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POLICY RESEARCH •RECHERCHE SUR LES POLITIQUES
94 Summer •Été 2001
RÉSUMÉ ❿Deux perspectives complémentaires—l’une juridique et l’autre psychologique—
sur la pornographie infantile sont ici présentées accompagnées de la description d’une
typologie émergente permettant de comprendre la nature des images véhiculées sur Internet.
Des données tirées du projet européen COPINE (Combating Paedophile Information Networks
in Europe) sont utilisées pour illustrer la nature du matériel mis à la disposition des individus
démontrant un intérêt sexuel à l’endroit des enfants. Ces données révèlent également les
moyens d’accéder à ce matériel, ce que font les délinquants avec Internet et les changements
de comportements qui s’ensuivent chez ces mêmes individus. L’article se termine par un
regard sur une série de préoccupations émises à l’endroit de la pornographie infantile,
d’Internet et des comportements délinquants. (Traduction: www.isuma.net )
ABSTRACT ❿Two complementary perspectives on child pornography — legal and
psychological—are presented and an emergent typology for understanding the nature of such
pictures on the Internet is outlined. Data from the Combating Paedophile Information
Networks in Europe (COPINE) project is used to illustrate the nature of the material available to
people with a sexual interest in children, where it can be found and how offenders use and are
changed by the Internet. It concludes with a consideration of issues that are of concern in
relation to child pornography, the Internet and offending behaviour.
Child Pornography,
the internet and offending
BY MAX TAYLOR, ETHEL QUAYLE AND GEMMA HOLLAND
95
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child pornography, the internet and offending
The copine Project at the
Department of Applied Psycho-
logy, University College Cork,
has been in existence for the last four
years and forms a part of the activities of
the Child Studies Unit, the focus of which
relates to the needs of vulnerable chil-
dren. The copine project seeks to address
children’s vulnerability in relation to the
new technologies, and in particular issues
related to child pornography and the
Internet. An important feature of the
project, which has been funded by grants
both from the eu and private sources, has
been its links with the law enforcement
community in Ireland, the United
Kingdom, Belgium, the Netherlands and
the United States. Currently the Project
is involved in three research areas: the
maintenance of a reference data base of
child pornography; an assessment of
dangerousness in paedophiles through
their collection of child pornography; the nature and inci-
dence of child sex tourism and child trafficking in Europe. A
new project (jointly with Radda Barnen and Childnet)
concerned with victim identification will begin shortly. The
data discussed in this paper arises out of the Project research
and will be used to clarify issues relating to the nature of
child pornography, how it is accessed on the Internet and
used by offenders and the problems that potentially arise
from this.
Most of us would agree that child pornography consti-
tutes sexualised pictures involving children. However what
precisely is meant by sexualised can vary depending on
whether a legal or the more subjective perspective of the
adult with a sexual interest in children is taken. Legal defi-
nitions tend to emphasize obscene or sexual content as an
essential quality of the images, but of course such defini-
tions may vary depending on the legislature within a given
country. This is a particular problem in relation to the
Internet where cultural, moral and legal variations make it
difficult to define “pornographic” in such a global society.1
The International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol)
standing working group on offences against minors defines
Child pornography as: “...the consequence of the exploita-
tion or sexual abuse perpetrated against a child. It can be
defined as any means of depicting or promoting sexual
abuse of a child, including print and/or audio, centred on
sex acts or the genital organs of children.”
A similar emphasis on the sexual nature of the material
can be found in the u.k.’s Criminal Justice Protection of
Children Act of 1978 which was amended in 1994 to state
that, “it is an offence for a person (a) to take, or permit to
be taken or to make, any indecent photographs or pseudo-
photographs of a child; (b) to distribute or show such inde-
cent photographs or pseudo- photographs.”
