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A Social Psychological Model for Predicting Sexual Harassment
Abstract
This article presents a Person X Situation model of sexual harassment. In the tradition of Lewin (1951), this model suggests that sexually harassing behavior may be predicted from an analysis of social situational and person factors. Sexual harassment is a behavior that some people do some of the time. The social norms in specific organizational settings may “permit” sexual harassment. Certain individuals may possess proclivities for sexual harassment. When individuals with a proclivity for sexual harassment are placed in social situations that permit or accept this sort of behavior, the behavior is most likely to occur. From a review of research relating social norms in organizational settings and sexual harassment incidence, women are found more likely to experience sexual harassment in workplaces where men perceive the social norms as permitting such behavior. Research on sexual harassment proclivities in men also is reviewed. A profile of men who are high in the likelihood to sexually harass (LSH) is developed through an examination of correlations between the LSH scale and (1) standard self-report inventories, (2) social cognitive measures, and (3) social behaviors measured in laboratory settings. Possible applications of the Person X Situation analysis to different forms of sexual harassment are discussed.
... 46 In Langer's study, sexual harassment was reported at 25 percent for women and 10 percent for men. 47 Also, in terms of the age range of harassment experience, the findings of the researches in line with the findings of the present study, show that the highest rate of experience of bullying behaviors is between the ages of 12 and 16, and the lowest He was under 12 years old. The rate of experiencing abusive behaviors is 48.16% for men and 51.84% for women. ...
... This finding is consistent with the results of studies that show a higher rate of experiences of harassment of women than men. 47 In this regard, men, and women often differ in what they interpret as sexual harassment. Most of those who reported sexual harassment were women, and most perpetrators were men. ...
... doi: 10.5249/jivr.... consistent with the results of other studies. [32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41][42][43][44][45][46][47][48][49][50] Physical abuse was more common in men than women, consistent with the results of other studies. 51-52-42 Verbal harassment (29.63%) had the highest prevalence, and sexual-virtual harassment (18.74%) had the lowest prevalence. ...
Background:
Physical and sexual harassment has extensive psychological consequences on people's lives. Therefore, the using of a valid measure to identify this unpleasant experience in people can be useful both in determining the starting point of interventions related to victims and in general screenings in the society. In this regard, due to the lack of native and multidimensional measures to investigate this phenomenon, the aim of this study was to design and validation of the psychosexual harassment questionnaire.
Methods:
The research method was applied in terms of purpose and descriptive in terms of nature. The study population included all university students aged 18 to 30 in Hamadan province from 2021-2022. From this population, a sample of 600 participants was selected based on a multi-stage cluster sampling method according to the population of the studied cities. The measures were a 27-item researcher-made psychosexual harassment questionnaire and the Ryff Psychological Well-being Scale.
Results:
The results showed that the factor load was 27 items appropriate and 2 items inappropriate which were removed from the questionnaire. Finally, four factors including sexual harassment, physical harassment, sexual-virtual harassment, and verbal harassment were identified, in total, four factors could explain 58% of the variance of psychosexual harassment. Based on this, the four identified factors explained 33, 12, 8, and 5 percent of the variance of the structure of the psychosexual harassment construct, respectively. The adequacy of Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin sampling and Bartlett sphericity test (7332.2132) was calculated to be significant at the level of 0.001. The overall reliability of this questionnaire was calculated based on Cronbach's alpha coefficient equal to 0.91 and the reliability of physical, sexual, sexual-virtual and verbal harassment dimensions equal to 0.90, 0.88, 0.81, and 0.82, respectively.
Conclusions:
As a result, given the validity and reliability of this measure, researchers can use this measure to determine the level of four cases of abuse expressed. Also, due to having a nominal table and its interaction with each of the four dimensions of the measure, followed by obtaining very accurate and detailed information from the subject, clinicians can use this measure for clients and patients, especially in the category of disorders.
... Given this phenomenon's pervasiveness and potential perniciousness, especially in the Armed Forces, it would be ideal to identify modifiable risk and protective factors that could be-at least theoretically-manipulated to reduce future sexual harassment events. In several cross-sectional studies, perceived organizational tolerance for sexual harassment has consistently emerged as one of the more influential correlates of sexual harassment reports [8,[12][13][14]. Organizational tolerance has also been associated with some men's self-reported perpetration of sexual harassment [15]. ...
... Whether arising from peer groups, management, or a combination of the two, informal social norms can directly oppose official organizational policies. Thus, even within organizations supposedly intolerant of sexual harassment, social norms can vary tremendously across workgroups [13,18]. For example, despite official declarations of "zero tolerance" for military sexual harassment since 1994 [2], the 2002 service-wide survey of Armed Forces members [25] showed that 23% of men and 45% of women had been subjected to sexually crude and offensive Military Tolerance of Sexual Harassment Scale 6 behaviors. ...
... Groups were segregated by gender and by rank. Norms relevant to sexual harassment were conceptualized as both positive (e.g., social pressure to do the right thing) and negative (e.g., social pressure to harass) and as emanating from multiple organizational levels [13]. Specifically, items evaluated participants' perceptions of norms and mores at the level of: 1) their immediate peer work-group, 2) the person immediately above them in the chain of command (also referred to as their "immediate supervisor" in this paper), and 3) their unit's commanding officer (also referred to as their "senior officer"). ...
We developed and refined a measure of perceived sexual harassment tolerance, the Perceived Tolerance of Sexual Harassment in the Military (PTSH), that examined social norms perceived as emanating from troops’ immediate work unit, immediate supervisor, and senior officer. A 6-item version had 0.88 internal consistency and explained 55% of the variance in participants’ responses. Overall, the 6-item PTSH accounted for 3% of the variance in the severity of sexual harassment men reported and almost 16% of the variance in sexual harassment severity reported by women, after adjustment for other predictors. The PTSH could be a useful tool to identify norms across military units and posts, to identify characteristics associated with exceptionally low or high perceived sexual harassment tolerance, to establish benchmarks of performance, and to target future interventions to reduce sexual harassment.
... Sexual harassment research and scholarship suggest that managers and others in positions of authority play an important role in the occurrence of sexual harassment (e.g. Bell et al., 2002;Gruber, 1998;Pryor et al., 1995;Pryor et al., 1993) as well as how individuals respond to experiences of harassment (e.g. Murry et al., 2001;Offermann and Malamut, 2002). ...
... Murry et al., 2001;Offermann and Malamut, 2002). For example, research by Pryor and his colleagues (Pryor et al., 1993(Pryor et al., , 1995 suggests that leaders' attitudes about responses related to sexual harassment contribute to the development of local social norms that impact the occurrence and outcomes of sexual harassment. When leaders or people with status and authority are indifferent or neutral to sexual harassment, or discourage targets from complaining, harassment tends to be higher than when leaders are sensitive to sexual harassment and role model appropriate behavior (Pryor et al., 1993(Pryor et al., , 1995. ...
... For example, research by Pryor and his colleagues (Pryor et al., 1993(Pryor et al., , 1995 suggests that leaders' attitudes about responses related to sexual harassment contribute to the development of local social norms that impact the occurrence and outcomes of sexual harassment. When leaders or people with status and authority are indifferent or neutral to sexual harassment, or discourage targets from complaining, harassment tends to be higher than when leaders are sensitive to sexual harassment and role model appropriate behavior (Pryor et al., 1993(Pryor et al., , 1995. Gruber (1998) found that incidents of sexual harassment were lower in organizations that had more proactive policies and procedures for addressing sexual harassment. ...
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to present a model that explores the relationship between inclusive leadership, inclusive climates and sexual harassment and other negative work-related outcomes, at the work unit and individual levels.
Design/methodology/approach
A conceptual model of inclusive work unit leadership, inclusive work unit climate and sexual harassment based on a review of the literature.
Findings
Leaders who behave more inclusively are expected to have work units and work unit members who experience more positive outcomes and fewer negative outcomes including sexual harassment and other forms of mistreatment. Leaders impact their work unit and work unit members' outcomes directly as well as indirectly through the more inclusive work unit climates they create.
Research limitations/implications
The sexual harassment literature has identified climate for sexual harassment as a key predictor of sexually harassing behavior and its attendant negative outcomes. A focus on a broader inclusive climate, and inclusive leadership, may provide a richer understanding of the conditions under which sexual harassment and other forms of mistreatment occur and can be mitigated.
Practical implications
This model can help identify strategies organizations can employ (e.g. inclusive leadership development programs) to combat sexual harassment.
Social implications
This model may improve understanding of the systemic, organizational causes of sexual harassment reducing sexual harassment victims' potential self-blame and helping policymakers craft more effective sexual harassment interventions.
Originality/value
The paper conceives of work climates that contribute to sexual harassment more broadly than generally has been the case in the sexual harassment literature to date. The model highlights the important role that leaders play in shaping inclusive climates. It also contributes to the nascent literature on inclusion and inclusive climates, which has paid relatively little attention to exclusion and mistreatment including sexual harassment that are likely to arise in less inclusive workplaces.
... The presence of formal or informal regulation can mitigate the risk that threat or disgust will lead to discriminatory or aggressive conduct (Pryor, Giedd, and Williams 1995;Dovidio 2001;Dovidio et al. 2008;Dovidio and Gaertner 1998;Gaertner and Dovidio 1986;Rogers and Prentice-Dunn 1981). While individuals may vary in their responses to situational risk factors, the past century of social psychological research suggests that immediate situations and norms are far more powerful predictors of behavior than are attitudes (Mischel 1968;Wicker 1969;LaPiere 1934;Ross and Nisbett 2011;Dovidio 2001). ...
... The experience of the NyPD is consistent with a significant body of social psychology research indicating that people are far more likely to engage in discriminatory or aggressive behavior in situations that lack clear rules or norms mandating appropriate behavior or that allow for the exercise of discretion (Pryor, Giedd, and Williams 1995;Dovidio 2001;Dovidio et al. 2008;Dovidio and Gaertner 1998;Gaertner and Dovidio 1986;Rogers and Prentice-Dunn 1981). ...
