy of border enforcement has resulted in rechanneling flows of unauthorized migrants to more hazardous areas, raising fees charged by people-smugglers, and discouraging unauthorized migrants already in the US from returning to their places of origin. However, there is no evidence that the strategy is deterring or preventing significant numbers of new illegal entries, particularly given the absence of a serious effort to curtail employment of unauthorized migrants through worksite enforcement. An expanded temporary worker program, selective legalization of unauthorized Mexican workers residing in the United States, and other proposals under consideration by the US and Mexican governments are unlikely to reduce migrant deaths resulting from the current strategy of border enforcement. Copyright 2001 by The Population Council, Inc..