However, while such definitions are clearly important
from a legislative perspective, they are of limited value in
helping us understand why such images
are produced or collected, or the function
that they might have in offending behav-
iour. Over emphasis on highly sexualised
or obscene images deflects from the fact
that any image can be sexualised and
fantasized over, and what makes that
image of the child important to the adult
is the psychological role it plays in
arousal and masturbation.2Legal defini-
tions enable us to draw boundaries, but
do not help in delineating the problem.
Indeed, it may be argued that such defin-
itions give rise to the notion of “good”
and “bad” offenders, depending on the
degree to which the viewer finds the
material objectionable.
Collections of child pornography do
not arise by accident, but by the deliber-
ate choices an individual makes to
acquire material. Nor are such pictures a
homogeneous category. By emphasizing
a psychological approach to such images, we can identify a
range of discernibly different pictures that are collected by
adults with a sexual interest in children, only some of which
may be illegal. It is possible to construct a continuum of
increased deliberate sexual victimization, ranging from
everyday and perhaps accidental pictures involving either
no overt erotic content, or minimal content (such as the
depiction of a child in their underwear) to pictures showing
actual rape and penetration of a child, or other gross acts of
obscenity. Such a continuum may be helpful in character-
izing the nature of a given collection, and may also elucidate
factors that may enable and sustain offender behaviour.
Central to this is an acknowledgement that child pornog-
raphy is not a victimless crime. Regardless of the content of
the picture, each time that an image of a child is accessed for
a sexual purpose, it victimizes the individual concerned.
The value of generating a typology of pictures arose from
the large reference database amassed by the copine Project.
This currently exceeds 80,000 individual still pictures, as
well as a large number of video sequences. The copine
collection contains examples of most of the material
publicly available on the Internet, and focuses particularly
on newer material. A descriptive analysis identified 10 levels
of severity, based on increasing sexual victimization, and
quite deliberately included pictures that do not fall within
any legal definition of child pornography. These 10 levels of
severity can be briefly described as follows:
•Level 1: Indicative (non-erotic/sexualised pictures)
•Level 2: Nudist (naked or semi-naked in legitimate
settings/sources)
•Level 3: Erotica (surreptitious photographs showing
underwear/nakedness)
•Level 4: Posing (deliberate posing suggesting sexual
content)
•Level 5: Erotic Posing (deliberate sexual or provocative
poses)
What makes
that image
of the child
important
to the adult
is the
psychological
role it plays
in arousal and
masturbation.
ILUSTRATION: KATY LEMAY
96 Summer •Été 2001
child pornography, the internet and offending
•Level 6: Explicit Erotic Posing (emphasis on genital areas)
•Level 7: Explicit Sexual Activity (explicit activity, but
not involving an adult)
•Level 8: Assault (sexual assault involving adult)
•Level 9: Gross Assault (penetrative assault involving
adult)
•Level 10: Sadistic/Bestiality (sexual images involving pain
or animal)
It is important to emphasize in relation to collections of
pictures, that even Level 1images can be sexualised and
fantasized over, and may be used to both promote and
sustain sexual fantasy.3It is also the case that boundaries
between pictures can be blurred, but such a typology encom-
passes the wide array of material attractive to the adult with
a sexual interest in children, and places the emphasis back
on the child as victim, rather than the
end-product of the obscene photograph.
This is of particular importance in the
context of Level 3pictures (pictures
which are secretly or surreptitiously
taken). Lack of knowledge of victimiza-
tion by the subject does not diminish its
gravity.
Collections of pictures are rarely a
random aggregation of individual
images. Most pictures occur as part of a
series and it is usual for such series to
have a narrative or thematic link. The
narrative may be an aid to fantasy and
filling gaps in the series may be highly
reinforcing to the collector. Locating a
picture, or a series of pictures, at some
level on the continuum needs to be
considered in the context of other issues
relating to a collection. These include the
size of the collection and the obsessional qualities relating
to its organization, and storage, the principle themes illus-
trated, the presence of new or private material, and the age
of the children depicted in the pictures. Recent evidence4
suggests that the age of children in new pornography is
reducing with the implication that such victims may be less
able to disclose the abuse than would older children.