... Biased aggression is less likely to occur when individuals fear censure from others, but it is disinhibited in situations in which people feel anonymous, deindividuated, or justified in their actions (Dovidio et al. 2008;Rogers and Prentice-Dunn 1981). Sexual harassment and sexual assault are also more likely to occur in situations in which perpetrators have neutral excuses for touching their victims or have reason to believe that their actions will be condoned by individuals in positions of authority (Pryor, LaVite, and Stoller 1993;Dekker and Barling 1998;Pryor, Giedd, and Williams 1995). ...
Despite an increase in research relating to racial disparities in policing—particularly in the area of deadly force—there have been comparatively few attempts to theorize which factors predict disparate policing. We fill this gap by combining routine activity theory from criminology with situationist approaches to discrimination from social psychology. We propose that disparate policing is most likely to occur when officers who are vulnerable to situational risk factors for bias encounter citizens who are members of vulnerable out-groups. We argue that situational risk factors for bias and aggression among police provoke feelings of threat and motivate self-protection and/or feelings of disgust and out-group derogation. We present social psychological laboratory research and, where available, field research specific to policing as a way of exploring and bolstering the proposed framework. This work supports an agenda for future scientific research that may assist practitioners in identifying likely opportunities for reform even as we await further field research that tests these hypothesized parameters.
... Some of the developed sexual harassment predicator, experience and outcome theories are natural-biological, Organizational, Socio cultural (Tangri et al., 1982, Schwartz et al., 1997, sex role spill over (Gutek and Morasch, 1982), person by situation (Pryor et al., 1995), Illionis Model (Fitzgerald et al., 1995, Mcinnis and Fitzgerald, 1997, Hurt, 2000 and Four factor Theory (O'Hare and O'Donohue, 1998). Two legal categories have been identified which are 1. ...
... Illionios Model of sexual harassment , Fitzgerald et al., 1995, Mcinnis and Fitzgerald, 1997 and PXS Model (Pryor, 1987, Pryor et al., 1995 are by far the two most developed and explored frameworks of both antecedents and outcomes of sexual harassment which describe the sexual harassment phenomena in a very beneficial manner. In the next few lines we are going to discuss the antecedents of sexual harassment as proposed by few of the developed theories of sexual harassment. ...
... Although sex-role spill over is a numerically tested theory and takes a more holistic view of sexual harassment and in comparison with previous three theories, it is still not successful in incorporating the individual perpetrator characteristics and organizational and situational variables that may moderate the harasser and harassment relationship (Pina et al., 2009). One of the two most discussed contemporary sexual harassment theories is Pryor et Al's "person by situation" theory (Pryor, 1987, Pryor et al., 1995 which assumes that men have potential likeness for the act of sexual harassment which can be accurately measured and men high in likeness of sexual harassment are likely to exhibit the behavior if grounds are clear and situation is suitable . To start with, Pryor adopted the notion that previous research on sexual harassment lacks research on characteristics of harasser due to the fact that people normally are reluctant to reveal being sexual harasser (Pryor, 1987). ...
... Interestingly, Lee, Gizzarone, and Ashton (2003) found that men high in harassment proclivity exhibited lower Honesty-Humility; a personality trait Studies have also shown that men with a greater harassment proclivity possess attitudes and social cognitions that are supportive of interpersonal violence against women; for example, displaying hostile sexism (Begany & Milburn, 2002), adversarial sexual beliefs (Pryor, 1987), myths that legitimise sexual aggression (Diehl, Glaser, & Bohner, 2014;Gerger, Kley, Bohner, & Siebler, 2007), and moral disengagement strategies (Galdi, Maass, & Cadinu, 2013;Page & Pina, 2018;Rudman & Mescher, 2012) to rationalise and justify harassing behaviour. These Sex-based Harassment and Stalking 18 studies are important because research has consistently demonstrated that self-reported harassment proclivity is predictive of actual harassment behaviour (see Dall'Ara & Maass, 1999;Maass et al., 2003;Pryor, Giedd, & Williams, 1995;Pryor, LaVite, & Stoller, 1993;Siebler et al., 2008). Consequently, there is a significant risk that individuals predisposed to harass will eventually perpetrate harassing acts when situational factors are permissive (Pryor et al., 1995). ...
... These Sex-based Harassment and Stalking 18 studies are important because research has consistently demonstrated that self-reported harassment proclivity is predictive of actual harassment behaviour (see Dall'Ara & Maass, 1999;Maass et al., 2003;Pryor, Giedd, & Williams, 1995;Pryor, LaVite, & Stoller, 1993;Siebler et al., 2008). Consequently, there is a significant risk that individuals predisposed to harass will eventually perpetrate harassing acts when situational factors are permissive (Pryor et al., 1995). ...
Sex-based harassment and stalking are highly prevalent forms of interpersonal aggression that often result in an array of detrimental and severe impacts for victims. In this chapter, we examine some of the common challenges associated with defining and legislating against sex-based harassment and stalking, as well as considering existing classifications of behaviour and perpetrator motivations. In doing so, our aim is to highlight the complex nature of these forms of interpersonal aggression and the difficulties associated with ascertaining boundaries between 'reasonable' and 'unreasonable' behaviour. We proceed to discuss the importance of appropriately targeted evidence-based educational campaigns to increase public awareness and understanding regarding the reality of sex-based harassment and stalking. Our conclusion is that increased education will enable greater recognition of the diverse behaviours that constitute sex-based harassment and stalking, so that people are better able to identify both their own and others' victimisation experiences.
... Diferentes investigadores han sostenido que el acoso sexual y otros comportamientos coercitivos podrían hacer parte de una dimensión más amplia y más general de hostilidad hacia las mujeres (Diehl et al., 2016;Fiske, 2018;Russell & Oswald, 2016;Russell & Trigg, 2004;Glick & Fiske, 1995, 1996Jackman, 1999;Pryor, 1987). Estudios previos (Pryor, Giedd & Williams, 1995;Pryor & Whalen, 1997) obtuvieron como resultado que las actitudes hostiles hacia las mujeres estaban relacionadas con la inclinación o propensión al acoso sexual. Ésta propone que, en la medida en que los comportamientos de acoso son aceptados, los hombres que adoptan opiniones sexistas o que no consideran a las mujeres como parte del endogrupo, tienen más probabilidades de albergar actitudes hostiles y manifestarlas en el lugar de trabajo. ...
... Los resultados también permiten observar que, aunque las mujeres tienen una mayor percepción del acoso sexual que los hombres, es probable que tanto los hombres como las mujeres que tienen una menor percepción del acoso sexual sean más propensos a albergar actitudes de hostilidad y benevolencia hacia las mujeres. De hecho, los niveles de sexismo benevolente y de sexismo hostil son factores importantes en la identificación del acoso sexual; estos hallazgos son consistentes con investigaciones previas que encontraron que la hostilidad hacia las mujeres juega un papel importante en la identificación de las actitudes de acoso en los hombres y mujeres (Fiske, 2018;Glick & Fiske, 1995;Pryor et al., 1995;Russell & Oswald, 2016). Con respecto a las diferencias en la percepción del acoso sexual con respecto a los niveles de sexismo ambivalente se observó que, tanto en sus formas hostiles como benevolentes, los mayores niveles de prejuicio sexista se observaron en los participantes que indicaron "Nunca" haber percibido una situación de acoso sexual. ...
El prejuicio sexista en sus formas hostil o benevolente favorece la estereotipia de la mujer. Asimismo, de acuerdo a la teoría del rol social, las personas están circunscritas a tareas determinadas porque existen disposiciones inherentes a ellas que generan tal correspondencia; en consecuencia, se infiere que hombres y mujeres se adscriben a determinados roles sociales tradicionales por sus cualidades personales, evaluación que deriva en los estereotipos de género. El objetivo principal de este trabajo fue analizar las percepciones sobre el acoso sexual por parte de hombres y mujeres, así como su relación con el sexismo ambivalente (en su forma hostil como benevolente) y la ideología de los roles sociales de género. Para tal fin, se trabajó con una muestra de 432 participantes (mujeres, 64.54%; hombres, 35.46%) con una media de 31.09 años, residentes en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires. Los resultados indican un amplio porcentaje de invisibilización del acoso sexual, siendo los hombres quienes lo perciben significativamente menos que las mujeres. Asimismo, se hallaron diferencias en la percepción del acoso sexual según los niveles de sexismo hostil y benevolente, así como también con respecto a la ideología del rol de género. Se discuten los resultados en contraste con datos obtenidos en estudios previos sobre el acoso sexual, así como las relaciones con variables psicosociales.
... Opinions about gender shape people's tolerance of SH; people endorsing more traditional and patriarchal gender roles will be more tolerant (e.g., Begany & Millburn, 2002;Foulis & McCabe, 1997;Herzog, 2007;Lonsway et al., 2008;Pryor et al., 1995;Reilly et al., 1992;Russell & Trigg, 2004). Specifically, Lonsway et al. (2008) find that common myths surrounding SH are strongly and positively associated with sexism, stereotypical sex roles, and hostility toward women but negatively with support for feminism. ...
This study examines the predictors of tolerance for different forms of sexual harassment among Chinese nationals, both students and non-students, residing in mainland China and abroad (N=2094). The forms of harassment comprise unwanted sexual attention, gender harassment, and sexual coercion. Drawing from Sykes and Matza’s theory of techniques of neutralization (e.g., denial of injury and denial of responsibility), we hypothesize that respondents—especially non-students—who employ neutralization techniques are more likely to tolerate sexual and gender harassment. Multiple regression models find mixed support for this hypothesis. Overall, being a woman and endorsement of traditional gender roles consistently shape students’ and non-students’ tolerance of sexual harassment behaviors, regardless of the subtype of harassment. For Chinese policymakers, we suggest that change must start by giving women a voice and recognizing the necessity of gender equality in education. Limitations are also discussed.
... Leaders play an important role in the occurrence of sexual harassment as well as how individuals respond to experiences of it (Perry et al., 2021). When leaders role model appropriate behavior, are sensitive to and discourage sexual harassment, harassment is less likely than when they are indifferent to it (Pryor et al., 1993(Pryor et al., , 1995. Leaders' enforcement of sexual harassment policy and their efforts to stop harassment when it occurs are negatively related to incidences of sexual harassment, and positively related to employees' organizational commitment and satisfaction and greater likelihood of reporting harassment (e.g., Gruber, 1998;Offermann & Malamut, 2002;Williams et al., 1999). ...
This paper provides a qualitative review of research related to sexual harassment interventions employed in institutions of higher education (IHEs) and introduces a needs assessment process that IHE administrators can use to inform their choice of intervention. Additionally, this paper provides direction regarding how to assess the impact of sexual harassment interventions as prevention programs can only be effective if they are continuously evaluated. This review may help researchers identify under researched sexual harassment related topics in higher education and IHE administrators make evidence-based decisions related to the choice, implementation, and assessment of sexual harassment interventions.
... Organizational climate -to mention another important organization-level factor -is a key driver of harassment (Pryor, Giedd, and Williams, 1995). Incidents of sexual and other harassment are more likely to occur in working environments where harassment is "tolerated" by a leadership that fails to act on complaints, does not sanction perpetrators or protect complainants from retaliation (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine 2018). ...
This article outlines the theoretical foundations of the research contributions of this edited collection about “Diversity and Discrimination in Research Organizations.” First, the sociological understanding of the basic concepts of diversity and discrimination is described and the current state of research is introduced. Second, national and organizational contextual conditions and risk factors that shape discrimination experiences and the management of diversity in research teams and organizations are presented. Third, the questions and research approaches of the individual contributions to this edited collection are presented.
... Organizational climate -to mention another important organization-level factor -is a key driver of harassment (Pryor, Giedd, and Williams, 1995). Incidents of sexual and other harassment are more likely to occur in working environments where harassment is "tolerated" by a leadership that fails to act on complaints, does not sanction perpetrators or protect complainants from retaliation (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine 2018). ...
This article outlines the theoretical foundations of the research contributions of this edited collection about “Diversity and Discrimination in Research Organizations.” First, the sociological understanding of the basic concepts of diversity and discrimination is described and the current state of research is introduced. Second, national and organizational contextual conditions and risk factors that shape discrimination experiences and the management of diversity in research teams and organizations are presented. Third, the questions and research approaches of the individual contributions to this edited collection are presented.
... Few studies in fact, consider a Person-X-Situation model interacting the social context with individual characteristics. Pryor et al. applied such a model showing that the environmental climate had different effects for males and females in the US military [21,22]. ...
Background
Sexual harassment (SH) is prevalent in military settings and dependent on the workplace environment. Few studies have investigated this issue in non-US military settings nor have examined how contextual and individual factors related to Military Sexual Trauma (MST) vary by gender.
Methods
This study draws on a national sexual survey in the French military including 1268 servicemen and 232 servicewomen. We examined four sexual stressors (repeated sexual comments, sexual coercion, repeated unwanted verbal sexual attention and sexual assault (SA)) and two combined measures of verbal SH (comments, unwanted attention) and MST (all forms). We conducted multivariate logistic regressions to identify contextual and individual factors related to these outcomes.
Results
36.7% of women and 17.5% of men experienced MST in the last year and 12.6% and 3.5% reported SA. Factors associated with verbal SH differed from those related to SA. The odds of verbal SH were elevated among men who had sex with men (OR = 3.5) and among women officers (OR = 4.6) while the odds of SA were elevated among men less than 25 years (OR = 3.5) and women with less than a high school diploma (OR = 10.9). The odds of SH increased by 20% to 80% when men worked in units with higher female representation, higher prevalence of MST (sexual comments, or sexual assault, coercion, repeated unwanted attention) and lower acceptance of women in the miliatry. The odds of SA also increased by 70% among men working in units with higher female representation and higher prevalence of sexual oppression. The odds of SA against women were particular high (OR = 5.7) in units with a high prevalence of sexual assault, coercion, or repeated unwanted attention.
Conclusion
MST is common in the French military, with women experiencing more severe forms than men. Our resuls call for programmatic action to reduce workplace factors related to verbal SH and SA in the French military.
... While the importance of sexual violence has been highlighted mainly through the feminist perspective, due to the significant prevalence of male perpetration against females (Pryor et al., 1995), research suggests that this phenomenon is not exclusively committed by men towards women (Lottes, 1992;Struckman-Johnson et al., 2003). Specifically, literature argues that men are less likely to feel threatened and frightened by women, as, due to their superior physical strength, men inflict more severe violence on women than vice versa (White et al., 2000). ...
Stalking is broadly described as a pattern of unwanted and repeated pursuing behaviours towards a person, which cause this person fear or distress. It has been characterised as a heterogeneous crime and is often underreported, contributing to the research scarcity surrounding it. Nonetheless, existing literature has suggested a link between stalking and sexual violence, as perpetrators of both crimes have been found to share adverse cognitions and personality traits. However, the nature of the relationship between stalking and sexual violence remains underexplored. The aim of the present study is to explore the relationship between stalking, sexual violence, gender, and the Dark Tetrad (Machiavellianism, subclinical narcissism, subclinical psychopathy, and sadism) in the general population. The sample consisted of 319 participants from the general population, who were recruited online and completed a questionnaire. Stalking perpetration, sexual harassment, sexual coercion perpetration, and Dark Tetrad personality traits were measured. Analyses showed significant correlations between stalking, sexual harassment, and sexual coercion. No gender differences were found in stalking perpetration. Small but significant gender differences were found in sexual harassment and sexual coercion; however, gender was not a significant predictor of such behaviours. While the Dark Tetrad was strongly correlated with stalking and sexual violence, not all its components significantly predicted these behaviours. These results provide valuable insights regarding stalking and sexual violence in their less severe forms, and, therefore, contribute towards the effective prevention of such phenomena and towards potential escalation of sexual violence.
Keywords: Stalking, Sexual Harassment, Sexual Coercion, Dark Tetrad, General Population.
... The presence of derogatory slurs toward women may produce a chilly climate by signaling social norms and tolerance for sexist behavior. Discriminatory behavior is more likely to occur in settings where social norms are perceived as permitting such behavior (Cortina, 2008;Pryor et al., 1995). For instance, among men high in hostile sexism, the presence of sexist humor makes it seem as though sexism is tolerated and normative in the setting (Ford et al., 2001) and leads hostile sexist men to more readily express prejudice toward women (Ford et al., 2008). ...
Gender harassment is prevalent in contexts where women are underrepresented and negatively stereotyped, yet instances of gender harassment are often discounted as unimportant and inconsequential. The current research presents an examination of gender harassment operating on a male-majority university campus in the form of a sex-based slur known as the “Princess Syndrome.” Across two studies, the present research investigated the prevalence, meaning, and adverse consequences of the label. Study 1 indicated that the label was widespread at the university: 70% of participants had heard of the label, nearly half had used the label, and 1 out of 4 female participants had been targeted by the label. Inductive content analysis of open-ended responses revealed that the label was a derogatory term used to insult and degrade women by stigmatizing women as manipulative, exploitative, and stuck up. In Study 2, participants read about and rated a female student who was either labeled with the “Princess Syndrome” or not. Consistent with predictions, participants were more likely to discount the female student’s success in an engineering course as due to external factors (e.g., luck), rated her as less competent, and were less likely to choose to work with her on a team project when she was labeled with the “Princess Syndrome” than when she was not labeled. Results contribute to a growing body of literature demonstrating that sex-based slurs matter and suggest that slurs such as the “Princess Syndrome” may constitute a consequential yet understudied source of gender harassment for undergraduate women in STEM that reinforces and maintains gender inequity.
... Men who embrace sexist opinions are more likely to harbour hostile attitudes towards women, which can manifest in their behaviour (Flood, 2007;Glick & Hilt, 2000;Pryor & Whalen, 1997). Pryor et al. (1995) found that the holding of hostile and sexist beliefs is associated with higher likelihood to sexually harass. Similarly, Russell and Trigg (2004) reported that those who are more tolerant of sexual harassment are more likely to harbour ambivalence and hostility towards women. ...
‘Catcalling’ is a common form of street harassment, often described as sexual harassment from a stranger in a public place. In most cases, it involves a man intruding on a woman’s attention using words, whistles, sounds, or gestures, which essentially define the woman as a sexual object. The purpose of the present study was to explore men’s motivations for catcalling and to investigate the characteristics of men who catcall relative to those who do not. Male participants (N = 258) completed online survey measures of sexism, masculinity/femininity, social dominance, and attitudes toward sexual harassment. We also included a measure exploring motivations for catcalling and reactions that catcallers hope to elicit in their targets. The most frequently reported motivations for catcalling were to flirt with and to express sexual interest in the target, and the most desired reaction from recipients was friendliness. Further, men who reported having engaged in catcalling demonstrated higher levels of hostile sexism, self-ascribed masculinity, social dominance orientation, and tolerance of sexual harassment.
... At the organizational level, factors such as workplace sex-ratio, organizational norms and culture, the availability of grievance procedures, power differentials between male and female employees, and industry type have been documented as significant predictors of workplace sexual harassment (Chamberlain et al. 2008;De Coster, Estes, and Mueller 1999;Dekker and Barling 1998;Hershcovis and Barling 2010;Hulin, Fitzgerald, and Drasgow 1996;Ingham 1967;Kohlman 2004;McLaughlin, Uggen, and Blackstone 2012;Mueller, De Coster, and Estes 2001;O'Hare and O'Donohue 1998;Pryor, Giedd, and Williams 1995). Findings from previous research consistently show that relative to women employed in gender-balanced or female-dominated workplaces, women employed in male-dominated occupations and work contexts (e.g., law enforcement, corrections, construction, etc.) exhibit a greater risk of falling victim to sexual harassment (Gruber 1998;McCabe and Hardman 2005;Willness, Steel, and Lee 2007). ...
There is a dearth of empirical studies examining sexual harassment within the accounting industry and that which does exist tends to focus exclusively on female victims. Employing six individual-level characteristics and five organizational-level characteristics, this study examines the prevalence and nature of workplace sexual harassment among a sample of male and female certified public accountants. This study also assesses whether the correlates of sexual harassment differ by gender. Results indicate that female respondents have greater risks of encountering sexual harassment relative to male respondents. Further, two organizational-level measures, management’s view on workplace sexual harassment and whether the firm has made adequate provisions to deal with the issue, also emerged as significant predictors of workplace sexual harassment. Limitations and suggestions for future research are discussed.