The copine database is drawn from pictures from news-
group postings. Its principal practical value (as distinct from
its research role) has been to facilitate the identification of
new children involved in child pornography, as distinct
from existing material. The database takes two forms: first,
an archive of old pictures which are known to be over 15
years old, and second, a searchable archive of new (less
than 10 years old) and recent (10 to 15 years old) pictures,
which are collected daily from in excess of 60 newsgroups
which are known to carry child pornography. The archive
focuses on levels 6-10 in the above typology and is a large,
representative sample of new photographs in the public
domain. Through the database, the Project has extensive
records of the nicknames and Network News Transport
Protocols (nntp) posting host addresses under which news-
group postings have been made.
In total, the database includes approximately 80,000 still
pictures and 400+ video clips. Of the 80,000 images, more
than half are of girls. Of those pictures of girls categorised as
level 7and above, about 7percent are new. Approximately
26 percent of similar level boy photographs are new (cate-
gorised as level 7or above). In these new pictures, forty one
percent of the girls and 56 percent of the boys are between
the ages of 9-12, the rest being younger. The vast majority
of both sexes of children depicted in the new pictures of level
7and above are white Caucasian, with Asiatic children more
likely to appear in posed images (levels 5and 6). There is a
marked absence of black children in any of the age groups,
and as yet there is little evidence as to why this should be the
case. Anecdotal information from the copine interviews
with offenders suggested that many show a preference for
thin, fair children, where genitalia are
clearly visible and where there are no
secondary sexual characteristics.
Currently, photographs are appearing
in the newsgroups monitored by the
project at a rate of about two new chil-
dren per month. This is highly variable,
but there is evidence that the age of the
children (particularly females) is getting
younger, that there is an increase in
“domestic” production (where the settings
are family rooms), and that there has been
a growth in the number of photographs
of East European children. Over the last
year, there has also been an increase in the
number of pictures whose origins appear
to be commercial web sites, based in
South America or Eastern Europe; these
pictures tend to be in levels 5and 6.
These, and the emergence of more explicit
child pornography from Eastern Europe access to which
involves payment, seem to represent a growth in commer-
cial exploitation of the market for child pornography.
It can be estimated that between 300-350 of the children
included in the new/recent material have been subjected to
serious sexual assault (being present in pictures categorized
as level 7and above). Of the 1,600-1,800 children who have
been photographed while posing naked (levels 5and 6), it is
reasonable to assume that a number of these will have been
sexually assaulted, either outside of being photographed or
without the images being distributed. It is also reasonable to
assume that the figures given here are an underestimate of
the numbers of pictures in circulation as the amount of
material in private circulation is currently unknown.
It is important to stress that technological changes are
evident in the emergence of material distributed through
the Internet, but Video still seems to remain the principal
primary production medium for child pornography. This
is reflected in new recent Internet material in the amount
of high quality video captures. The age, sex and ethnicity of
the children in the copine database videos clips are very
similar to the distribution found in the still pictures.
Fournier de Saint Maur5has suggested that the Internet is
There
is a marked
absence
of black
children and
little evidence
as to why
this should be.
97
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child pornography, the internet and offending
fast becoming a significant factor in the sexual abuse of
children and the principal means of exchange of child
pornography.
The new technologies also mean that “users” of the
Internet can quickly become “producers.”6Such
photographs do not need to be commercially processed
which allows for a much greater level of security in their
production. Recent cases in the United Kingdom give some
indication of the extent to which this occurs. Images can
also be altered by the paedophile to suit personal prefer-
ences, or can even be made up of components from separate
photographs. Such images are often called “pseudo
photographs.”7Indeed, technology is now allowing the
creation of lifelike child pornography without the use of
children at all.8The Internet also allows for on-line abuse of
children. For example, in 1996, a group of paedophiles that
called itself the Orchid Club was arrested in the United
States. Using a digital camera, one of the group members
transmitted real-time images of a child being sexually
assaulted and responded to requests from the club’s
members in directing the abuse. Members of the Orchid
club lived in the United States, Europe and Australia.