... Finally, we tested the hypothesis that sexist attitudes and acceptance of sexual harassment myths sequentially mediate these associations. Previous research has pointed out that hostile attitudes and sexism towards women are related to attitudes about sexual harassment (Hill & Marshall, 2018;Lonsway et al., 2008;Russell & Hoswald, 2015;Suarez & Gadalla, 2010) and sexual harassment proclivity (Pryor, Giedd, & Williams, 1995). Sexism is deeply rooted in traditional gender roles, which fuel views of women as inferior to men and hostility towards women who go beyond the boundaries of the prescribed feminine role, even among other women (Glick & Hilt, 2000;Spence & Helmreich, 1978). ...
As a consequence of exposure to sexualized messages, girls and women may internalize the belief that sexual attractiveness to men is an important aspect of their identity. Whereas research on internalized sexualization has mainly focused on its consequences for girls' well-being and academic outcomes, the present study (N = 222, women, aged 20 to 29) examined whether internalized sexualization is related to sexist attitudes and tolerance of sexual harassment among young women. It also analyzed internalized sexualization' links to women's views of notorious sexual abuse allegations in the so-called Weinstein scandal and attitudes towards the #MeToo movement, a campaign aimed at combatting sexual harassment and sexual assault. The study was conducted in Italy, a context characterized by pervasive sexualized messages and diffuse criticism against the #MeToo movement. The findings showed that internalized sexualization was associated with stronger endorsement of sexist attitudes and higher acceptance of sexual harassment myths, which worked as sequential mediators of skepticism towards sexual abuse allegations in the Weinstein scandals. Endorsement of sexist attitudes mediated the relation between internalized sexualization and negative attitudes towards the #MeToo movement. This study extends the knowledge on the correlates of sexualization, suggesting that women's internalization of the belief that they should be sexually attractive to men might contribute to reinforce ideologies and attitudes that perpetrate women's mistreatment while diminishing support for social activism on women's behalf.
... Benevolent sexism is typically associated with protective paternalism and patronizing behaviour toward women (Glick & Fiske, 1996;Dardenne, Dumont & Bollier, 2007). Even though benevolent sexism might be seen as less harmful than hostile sexism, it has been found that the attitudes it encompasses are associated with beliefs that excuse sexual harassment (Pryor, Giedd & Williams, 1995). Benevolent sexism is not necessarily recognized as sexist (Barreto & Ellemers, 2005). ...
Sexism in digital games has received a lot of attention in recent research. Most such studies are addressing the perception of sexist content in games and the attitude in gaming communities. This article analyses the digital game Behind Every Great One, which portraits benevolent sexism, i.e. sexism that may appear positive but that has a damaging effect. What is unique with this game is that it is played from the victim’s perspective, a housewife. The article presents an inductive analysis of the game using a triangulation of three different methods: a textual analysis, a player study, and an interview with the developer. The result shows that the game manages to convey benevolent sexism to players and evoke empathy for the victim. This is achieved through a combination of mechanics, narrative, and visual and musical aesthetics. For example, the physical space available for the protagonist is constantly shrinking and crying is used as a powerful mechanics in the game. The player needs to find an empty space for the protagonist to cry and this provides insight into her emotional state. Through the game, the developer reflects upon his own behaviour towards women and the consequences it might have had for them. In particular how his, and other men’s, self-absorption forces their female partners into an undesirable social role, in which their needs are constantly neglected. The combination of a meaningful gameplay and the use of game mechanics to convey a message lead us to suggest that the gameplay can be characterized as a persuasive meaningful play. The game has a potential to be used in educational environments as a starting point for discussions regarding gender roles and benevolent sexism.
... using sociocostructionist frameworks (Walker et al., 2018), as well as cognitive (Beck & Deffenbacher, 2000;Murphy et al., 2007) and psychodynamic approaches (Hoffmann & Meloy, 2008) and neurobiological perspectives (Marazziti et al., 2015). Scholarly explanations of stalkers' motives for beginning their stalking behavior are informed by various approaches, such as the clinical (Nijdam-Jones et al., 2018), gender-based (Yanowitz, 2006;Yanowitz & Yanowitz, 2012), social-psychological (Pryor et al., 1995), and cultural approaches (Jagessar & Sheridan, 2004). From among the possible interpretative frameworks, we adopted the attachment perspective as a possible risk factor; this approach aligns with prior research by Meloy (1992), which employed the same approach. ...
The efficacy of treatment for stalkers might depend on identifying peculiarities in the life stories of members of this population and their specific needs. We interviewed 14 Italian male stalkers between 27 and 78 years old (M = 44.5 years) detained in two northwest Italian correctional facilities. We aimed to investigate two main aspects: First, we evaluated the subjects’ states of mind (SoMs) with respect to early attachment using the Adult Attachment Interview. Second, we assessed the possible recurrence of narrative clusters between the narratives of these offenders, whom we also interviewed about their persecutory acts, using the Index Offense Interview. The results indicated that the vast majority of the stalkers in our sample had a dismissing SoM with respect to their early attachment, as well as many unresolved traumas. Furthermore, by comparing their narratives, we outlined six narrative themes: (a) the perception of rejection as a main motivational factor, (b) the representation of the self as right and as a victim of others’ behaviors, (c) a lack of impulse control, (d) the idealization of attachment figures, (e) intense separation anxiety, and (f) a personal theory about stalking. Given this population’s high recurrence rates following detention, the study of which adult attachment representations are linked with the stalking phenomenon and which critical themes are present in stalkers’ narratives may improve clinical interventions for this specific population.
... Within the framework of social cognition-an approach to social psychological research that rested, in part, on the cognitive dissonance paradigm of the 1960s-psychologists explored gender differences in perceptions of what constitutes sexual harassment (see Fitzgerald & Shullman, 1993). Multiple studies revealed sex differences in what is taken to be reasonable conduct, as men categorize fewer workplace behaviors as ''sexual harassment'' than women and this sex difference is largest in the United States (Pryor et al., 1995). Gender differences in reasonableness impacted the courts as in Ellison v. Brady (1991), where the extant ''reasonable man'' standard regarding what behaviors did and did not constitute ''sexual harassment'' was challenged by applying a ''reasonable woman'' standard (see Forell & Matthews, 2000), while in 1993 APA lawyers submitted an amicus brief on the subject in the Supreme Court case Harris v. Forklift Systems. ...
Sexual harassment has received unprecedented attention in recent years. Within academia, it has a particularly reflexive relationship with the human sciences in which sexual harassment can be both an object of research and a problematic behaviour amongst those engaged in that research. This paper offers a partial history in which these two are brought together as a common object of social psychology’s culture of sexual harassment. Here we follow Haraway (1997) in using culture to capture the sense making that psychologists do through and to the side of their formal knowledge production practices. Our history is multi-sited and draws together (1) the use of sexual harassment as an experimental technique, (2) feminist activism and research which made sexual harassment an object of knowledge in social psychology, and (3) oral history accounts of sexual harassment amongst social psychologists. By reading these contexts against each other, we provide a thick description of how sexual harassment initiates women and men into cultures of control in experimental social psychology and highlight the ethical-epistemological dilemma inherent in disciplinary practices.
... Research on sexual harassment over the last three decades has revealed much about the perpetrator (for review see Pina, Gannon, & Saunders, 2009), such as the characteristics of harassers and the circumstances under which they are likely to harass (e.g., Pryor & Whalen, 1997), the personality and behaviors of those who are more likely to sexually harass (Pryor & Stoller, 1994), and the prior attitudes (about women) of those who are more likely to harass (Pryor, Giedd, & Williams, 1995). Research has also revealed information on who is more likely to be harassed (e.g., Chamberlain, Crowley, Tope, & Hodson, 2008). ...
In his famous social conformity experiments in the 1950's, Asch found 75% of participants conformed to confederates’ incorrect answers at least once, with an overall conformity rate of 32%, revealing that humans are highly likely to conform to group behavior even when that behavior is clearly wrong. The purpose of this study was to determine if the social conformity effect generalized to scenarios involving sexual harassment punishment selections in the workplace. Participants read various workplace sexual harassment scenarios and then witnessed four confederates chose one of three types of punishments (verbal warning, 1‐week suspension, or termination). The confederates stated aloud punishments that were either appropriate (i.e., similar to normative data) or inappropriate (i.e., deviating either too harshly or leniently to normative data). Participants then provided their punishments selection aloud, and confidentially rated their decision confidence. We found an overall conformity rate of 46%, as 82.67% conformed at least once to harsh or lenient punishment selections. Participants who conformed to incorrect punishment selections exhibited lower levels of decision confidence, indicating that conformity may have been due more to social normative influence. The current results imply the social responses of others (i.e., coworkers, supervisors, or HR) can impact responses to sexual harassment. The results imply that social influence may be a significant contributing factor in mislabeling, misreporting, or inappropriately punishing sexual harassment in some organizations.
... Sexual harassment is widespread in both developed and developing countries (Pryor, Giedd, & Williams, 1995). Types of harassment include unwanted verbal (e.g. ...
Sexual harassment is a common experience for women in urban spaces. While many studies have shown the types of urban environments that are hostile to women, limited research has examined the empirical relationship between sexual harassment and the configuration of the street network. This study uses crowdsourced data and space syntax analysis to investigate the relationship of the frequency of sexual harassment to the proximity of such incidents to main streets in the central business district of Cairo, Egypt. The results show that harassment incidents are associated with street segments with high volumes of foot traffic. Unsafe space usually lacks a balanced co-presence of males and females where the former outnumber the latter. The article advances our knowledge of visibility and spatial accessibility characteristics of sexual harassment incidents and the potential impacts of urban design and planning policies on women's power and fragility.
... The sexual harassment of women is an extensively investigated and intensively treated social problem around the globe [26,28,30]. It occurs in multiple forms and locations, from domestic violence inside the home to more generalized patterns of harassment in public places. ...
The story of how a group of Bangladeshi volunteers used technology to address the country's sexual abuse problem.
... Antioppressive education works to counter deeply ingrained oppressive norms (e.g., sexism, rape myths) by forcing individuals to be comfortable with being uncomfortable. Beyond increases to an organization's bottom line, training and development programs can positively change organizational cultures by decreasing unethical and unprofessional behaviors such as sexual harassment and sexual assault (Pryor, Giedd, & Williams, 1995). ...
The sport industry is ripe for issues of sexual harassment/assault due to the high value placed on masculine characteristics and the power differential between male leaders/coaches and female subordinates/athletes. This culture permeates sport organizations, as issues of sexual harassment/assault committed by athletes and coaches/administrators are commonplace and have recently been mishandled, raising questions about effective education. This study examined the relationship between education on sexual harassment/assault and the endorsement of rape myths by sport management students. Results indicate that training on sexual harassment/assault in sport management classrooms is low and is potentially ineffective at curbing rape myth acceptance, suggesting current curricula are insufficient. These findings have both theoretical and practical contributions related to how sport management departments can prepare future professionals to change the culture of sport.
... While many researchers have contended that sexual harassment is part 81 of a larger and more general dimension of hostility toward women (Glick & Fiske, 1996;Pryor, 82 1987), few studies have actually examined associations between sexual harassment and broader 83 (gender) attitudes or personality traits. To expand our understanding of sexual harassment, we 84 rely on the Person X Situation Model ( Pryor et al., 1995;Pryor, LaVite, & Stoller, 1993) 85 according to which both personal and situational factors contribute to sexual harassment 86 behavior. ...
To investigate the association between personality traits, perceived social norms, and sexual harassment in the workplace, 199 white-collar workers answered an online questionnaire (96 men, 103 women). Based on logistic regression analysis, we investigated the associations between sexual harassment behaviors in the workplace, perceived social norms, and the personality traits extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness. Results suggest that lower levels of openness are associated with higher levels of sexual harassment behaviors for both men and women. Furthermore, for both men and women, the association between openness and sexual harassment behaviors is greater if one perceives higher acceptance of sexual harassment by their peers. For men, sexual harassment behaviors are also associated with age, sexual harassment myth acceptance, and lower levels of conscientiousness. In contrast, for women sexual harassment behaviors are associated with higher levels of extraversion and neuroticism.
... Within the framework of social cognition-an approach to social psychological research that rested, in part, on the cognitive dissonance paradigm of the 1960s-psychologists explored gender differences in perceptions of what constitutes sexual harassment (see Fitzgerald & Shullman, 1993). Multiple studies revealed sex differences in what is taken to be reasonable conduct, as men categorize fewer workplace behaviors as ''sexual harassment'' than women and this sex difference is largest in the United States (Pryor et al., 1995). Gender differences in reasonableness impacted the courts as in Ellison v. Brady (1991), where the extant ''reasonable man'' standard regarding what behaviors did and did not constitute ''sexual harassment'' was challenged by applying a ''reasonable woman'' standard (see Forell & Matthews, 2000), while in 1993 APA lawyers submitted an amicus brief on the subject in the Supreme Court case Harris v. Forklift Systems. ...
Sexual harassment has received unprecedented attention in recent years. Withinacademia, it has a particularly reflexive relationship with the human sciences in which sexual harassment can be both an object of research and a problematic behaviour amongst those engaged in that research. This paper offers a partial history in which these two are brought together as a common object of social psychology’s culture of sexual harassment. Here we follow Haraway (1997) in using culture to capture the sense making that psychologists do through and to the side of their formal knowledge production practices. Our history is multi-sited and draws together (1) the use of sexual harassment as an experimental technique, (2) feminist activism and research which made sexual harassment an object of knowledge in social psychology, and (3) oral history accounts of sexual harassment amongst social psychologists. By reading these contexts against each other, we provide a thick description of how sexual harassment initiates women and men into cultures of control in experimental social psychology and highlight the ethical-epistemological dilemma inherent in disciplinary practices.
... Within the framework of social cognition-an approach to social psychological research that rested, in part, on the cognitive dissonance paradigm of the 1960s-psychologists explored gender differences in perceptions of what constitutes sexual harassment (see Fitzgerald & Shullman, 1993). Multiple studies revealed sex differences in what is taken to be reasonable conduct, as men categorize fewer workplace behaviors as ''sexual harassment'' than women and this sex difference is largest in the United States (Pryor et al., 1995). Gender differences in reasonableness impacted the courts as in Ellison v. Brady (1991), where the extant ''reasonable man'' standard regarding what behaviors did and did not constitute ''sexual harassment'' was challenged by applying a ''reasonable woman'' standard (see Forell & Matthews, 2000), while in 1993 APA lawyers submitted an amicus brief on the subject in the Supreme Court case Harris v. Forklift Systems. ...
Sexual harassment has received unprecedented attention in recent years. Within academia, it has a particularly reflexive relationship with the human sciences in which sexual harassment can be both an object of research and a problematic behavior amongst those engaged in that research. This paper offers a partial history in which these two are brought together as a common object of social psychology’s culture of sexual harassment. Here we follow Haraway in using culture to capture the sense-making that psychologists do through and to the side of their formal knowledge production practices. Our history is multi-sited and draws together (1) the use of sexual harassment as an experimental technique, (2) feminist activism and research which made sexual harassment an object of knowledge in social psychology, and (3) oral history accounts of sexual harassment amongst social psychologists. By reading these contexts against each other, we provide a thick description of how sexual harassment initiates women and men into cultures of control in experimental social psychology and highlight the ethical-epistemological dilemma inherent in disciplinary practices.
... Sexual harassment is a pervasive social issue around the globe (Pryor et al, 1995). It occurs in various forms that include unwelcome verbal, physical or visual behaviours including catcalling, ogling, stalking/following, whistles, leers, winks, obscene phone calls and facial expressions, and touching (Howard, 2007;Ahmed et al, 2014;HarassMap, 2014). ...
While demographic and social determinants of sexual harassment have been intensively and extensively investigated, attention to the role of the spatial configuration of the built environment remains limited. With a special focus on the Greater Cairo region, this study examines the occurrence of improper touching in public streets through a comprehensive review of the literature, space syntax analysis, band analysis and field survey. The results show that incidents’ locations are associated with spatially accessible street segments and that men dominate public spaces of the Cairo central business district (CBD), especially after dark. Busy routes have a dual effect: they give some sense of safety as a result of informal surveillance, people being ‘eyes on the street’, but may assist potential harassers to perpetrate, hide and escape swiftly. Unsafe space usually lacks a balanced and ‘civilised co-presence’ among inhabitants and strangers where strangers outnumber local residents. Accordingly, understanding human movement patterns and the spatial context of the most vulnerable types of urban spaces are an invaluable step to design out sexual harassment.
Prior research is limited in the study of correspondence between online and in-person forms of sexual harassment (SH) among adult men as well as correlates of these behaviors. The present study assesses whether social dominance orientation (SDO; i.e., the tendency to reject equality and support hierarchy-legitimizing myths and behaviors) might be associated with increases in SH perpetration both online and in-person, perhaps through increases in perceived social support for SH and masculine gender role discrepancy stress. Among a sample of U.S. adult men (N = 167), results indicated that there were indirect effects of SDO on both in-person and online SH through increases in perceived social norms but not through masculine gender role discrepancy stress. A competing model, in which SDO mediates these associations, was not supported. Results support the use of social norms approaches to target perceived social norms, if these results are replicated within temporal designs.
To understand who initiates social sexual behavior (SSB) at work, we examine the strength of individuals’ social sexual identity (SSI), a self-definition as a person who leverages sex appeal in pursuit of personally valued gains. Using a social-cognitive framework that explores the intersection of personality, motivation, and situations, six studies (N = 2,598) establish that SSI strength is a novel predictor of SSB, including sexual harassment, and SSI strength mediates gender differences in SSB tendencies. We find that men’s (but not women’s) propensity to initiate SSB increases when pursuing self-enhancement goals (e.g., a powerful image), and these gender differences are mediated by momentary SSI strength. By contrast, the adoption of self-transcendence (e.g., affiliation) goals mitigates gender differences in SSB. Together, these findings illustrate the central role of the self-concept in explaining why and when gender differences emerge in patterns of SSB.
Building upon two complimentary theoretical frameworks related to group relations (i.e., Intergroup Contact Theory and Peer Exposure), we examined how emerging adults’ friendships with men and women were related to their hostile sexism, benevolent sexism, and sexual objectification attitudes. Participants were 212 college students ( M age = 20.20 years, SD = 2.08; 62% female; 58% White) from a large southwestern university. Results provided support for Intergroup Contact Theory and for a Peer Exposure effect, but only for men. Specifically, for men, having female friends was negatively associated with hostile sexism, and having male friends was positively related to hostile sexism; neither friendship type related to benevolent sexism. For women, no significant relations between friends and attitudes were found; this is likely due to the assessed attitudes being about women (their own group). The findings suggest a promising pathway to mitigate gender-based prejudice for men through cross-gender friendships.
In this chapter, we start to hear the voices of the men interviewed. The chapter explores why it is so appealing to men and boys to engage in sexual harassment. What are the factors that cause men, individually as well as collectively, to commit sexual harassment? What are the strategies men employ to naturalize and justify their actions? It is not easy to pin down who are those men who harass women sexually. For the same reason, there is not much knowledge about the male perpetrators of sexual harassment concerning their motives, characteristics and behaviour. Sexual harassers make up a heterogeneous population and their motivations, characteristics, cognitions and behaviours differ a great deal. There is a degree of consensus that the explanation for sexual harassment by men is rooted in a combination of cultural, social and personal factors, but little agreement about which factors are the most important.