A major source for both text and images are the Usenet
Newsgroups. There are some 30,000 such groups on the
Internet covering a wide range of subjects (the vast major-
ity of which are innocent and appropriate) but paedophiles
use some of these newsgroups to communicate with each
other, to ask advice about computer-related problems or
the availability of new software. They also use them to
request pictures from other paedophiles and to post them.
The pictures in themselves act as a form of currency, legit-
imizing activity and creating social cohesion. Data from the
copine Project suggests that over 1000 illegal photographs
per week may be posted into what is effectively a publicly
available service.
Bulletin Board Systems (bbs) are similar to Newsgroups
but with more real time involvement. Web based bbss have
played an increasingly important role in the on-line
paedophile community in recent years. Durkin and Bryant
talk of them as high tech party lines, by which users can
send and receive text, engage in conversations, and both
upload and download files.9A more familiar means of
communication is through e-mail and the mass distribution
of e-mail files through List Servers (Listservs).
A further important source of both information and
material is Internet Relay Chat (irc). This is a vast multi-
user discussion forum, which allows users to communicate
through text but in real time. Paedophiles in irc can
exchange files directly with one another using a Direct
Client-to-Client (dcc) feature and can distribute images
through Fserves. This allows the user to access a certain
part of another user’s hard drive to upload and download
files. Paedophiles can therefore be invited to ‘visit’ some-
body else’s collection and take what material they want.
The World Wide Web (www) is another source of child
pornography. It is now relatively easy to create Web pages
and features built into Web browsers enable users to
capture content created by other people with a minimum of
effort.10 The proliferation of free web servers has meant
that individuals can upload a web site containing child
pornography anonymously, and with ease.
It is unknown how many people look at child pornogra-
phy on the Internet, nor is it always clear what motivates
them to do so. Out of the many thousands of people who
simply look, there are a much smaller number who are
involved in the distribution or production of material, or
both. As part of the copine project, we have been conduct-
ing a series of semi-structured interviews with people who
have been identified, largely through the judicial system, as
people expressing a sexual interest in children. This ongo-
ing series of interviews includes downloaders (no assault);
downloaders and assault (no production); downloaders and
distribution (no assault), downloaders and producers
(assaults); downloaders, producers and distributors
(assaults); sexual assaults only. The ensuing transcripts have
been analyzed within a qualitative framework. A thematic
analysis was used to establish a broad framework for under-
standing the data,11 followed by a more discursive analysis
to look at how individuals negotiate their accounts. This
“applied” discourse analysis12 was also informed by
Holloway and Jefferson’s guidelines for both interviewing
and analyzing data with defended subjects.13
Emergent themes from the interviews 14 illustrated that
people who use the Internet to download pornography
move through a series of stages in their offending behav-
iour which is directly influenced by their level of engage-
ment with the Internet. Setting events for downloading
included histories of early sexualised behaviour, inadequate
98 Summer •Été 2001
child pornography, the internet and offending
adult socialization, dissatisfaction with current persona and
an acquisition of computer and Internet skills. Initial
contact with the Internet was often accompanied by access-
ing adult pornographic sites before a search for child
pornography. Accessing such material facilitates engage-
ment with a virtual community, further normalizing the
collection of material, as well as promoting further engage-
ment with the Internet and its corresponding technology.
For all people interviewed, this was followed by a steady
increase in on-line behaviour and a reduction in other
outside social engagement. Increasingly large quantities of
material are rapidly collected, and what emerges are differ-
ent forms of collecting behaviour, with time spent sorting
and cataloguing images. Such categories might be quite
rudimentary, for example organized around age or sex of
the children photographed, or more sophisticated with a
focus on content of activities. For those people who down-
load and go on to engage in social contacts on the Internet,
the process of sustaining that engagement requires credi-
bility. Such credibility is often achieved through the
exchange or trade of material such as pictures, text or
fantasy stories.