Sexuelle Belästigung, Sexismus und „sexualisierte Vermeidung“ behindern vor allem Frauen bei der Arbeit. Dies ist besonders in der Forschung ein Problem, weil Wissenschaft immer noch als ein traditionell männlicher Beruf angesehen wird. Deshalb erleben sich Frauen in der Forschung oft als fehl am Platz und einige Akteure glauben sie hätten das Recht Frauen zu diskriminieren. Sexismus und sexuelle Belästigung können Frauen und Angehörige von Minderheiten unter Druck setzen, dafür sorgen, dass ihnen weniger Ressourcen zur Verfügung stehen oder dass sie von Projekten ausgeschlossen und gemieden werden. Unternehmen, die sexuelle Belästigung gezielt bekämpfen, können damit allerdings erfolgreich sein. Neben den offensichtlichen Vorteilen, die es hat Sexismus zu bekämpfen, hat Forschung, die unter Beteiligung von Frauen und Männern entsteht, bessere Chancen wichtige Themen zu erkennen und qualitativ hochwertige Ergebnisse hervorzubringen.
Es ist nicht selten, dass sich Menschen zu anderen hingezogen fühlen, mit denen sie zusammenarbeiten. Liebesbeziehungen am Arbeitsplatz gelten als akzeptabler als rein sexuelle Beziehungen. Es wird deshalb häufig empfohlen romantische Beziehungen außerhalb des Arbeitsplatzes auszuleben. In einigen Fällen können Verliebtheitszustände allerdings so intensiv sein, dass man sie nicht einfach ignorieren kann. Wie problematisch romantische oder sexuelle Beziehungen am Arbeitsplatz ablaufen, hängt auch von den Bindungsstilen der beteiligten Personen ab. Besonders Menschen mit einer ängstlichen Bindung neigen zu problematischem Verhalten nach einer Trennung. Für sie kann eine Arbeitsplatzromanze deshalb zu einer besonderen Herausforderung werden. Auch Dritte, die nicht in die Beziehung involviert sind, können von romantischen und sexuellen Beziehungen negativ beeinflusst werden.
We propose a behavioral-science approach to sexual assault on college campuses. In this framework, people commit assault when aspects of the immediate situation trigger certain psychological states. No set of mental processes or situational configurations is a precise predictor of assault. Instead, the interaction between mental processes and situational configurations predicts when sexual assault is more or less likely to occur. We begin with an illustrative story to show how a behavioral-science approach is relevant to sexual assault. Next, we map out a framework that suggests how behavioral theories of situations and mental processes have been or could be used to describe, predict, and develop ideas for the reduction of sexual assault. Relevant situational configurations include geographical configurations, local situational and informational cues, and situation-based power. Theories of mental processes include person perception, social norms, moral reasoning, and goals. Our framework can be used to demonstrate how “good” people can commit assault and how individuals can and will refrain from assault within institutions with a “bad” record. Compared with previous theories of sexual assault, a behavioral-science framework offers unique understanding and generative methods for addressing sexual assault on college campuses.
In the decade since the publication of the first edition of The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology, the field has expanded into areas such as social work and education, while maintaining the interest of criminal justice researchers and policy makers. This new edition provides cutting-edge and comprehensive coverage of the key theoretical perspectives, assessment methods, and interventions in forensic psychology. The chapters address substantive topics such as acquisitive crime, domestic violence, mass murder, and sexual violence, while also exploring emerging areas of research such as the expansion of cybercrime, particularly child sexual exploitation, as well as aspects of terrorism and radicalisation. Reflecting the global reach of forensic psychology and its wide range of perspectives, the international team of contributors emphasise diversity and cross-reference between adults, adolescents, and children to deliver a contemporary picture of the discipline.
Sex-based harassment and stalking are highly prevalent forms of interpersonal aggression that often result in an array of detrimental and severe impacts for victims. In this chapter, we examine some of the common challenges associated with defining and legislating against sex-based harassment and stalking, as well as considering existing classifications of behaviour and perpetrator motivations. In doing so, our aim is to highlight the complex nature of these forms of interpersonal aggression and the difficulties associated with ascertaining boundaries between ‘reasonable’ and ‘unreasonable’ behaviour. We proceed to discuss the importance of appropriately targeted evidence-based educational campaigns to increase public awareness and understanding regarding the reality of sex-based harassment and stalking. Our conclusion is that increased education will enable greater recognition of the diverse behaviours that constitute sex-based harassment and stalking, so that people are better able to identify both their own and others’ victimisation experiences.
Public attention to sexual harassment has increased sharply with the rise of the #MeToo movement, although the phenomenon has sustained strong scientific and policy interest for almost 50 years. A large and impressive interdisciplinary scholarly literature has emerged over this period, yet the criminology of sexual harassment has been slow to develop. This review considers how criminological theory and research can advance knowledge on sexual harassment—and how theory and research on sexual harassment can advance criminological knowledge. We review classic and contemporary studies and highlight points of engagement in these literatures, particularly regarding life-course research and violence against women. After outlining prospects for a criminology of sexual harassment that more squarely addresses perpetrators as well as victims, we discuss how criminological insights might contribute to policy efforts directed toward prevention and control.
Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Criminology, Volume 4 is January 13, 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
Since 2017, the year in which the #MeToo movement burst into the spotlight, many women voiced their experiences with sexual predation. Although many people support the movement, others have questioned the credibility of women who report sexual harassment, particularly if they report their experience a long time after it occurred. The present study tackles two questions. First, is there a difference in people's reactions to harassed women depending on when they report the harassment? Second, can three moderators—political ideology, benevolent sexism, and infrahumanization—partially explain skepticism toward women who report harassment after a long delay? In an experimental study, participants (N = 163) were exposed to four scenarios describing sexual harassment that was either reported immediately or after several years. According to the results, when women reported harassment after several years (vs. immediately), participants engaged in more victim blaming, trusted the victims less, and attributed less guilt to the perpetrators. We also found that right-wing political ideology, benevolent sexism, and infrahumanization exacerbated the effects of a reporting delay on judgments of victims. The present study sheds light on possible barriers to women's reporting of sexual harassment.
To understand the frequencies and communicative motivations of men engaging in street harassment, men’s tolerance of sexual harassment, and the relationship between power and street harassment experiences for both men and women using the frameworks of dyadic power theory and feminist theories, we surveyed 348 undergraduate participants at a university in the Pacific United States. Results indicated that men who believe they have lower power than women were the most likely to report engaging in street harassment. Results also indicated a positive relationship between men’s reported tolerance for sexual harassment and men’s reports of engaging in street harassment.
In the past years, Western society has been invested by a new phenomenon, the #MeToo movement, born with the aim of spreading awareness in the public opinion about the increasing number of sexual harassment and violence episodes against women. Although this movement encountered a large number of supporters, many people strongly questioned its credibility and that of the women who reported sexual misconducts and assaults. The aim of this work is to focus on two major issues that women often face when they experience sexual harassment or assault. Through an in-depth screening of previous scientific studies, it first analyzes the variety of factors that prevent women from denouncing sexual misconducts. Second, it focuses on the ideological and socio-cognitive motives that could explain people's harsh reaction against the victims who report, addressing three main underpinnings-namely, System Justification theory, benevolent sexism and conservatory ideology. Through the analysis of both psychological and sociological contributes, we discuss the present issues and underline the socio-cultural component of gender-based violence toward women.
Sexual harassment is widespread in restaurants, but is often ignored, brushed under the rug, or even encouraged. With their young, predominately female employees and low-wage earners, restaurants are a hotbed for harassment. In 2017, the #MeToo movement was born after a famed entertainment mogul was accused of sexual harassment and assault by multiple women. Thereafter, multiple high profile restauranteurs were accused of horrific incidents of sexual harassment and assault, heightening awareness of sexual harassment in the restaurant industry. The purpose of this case study is to increase awareness of sexual harassment and its consequences, to develop ways to prevent sexual harassment, and to change the culture of sexual harassment acceptance in the restaurant industry.
Online video games are social spaces for players from around the world. They use this space to form communities, relationships, and identities. However, gaming communities are not always welcoming, and some are even perceived as being “toxic.” A prevalent issue is online sexual harassment, which is keeping many women from participating in the gaming community. Research on the factors contributing to the problem is limited, though. The present study replicates and expands previous research, using a sample of 856 online gamers. The study supports earlier findings that found hostile sexism and social dominance orientation as predictors of sexual harassment perpetration in online video games. In addition, we expanded the previous research with additional predictors: machiavellianism, psychopathy, and gamer identification predicted higher sexual harassment perpetration. Our results have implications for the gaming community's role in curtailing sexual harassment and making itself a more inclusive community.
While both cultural (Faludi, 2006; Kováts, 2018) and personal level (Rudman et al, 2012) backlash has been identified as slowing down or even turning back social change towards gender equality, several studies have documented that gender role expectations have been becoming more egalitarian - in spite of shorter slowdowns (Spence & Hahn, 1997) - for many decades now (Twenge, 1997; Donnelly et al, 2016); that women’s self-characterization have been changing towards more agentic/androgynous (Twenge, 2001) and thus stereotypes of women as well (Diekman & Eagly, 2001; Haines, Deaux & Lofaro, 2016); and that as societies becoming more egalitarian sexism diminish as well (Glick et al, 2000; Huang, Osborne & Sibley, 2018). While studies on interventions have highlighted the role of men in changing norms of sexism (Case, Hensley & Anderson, 2014) and rape myth acceptance (Bohner, Siebler & Schmelcher, 2006), women might have a role as well not only when speaking up and making a stand (Nyúl et al, 2018) but when defining and changing the norms. In our study of a representative sample of students (N=1465) at a large university, we measured personal rape myth acceptance as well as perceived norms of other students: the perceived rape myth acceptance of fellow male students as well as of fellow female students separately. According to our regression analysis, the perceived female standard was the reference point not only for the female students but for the male students as well. Our results suggest that women play an important role not only in ’metoo’ like awareness-raising campaigns that might cause visible shifts in attitudes but in slower societal change as well.