The process of collecting appears to be an important
psychological process in itself. The rapid acquisition of
images largely goes hand-in-hand with the acquisition of
technical skills. Collecting also leads to an increase in
fantasy and sexual activity, particularly masturbation in
relation to images or through engaging in mutual fantasies
with others while on-line. With increasing mastery of the
Internet comes also a sense of power and control, and this
is also evidenced in some of the preferred fantasy material
about “teaching” children about love and sex. Where
downloaders also communicate with each other, this
becomes a powerful justification for their activity, and there
is constant reference to the importance of on-line relation-
ships over material. For downloaders who trade images,
the notion of photographs as currency is important. They
are currency in terms of trading for new images, but they
are also currency in maintaining existing on-line relation-
ships and giving credibility. Text never exclusively replaces
images, but for many downloaders it seems to play an
important role in the process of engagement, and may
enable the formation of close relationships, some of which
move from being “virtual” to “real.”
This process can clearly be seen in the case of P.G., the
creator of w0nderland (a world-wide private network of
individuals who traded texts and images with each other on
irc), who described himself as a person with “mental health
problems” that pre-dated accessing material on the Internet.
He positioned the responsibility for his “engagement” with
the Internet as lying with a friend: “Well he always joked
about taking me over to the dark side” and went on to
describe the Internet as “a doorway... to the dark side.”
Through the Internet he was able to stake a claim to being
good at something, feeling competent in his ability to use
computers and his expertise in the area of security. P.G.
used a model of addiction to explain his behaviour on the
Internet, “A junkie par extraordinaire,” but made constant
reference to setting limits in terms of the pictures he both
accessed and distributed. With reference to finding images
that completed a series he said, “It’s kinda like an art collec-
tor who finds a lost Picasso....” As the amount of time spent
on-line increased, he talked about a sense of losing control
and an inability to stop: “That’s like trying to stop Niagara
Falls.” P.G. demonstrated a rapid escalation of collecting
through increased technical expertise, showing an increased
interest in the Internet as a community: “I’m like a virtuoso
pianist ... but the instrument I play is a computer.” His inter-
est was in his ability to control his virtual social world, and
there were significant feelings of betrayal when at one point
his own group left him and excluded him from their
network. He desperately needed people to like him, and
when on-line he would adopt a persona of a “likeable
rogue.” “It was the most important thing to me... I had
almost no friends in real life and what few friends I had... I
kept at arms length.” Through the Internet he achieved
status through the quality of his collection and his computer
skills and experienced a real sense of loss when his computer
and his collection were seized: “I lost my best friend when
I lost my computer.”
99
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child pornography, the internet and offending
The appeals of the Internet for those with a sexual inter-
est in children are many. Social connections can vastly
increase, and such virtual communities, while providing a
safe haven, also allow for the control of social distance and
intimacy.15 The Internet allows the user to achieve a sense
of mastery on-line, and status and prestige are achieved by
those with good computer skills. Such skills, and the ability
to master the virtual environment provide a sense of power.
Users gain social confidence while on-line and report that
they find it easier to make friends,16 using the metaphor of
the Internet as the Prozac of social
communication. There is also the sugges-
tion of altered states of consciousness
through Internet use,17 facilitating levels
of engagement that would otherwise be
seen as aversive or inappropriate.
The appeal of the Internet is problem-
atic in relation to sexual interest in chil-
dren. Paradoxically, Internet use among
offenders increases socialization by
providing a potentially enormous virtual
community, while at the same time
reducing the number of real social
contacts. This functions in a way that
allows for the normalization of sexual
interest in children and enables engage-
ment through the reduction in outside
social contacts that might otherwise chal-
lenge the acceptability of the interest. It
also functions in a way that allows the avoidance of personal
responsibility by creating anonymity, facilitating identity
choices and movement through identities.18 With regard to
sexual behaviour, the Internet lowers sexual inhibitions and
the engagement in the sharing or trading of images acts as a
form of social reinforcement. There is also evidence that it
increases the level of sexual activity, both in relation to
pictures and text: “It was that often... I did it till I couldn’t
cause it hurt,” (D.H. w0nderland operator). The ability to
manipulate the images to fit a sexual fantasy further makes
an object of the child and enables control of the source of
stimulation. Knowledge of the risks being taken in down-
loading material can also serve to heighten arousal.