Individuals often prize helping behaviors in the workplace, but these behaviors can potentially be harmful to those who receive help. Two online experiments were conducted to determine whether dependency-oriented help, which consists of solving a problem for the beneficiary (Nadler 2002), has negative consequences for female beneficiaries and positive consequences for male helpers (Studies 1 and 2: 100 and 203 U.S. MTurk respondents respectively). I found that observers perceived women who received dependency-oriented help from men as being lower in status (Study 2), competence (Studies 1 and 2), and promotability (Studies 1 and 2) than women who received autonomy-oriented help from men. Contrary to expectations, observers’ endorsement of benevolent sexism moderated these effects such that their evaluations of female beneficiaries of dependency-oriented help was more negative the less they endorsed benevolent sexism (Studies 1 and 2). Finally, observers evaluated helpers who gave dependency-oriented help as lower in status and competence than helpers who give autonomy-oriented help (Study 2). Overall, the present findings suggest ways in which helping behaviors can have harmful effects on both helpers and beneficiaries of help in the workplace.
In this second article of a two‐part series, data from three separate studies are presented supporting the reliability, discriminant, and construct validity of the Attraction to Sexual Aggression (ASA) scale. Higher scores on this scale were associated with attitudes supporting aggression against women, affective reactions to media portrayals of forced sex, physiological and self‐reported sexual arousal, hostility toward women, dominance motives, and antisocial personality characteristics. Based on data with low sexual aggressors, higher ASA scores were associated with greater similarity (on relevant dimensions) to high sexual aggressors, suggesting that ASA may help identify potentially sexually aggressive men at “risk” for future sexual coercion. However, caution in the use of such identification is urged. Finally, it is concluded that although the data support the usefulness of earlier work with self‐reported likelihood measures, the use of ASA is an improvement in this line of research. Directions for future development of this scale and research are also discussed.
A scale designed to measure attraction to sexual aggression is described, based on earlier work assessing self‐reported likelihood of committing rape. This scale's associations with measures of theoretically relevant attitudes, perceptions, and behavioral inclinations are examined in comparison with briefer measures, and with a number of other scales measuring attraction to various types of sexual interactions. These include conventional sex (e.g., heterosexual intercourse), homosexuality, bondage, unconventional sex (e.g., group sex), and deviant sex (e.g., pedophilia). Data supporting the longer and shorter versions of the attraction to sexual aggression scale are presented, showing internal consistency, test‐retest reliability, and discriminant and construct validity. As well, a number of issues raised by critiques of research in this area are addressed empirically.
Studied the structure of norms governing the traditional male sex role, as reflected in the attitudes held by a collegiate sample of 233 males. Ss were asked to agree or disagree with 57 belief statements about men's expected behavior. Traditional attitudes toward sex roles for women were assessed by asking Ss to agree/disagree with a statement advocating the addition of the Equal Rights Amendment to the constitution and a statement on the desirability of marrying a virgin. Results indicate that the sample as a group did not fully endorse traditional male role norms. The toughness norm was only slightly supported; the status norm was, on the average, neither supported nor rejected; and the antifemininity norm was slightly rejected. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Behavioral contagion is defined operationally and is contrasted with conformity, imitation, social pressures, and social facilitation. Experiments dealing with contagion are reviewed and theoretical statements derived from this review. The basic theoretical argument is that the lowering of the avoidance gradient in an approach-avoidance conflict is essential to the occurrence of contagion. (2 p. ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This article integrates the findings of a series of studies that empirically address contentions that many “normal” men possess a proclivity to rape. In these studies, an attempt was made to identify individuals with such a proclivity by asking male college students how likely they personally would be to rape if they could be assured of not being caught. On the average, about 35% indicated some likelihood of raping. To assess the validity of such reports as indicators of a proclivity to rape, the following three steps were taken: First, the literature was reviewed to identify responses that distinguished convicted rapists from the general population. The responses found to characterize rapists were greater acceptance of rape myths and relatively high sexual arousal to rape depictions. Second, the relationships between reported likelihood of raping and the responses found to characterize rapists were analyzed. The data clearly showed that in comparison with men who reported lower likelihood of raping, men who indicated higher likelihood were more similar to convicted rapists both in beliefs in rape myths and in sexual arousal to rape depictions. Third, the relationship between likelihood of raping reports and aggressive behavior was examined. It was found that higher reported likelihood of raping was associated with greater aggression against women within a laboratory setting. The overall pattern of the data is interpreted as supporting the validity of likelihood of raping ratings and consistent with contentions that many men have a proclivity to rape. Possible causes of such a propensity and directions for future research are discussed.
Rational bias theory predicts that discrimination may be situationally influenced by circumstances in which a show of bias seems likely to be rewarded or punished by others. This study applies the theory in an examination of managerial sex and race discrimination in situations in which normative or unusual signals are given. In agreement with rational bias theory, the participants, acting in the role of managers, indicated that they would be less likely to discriminate in personnnel decisions with cues indicating that discrimination might not be needed or wanted. The results are interpreted as supportive of rational bias theory and as useful for the design of new policies aimed at ending discrimination. The findings also suggest that the importance of discrimination against blacks of both sexes in management has been widely ignored.
Most of the research conducted on sexual harassment over the last decade and a half has used categories that are neither mutually exclusive nor exhaustive. This has created problems for researchers: it is difficult to compare results from one study to another, harassment types that have scholarly and legal-policy relevance are omitted, and the ability of researchers to inform legal and policy decisions is diminished as a result of these problems. A comprehensive categorization of harassment types that addresses these methodological problems is presented. Specifically, 11 specific types of harassment—4 types of Verbal Requests, 3 Verbal Remarks, and 4 Nonverbal Displays—are presented with examples from research and legal literatures. Recommendations for reconceptualizing research definitions of harassment as well as for diversifying the methodological approaches to the topic are made. Peer Reviewed http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/45598/1/11199_2004_Article_BF00289868.pdf
This research integrated within a theoretical and empirical framework varied predictor factors pertaining to males' sexual aggression against women. The selection of predictors was guided by theorizing that sexual aggression is caused by the interaction among multiple factors, including those creating the motivation for the act, those reducing internal and external inhibitions, and those providing the opportunity for the act to occur. The predictor factors assessed were sexual arousal in response to aggression, dominance as a motive for sexual acts, hostility toward women, attitudes accepting of violence against women, psychoticism, and sexual experience. A measure assessing self-reported sexual aggression (primarily among acquaintances) in naturalistic settings served as the dependent measure. The subjects were 155 males. As expected, nearly all the predictor factors significantly related to sexual aggression. In addition, much better prediction of such aggression was achieved by a combination of these factors than by any one individually. It was also found that including interactions among these predictors yielded a regression equation that was more successful in relating to sexual aggression than an equation using an additive combination only. The relevance of these data to the causes and prediction of violence against women is discussed.
Two hundred eight faculty members and 314 graduate students located at a West Coast university were presented with 24 brief situations describing five types of sexual harassment in a university setting: gender harassment, seductive behavior, sexual bribery, sexual coercion, and sexual imposition or assault. The participants were randomly assigned to rate the situations under one of four instructional conditions that described combinations of the level of the student and authority of the faculty portrayed in the brief vignettes. Women were more likely than men to view less explicitly coercive situations as harassing; however, neither the target student's level (i.e., graduate or undergraduate) nor the degree of the faculty member's power over her affected the participants' ratings of the situations. The results indicated that, with the exception of the more coercive and intrusive behaviors, considerable uncertainty may still exist about what constitutes sexual harassment within the university setting.
A factorial survey was used to assess perceptions of sexual harassment in the context of faculty-student relations in a university setting. Results of a survey of undergraduate students and faculty at the University of California, Santa Barbara, revealed a high degree of consensus in defining cases of sexual harassment. Across respondent populations, judgments of harassment were most influenced by the nature of the behaviors and intentions of the male instructor in the situation. Results also indicated that information about any past relationship between instructor and student and about suggestive behaviors on the part of the student tended to modify harassment judgments and to introduce disagreement among respondents as to whether an incident constituted a case of sexual harassment.
Some of the findings of the studies reported in this issue are reviewed, with particular attention to conclusions regarding perceptions of the nature of sexual harassment and the possible differential effects of status and power on responses to incidents of social-sexual behavior in the workplace. In addition, some suggestions are made for further research in the area, with emphasis on the dyadic nature of sexual harassment and its relation to differential socialization of males and females.
This research explored the cognitive processes that underlie sexual harassment proclivities in men. It was postulated that men who are high in the likelihood to sexually harass women (LS perceive a connection between sexuality and social dominance. Such a sexuality/dominance cognitive link was hypothesized to bias the processing of social information so as to create an illusory correlation between dominance and sexuality terms in a frequency estimation task. Male subjects viewed a series of word pairs in which sexuality and dominance terms were paired equally often with each other and with neutral control words. High-LSH subjects were more confident in their recognition of the sexuality-dominance pairs and estimated having seen them more frequently than low-LSH subjects. Cognitive and behavioral implications of a sexuality/dominance knowledge structure are discussed.
In this study we explored the role of coercive sexual fantasies among men as predictors of hypothetical willingness to rape and self‐reports of past sexual aggression. Men (N = 114) enrolled in undergraduate psychology courses were given questionnaires assessing sexual fantasies, acceptance of rape myths, and aggressive tendencies as well as measures of likelihood to commit rape and past history of coercive sexual behavior. Likelihood to rape was found to be correlated with reports of coercive sexual fantasies (r = .51, p < .001), rape myth acceptance (r = .21, p < .05), and aggressive tendencies (r = .21, p < .05), yielding a multiple R of .44 (p < .001). Past coercive sexual behavior was correlated with coercive sexual fantasies (r = .26, p < .05), aggressive tendencies (r = .22, p < .05), and with their interaction (r = .39, p < .01), yielding a multiple R of .41 (p < .05). The two target variables, likelihood to rape and coercive sexual behavior, were not significantly associated with one another. These findings are discussed in terms of the role of sexual fantasy content as an hypothesized consequent of the content of external imagery to which the individual is exposed and as an hypothesized determinant of subsequent behavior.