Like all other offenders, people who download child
pornography are able to legitimize their activity, and the role
of the virtual Internet community in generating such a body
of legitimizing stories appears to be important.19 Offenders
talk of a lack of any objective measure as to whether the
child in the picture was actually being abused, or relate their
own experience of abuse. A frequent comment refers to the
smiling faces of the children in the pictures, as proof of their
enjoyment, or personal fantasies of abuse that normalize the
process of collecting. Whatever the level of participation in
such a “community,” the process of obtaining photographs
through the Internet validates and legitimizes such activity
and provides a sense of support to those with a sexual inter-
est in children. Such an engagement is flexible and dynamic
and offenders can engage at multiple levels through different
kinds of self-representation.
While those who access child pornography through the
Internet evidence many similarities with other child sex
offenders, they also demonstrate varying measures of “func-
tional addiction,”20 such as salience, mood modification,
tolerance, withdrawal symptoms and conflict and relapse.
This is an important consideration in the development of both
appropriate assessment and treatment programs for offenders.
There are a number of concerns that arise out of this
research. Despite the temptation of putting resources into
the detection of the relatively easier offences of possession
and trading, the emphasis must also be
on child protection and the identification
of children. Training for law enforcement
and other professionals needs to address
the evidential issues relating to the
pictures, with emphasis on tracing the
chain of postings and seeing the picture
content as evidential forensic material. To
understand the processes involved
requires knowledge of the behaviour of
downloaders and the language they use.
These concerns are echoed in assump-
tions made about current treatment for
such offenders and whether they are suffi-
ciently similar to other sex offenders to
be included in the same programs.
Granic and Lamey suggest that through
Net experiences people have come to rein-
terpret society, relationships and the self.21
The possibility that people are changed
by and subsequently contribute to change through the
Internet is highly relevant to the area of sexual offending.
Through the Internet we see a potential change in the
offender’s beliefs, values and cognitive styles. The fact that
through the Internet users can in the main go anywhere and
say anything without any official governing body restricting
those actions means that for some people this will be their
first experience of acting outside the confines of a conven-
tional hierarchy. Granic and Lamey make the important
observation that “conventional hierarchies are disrupted by
a distributed, decentralised network in which power is
spread among various people and groups and one voice does
not dominate or pre-empt others.” Such experiences may
empower some people such as sex offenders who have
otherwise felt marginalized in conventional society. Those
who have never been able to function at an optimal level in
the real world may now feel that they have the chance to do
so now that conventional structures are broken down: “So...
I’m still wearing the mask in effect... I’m still having to hide
who I am. I can’t be myself, and I miss being on-line for
that more than anything else ‘cause there is nowhere I can
be myself now,”(D.H. w0nderland operator).
It is also apparent that the isp industry has a role to play in
the regulation of child pornography on the Internet. Such
control might take place at a National level, either through
self-regulation or statutory control. This might be achieved
through the mandatory reporting of child pornography, which
will inevitably raise issues about censorship and the confiden-
Downloaders
move through
stages in their
behaviour,
which is directly
related to their
level of
engagement
with the
Internet.
100 Summer •Été 2001
child pornography, the internet and offending
tiality of records. Another important issue here relates to the
length of time isps retain records of user activity. It may also be
the case that control could be exerted on an International level
through the setting of common standards and values and by
establishing protocols in relation to “rogue” countries who
continue to facilitate the production and distribution of images
portraying the sexual abuse of children.
Max Taylor, Ethel Quayle and Gemma Holland are with the
Department of Applied Psychology, University College Cork, Ireland. A version
of this paper was presented as part of the Research Seminar series, hosted
byJustice Canada's Research and Statistics Division.