Sexual harassment at work has recently received considerable attention. Working men (N=405) and women (N=827) in Los Angeles County responded to questions about respondent's work, job characteristics, and work climate. Other questions concerned the respondent's experience of socio-sexual behaviors on current and previous jobs, definitions of sexual harassment, attitudes about male-female interaction at work, and demographic characteristics. Results from descriptions of respondents' experiences showed that, compared to those of men, the comments of women about sexual touching, expected socializing, or expected sexual activity were more likely to be called sexual harassment by an independent rater. In terms of definitions of sexual harassment, women were more likely than men to consider certain behaviors as sexual harassment. Descriptions of initiators of sexual activities, information concerning negative consequences of sexual harassment, issues of organizational ambience, and worker attitudes suggest that a great deal of ambiguity surrounds the issue of sexuality at work. (NRB)
Describes a social psychological framework for the scientific study of sexual harassment (SH). In this framework, the SH of women is analyzed as a behavior that some men perform some of the time. The framework implies that both situational factors and person factors contribute to SH. Evidence for this framework is reviewed. Studies of situational factors demonstrate that local norms influence the incidence of SH. Studies of person factors demonstrate that men who possess a proclivity to SH cognitively link social dominance and sexuality. Research is reviewed demonstrating that SH behavior can be studied in laboratory conditions where person and situational factors are combined systematically. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Most experiments in social psychology are considered defective because the investigators, lacking social perspective, set up their problems within the culture of their own communities. The writer has no sympathy for the controversy between the individual and the social approaches. The individual is regarded as basic, and any valid psychological principle should apply to the individual, alone, in a group, or in relation to his whole culture. Throughout psychology, in perception, in judgment, in affectivity, etc., the frame of reference is shown to be an important determinant of experience. Variations in culture are shown to be variations in frames of reference common to various groups. Social frames of reference (social norms, i.e. values, customs, stereotypes, conventions, etc.) are regarded first as stimuli which meet the individual in his associations with others and then become interiorized. The process of establishing a social norm is illustrated experimentally in an unstable perceptual situation (autokinetic phenomenon). Observing alone, the individual establishes his own frame of reference, which is modified in the direction of conformity when he observes in a group. Observing first in a group, frames of reference are set up which determine subsequent reports when the individual observes alone (illustrating the factual basis for the contentions that supra-individual qualities arise in group situations). Social values in relation to personal needs are discussed in the light of this experiment. A final chapter describes "human nature" as dependent upon the norms peculiar to the individual's group. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This study investigated sex differences of feelings attributed to a woman in situations involving varying degrees of coercion and sexual advances. Sixteen vignettes (12 dealing with sex and coercion, 4 dealing with coercion only) were rated on 17 semantic differential scales by 59 undergraduates (44 females, 15 males) and 45 graduate students (18 females, 27 males). The 16 vignettes yielded factors of Sexual Flattery/Overtures, Sexual Aggressiveness, and Violence. Factor analyses of the 17 semantic differential scales yielded factors of Helplessness, Aversiveness, and Threat. High agreement was found between males and females in both the graduate and undergraduate samples on the relative intensity of feelings attributed to the woman across the sex/coercion vignettes for the three dimensions of Helplessness, Aversiveness, and Threat. Even more importantly, systematic differences between males and females on intensity of attributed feelings across the semantic differential factors were independently replicated using the graduate and undergraduate samples. Analyses of variance revealed that males showed significantly greater attributions on the factors Helplessness and Threat on scenes mainly dealing with sexual flattery/overtures, whereas they showed significantly less attributions on the factor Aversiveness on scenes dealing with sexual aggressiveness and rape. In short, while there was strong agreement between men and women, there were also replicated significant systematic differences with men overestimating the psychological impact of less intense
Two studies were conducted to examine an attributional model of judgments of sexual harassment. The key assumption of the model is that judgments of sexual harassment involve the attribution of negative intentions (e.g., hostility or callousness) to an actor with regard to a sexual behavior. The two studies effectively demonstrated that many factors known to influence the attribution of intentionality play an important role in judgments of sexual harassment. The findings are discussed with regard to understanding how people differ in their judgments of sexual harassment.
Three studies were conducted to develop and validate a measure of sexual harassment proclivities in males. Previous studies of sexual harassment were reviewed and a gap in the current knowledge of the psychological characteristics of sexual harassers was revealed. A possible technique for studying sexual harassment proclivities was suggested by recent research on rape proclivities. Two initial studies using this technique found (1) that the likelihood of sexually harassing can be reliably measured and 2) that this measure correlated with related attitude and belief measures. The third study demonstrated that the likelihood of sexual harassment measure can predict sexual behaviors in a laboratory setting.
The literature on how lay people interpret behavior as sexual harassment is reviewed. An attributional model of this interpretation process is proposed. An experiment testing some of the basic postulates of the attribution model is reported. The results of the experiment generally supported the attribution model.
Although the issue of sexual harassment on college campuses has been discussed in the literature for the last five years, little attention has been paid to sex differences in levels of tolerance and attribution of blame in harassment. The current survey, based on a random sample of faculty, students, and staff at a large southern university, details sex differences in definitions of harassment, in attitudes toward causes, in attitudes toward romantic relationships between faculty and students, and in attitudes toward university policy. The authors suggest that sex differences reflect differing perceptions by men and women of their own self-interests within the university, and the organizational environment. Attention is also directed to the explanatory power of attribution theory.
Although sexual harassment has become an important and controversial topic in social science research in recent years, little research has been done regarding the factors involved in the perception of a single ambiguous social-sexual incident. Furthering the analysis of Gutek, Morasch, and Cohen (1983), factor analytic, cluster analytic, and multidimensional scaling techniques were supplied to a set of 19 questions which were used to evaluate some ambiguous vignettes that could have been considered instances of sexual harassment. These analyses yielded four major clusters: (1) variables relating to the interpersonal relationship between the individuals in the vignette, (2) personal aspects of the incident, (3) questions relating specifically to sexual harassment, and (4) questions regarding the likelihood of the incident. Questions about sexual and harassing aspects of the incident were less central to its evaluation by college students than were those about the incident's personal qualities and about the relationship between the two people.
Although only recently reaching public and scholarly awareness as an important issue, the sexual harassment of women workers and students has been a problem for as long as women have worked and studied outside the home. Although now recognized as an important barrier to women's career development, sexual harassment has proven difficult to study due to the lack of a commonly accepted definition and any standardized instrumentation that could provide comparable results across studies. This paper describes the results of research undertaken to provide such an instrument, which we call the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire. The following sections will detail the instrument's development, results of psychometric analyses undertaken (including reliability and validity), and finally, the results of the application of the inventory to two large public universities. In addition, we describe the development of a second form of the inventory designed for working women and report the results for a large sample of academic, professional and semiprofessional, and blue-collar women.
Despite the growing attention devoted to the topic of sexual harassment in the vocational behavior literature, little formal theory has emerged, and, in fact, basic definitional issues remain unresolved. In the present study, 28 subjects completed 200 paired comparisons of situations describing sexual harassment in a university setting, and rated their degree of similarity on a 7-point bipolar scale. In addition, subjects rated the situations on the degree of severity, type of harassment (quid pro quo vs conditions of work) and form of coercion (psychological vs physical). The results of nonmetric multidimensional scaling analysis, supported by a complete link-cluster analysis and a vector-fitting procedure, suggest that the continuum of severity model is an oversimplification, and that at least two dimensions are required to adequately account for the data. The results of an individual differences scaling analysis are also reported and discussed in context of the differing roles played by the two sexes in interactions such as the ones examined in the present study.
Illusory correlation refers to an erronous inference about the relationship between categories of events. One postulated basis for illusory correlation is the co-occurrence of events which are statistically infrequent; i.e., obserbers overestimate the frequency of co-occurence of distinctive events. If one group of persons “occurs” less frequently than another and one type of behavior occurs infrequently, then the above hypothesis predicts that observers would overestimate the frequency that that type of behavior was performed by members of that group. This suggested that the differential perception of majority and minority groups could result solely from the cognitive mechanisms involved in processing information about stimulus events that differ in their frequencies of co-occurrences. Results of two experiments testing this line of reasoning provided strong supprt for the hypothesis. Implications of the experiments for the acquisition of stereotypes are discussed.
The influx of women into the work force, especially into nontraditional jobs, has facilitated interest in the topic of sexual harassment and, more generally, sexuality at work. Survey research data show disagreement about the interpretation of interactions between the sexes at work. This study was designed to learn more about the way people interpret ambiguous, but potentially sexual, interactions between the sexes in a work setting. Respondents were asked to evaluate a vignette depicting such an interaction. The vignettes were composed so that three dimensions were manipulated: the sex of the initiator of the behavior, the status of the initiator relative to the target, and the type of behavior. These manipulated dimensions, along with the sex of the respondent, were used as variables to examine the respondent's interpretation of the vignettes. Four-way ANOVAs showed that the independent variables were related to the evaluation of the relationship between the initiator and the target, the evaluation of the behavior, the appropriateness of the behavior, and the likelihood of the behavior. Men interpreted the vignettes more positively than did women. Incidents initiated by women were viewed more positively. Those initiated by persons with higher status than the target were seen less positively. Respondents, especially women, considered incidents that included touching to be negative. This was especially so when the touching was combined with a comment on work, and this effect was exacerbated when the behavior was initiated by a male and/or higher status person.
Proposes a social psychological construct of self-monitoring (self-observation and self-control guided by situational cues to social appropriateness) of expressive behavior and self-presentation. An internally consistent, temporally stable self-report measure of individual differences in self-monitoring was constructed. 4 converging laboratory and field studies of peer perception ratings, criterion group membership, self-control of facial and vocal emotional expressive behavior, and attention to normative social comparison information were conducted with undergraduates to demonstrate the convergent and discriminant validity of the Self-Monitoring Scale (SM). The use of SM to investigate hypotheses concerning consistency in expression across situations and between channels of expressive behavior is discussed. (28 ref)
Typescript. Thesis--University of Florida. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 147-151).
This article describes the "rape myth" and tests hypotheses derived from social psychological and feminist theory that acceptance of rape myths can be predicted from attitudes such as sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, sexual conservatism, and acceptance of interpersonal violence. Personality characteristics, background characteristics, and personal exposure to rape, rape victims, and rapists are other factors used in predictions. Results from regression analysis of interview data indicate that the higher the sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence, the greater a respondent's acceptance of rape myths. In addition, younger and better educated people reveal less stereotypic, adversarial, and proviolence attitudes and less rape myth acceptance. Discussion focuses on the implications of these results for understanding and changing this cultural orientation toward sexual assault.
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