Endnotes
1. Y. Akdeniz, “The regulation of pornography and child pornography
on the Internet,” The Journal of Information, Law and Technology
(1997). Available on-line at http://elj.warwick.ac.uk/jult/inter-
net/97_lakdz. Visited September 20, 2000.
2. M. Taylor, “The nature and dimensions of child pornography on
the Internet.” Paper prepared for the International Conference
“Combating Child Pornography on the Internet,” Vienna, Austria,
September 29 to October 1, 1999. Available online at
http://www.stop-childpornog.at/, visited October 2, 2000.
3. D. Howitt, “Pornography and the paedophile: is it criminogenic?”
British Journal of Medical Psychiatry, Vol. 68, (1995), pp. 15–27.
4. Taylor, op cit.
5. A. Fournier de Saint Maur, Paper prepared for the International
Conference “Combating Child Pornography on the Internet,” Vienna,
Austria, September 29 to October 1, 1999. Available online at
http://www.stop-childpornog.at/, visited October 2, 2000.
6. G. Thomas and S. Wyatt, “Shaping Cyberspace — interpreting and
transforming the Internet, Research Policy, Vol. 28, (1999), pp. 681–698.
7. Taylor, op cit.
8. M. Healy, “Child pornography: An international perspective.”
Prepared as a working document for the World Congress Against
Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, 1997. Available online
at http://www.usis.usemb.se/children/csec/215e.htm, visited 29
September, 2000.
9. K.F. Durkin and C.D. Bryant, “Log on to sex: some notes on the
carnal computer and erotic cyberspace as an emerging research fron-
tier,” Deviant Behaviour, Vol. 16, (1995), pp. 179–2000.
10. Thomas and Watt, op cit.
11. J.A. Smith, “Semi-structured interviewing and qualitative analysis,”
in J.A.Smith, R. Harré and L. Van Langenhove, Rethinking Methods
in Psychology (London: Sage, 1995).
12. For further discussion of this approach, see: C. Willig, Applied
Discourse Analysis (Buckingham, Open University Press, 1999), and
L.A. Wood and R.O. Kroger, Doing discourse analysis (Thousand
Oaks: Sage, 2000).
13. W. Holloway and T. Jefferson, Doing qualitative research differ-
ently (London: Sage, 2000).
14. E. Quayle, C. Linehan, G. Holland and M. Taylor, “The Internet
and Offending behaviour; a case study,” Journal of Sexual Aggression,
in press.
15. K. Young and R. Rodgers, “The relationship between depression
and Internet addiction,” Cyber-Psychology, Vol. 1, (1998), pp. 25–28.
16. J. Morahan-Martin and P. Schumacher, “Incidence and correlates
of pathological Internet use among college students,” Computers in
Human Behavior, Vol. 16, (2000), pp. 13–29.
17. H. Bromberg, “Are muds communities? Identity, belonging and
consciousness in virtual worlds,” in R. Shields, Cultures of the Internet:
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C e numérode Sociologie et sociétés présente une perspective sociologique et critique
sur les enjeux des nouvelles formes de communication à l’aube du troisième millénaire
(réseaux informatiques, médias électroniques, réalité virtuelle, etc.). Il articule une
variété de points de vue représentant les différentes approches actuelles sur ces
phénomènes, tant en ce qui concerne les ancrages disciplinaires — principalement
sociologique, en phase avec la vocation de la revue, mais aussi connexes, tels que
droit, philosophie, et, bien sûr, communication—que les partis pris méthodologiques :
études de cas, démarches de type ethnographique ou analyses de discours. Ce numéro
thématique combine des essais de réflexions théoriques avec des articles s’appuyant
sur des études plus empiriques.
Les promesses du cyberespace
médiations, pratiques et pouvoirs à l’heure
de la communication électronique
volume 32, numéro 2
abonnement :
Institutions : 70 $ can. (à l’étranger : 75 $ us)
Individus : 37 $ can. (à l’étranger : 42 $ us)
ISBN 2-7606-2365-3 ISSN 0038-030X
