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Comparative Political Communications:Common Frameworks or Babelian Confusion?
... & Hanitzsch, 2012b;Lewis, 2020;Norris, 2009;van Atteveldt & Peng, 2018). Nevertheless, through the observations and experience made with this dissertation, their points can only be reinforced. ...
... Next to international temporary projects such as REMINDER 9 or INFOCORE 10 , it is especially the establishment of more permanent research infrastructures (e.g., Manifesto 11 , OPTED 12 ) that can be of great service for the content analysis research community and beyond. In light of this dissertation, such infrastructures can work towards the facilitation of access to multilingual datasets and their comparability across countries can offer training for natural language processing (e.g.,Norris, 2009;van Atteveldt & Peng, 2018). They may further establish core theoretical constructs, with sharp definitions and standardized operationalizations that can assist in the designing of instruments that are applicable for comparative studies(Norris, 2009) and help to develop more standardized validation protocols. ...
... In light of this dissertation, such infrastructures can work towards the facilitation of access to multilingual datasets and their comparability across countries can offer training for natural language processing (e.g.,Norris, 2009;van Atteveldt & Peng, 2018). They may further establish core theoretical constructs, with sharp definitions and standardized operationalizations that can assist in the designing of instruments that are applicable for comparative studies(Norris, 2009) and help to develop more standardized validation protocols. Drawing from my experience with article 2 (one co-author is from the computer science department) and with article 4 (a collaboration with computational linguistics would have been beneficial), such infrastructures would ideally also foster exchange with these 9 https://www.reminder-project.eu/ 10 https://www.infocore.eu/ ...
Communication scientists have made fast progress in the automated content analysis
of large quantities of media data. This cumulative dissertation contributes to this field with a comprehensive methodological work on automated content analysis strategies specially for the analysis of multilingual text corpora. It does so with three overview articles, each introduces, compares, and discusses multiple strategies for the analysis of a multilingual text corpus: Article 1 for rule-based dictionary methods, article 2 for supervised machine learning, and article 3 for topic modeling methods. As the methodological handling of several languages is particularly important for comparative communication research, the dissertation further provides recommendations for this discipline. These developed guidelines concern the valid and resource-saving design of methodological strategies for scenarios in which the cross-language comparability of automated instruments and measurements is important. To highlight the language sensitivity of automated instruments, article 4 considers the implications of more complex language-specific structures and their translatability. A key conclusion derived from this dissertation is that automated strategies are appropriate methodological strategies to capture the essence of multilingual text corpora. Protocols for validating instruments that are adapted to the multiple languages and to the needs of comparative communication research are, however, essential and cannot do without the adequate expenditure of resources. In concluding, this dissertation provides solid ground for
the application of the methodological insights to various urgent substantial research questions of comparative and multilingual dimensions. It joins in the call to strengthen international research collaborations, research infrastructures, and open science initiatives to stimulate further work in multilingual automated content analysis.
... We can distinguish between two types of media system. The first is normative system typologies, in the sense that they are not grounded media policy and media markets in a given society (Norris, 2009. Blumler & Gurevitch (1975) considered that the sub-field of comparative political communication is "in its infancy," which makes sense, as early attempts took the shape of edited compilations with "nation-by-chapter reporting" and then evolved into a two-countries comparison, for instance the binational survey of British and German journalists (Köcher,1986). ...
... in the mid-nineties, as assessed by Blumler and Gurevitch (1995), especially after the publishing of numerous cross-national studies of the structure, contents and effects of mass media within European Union member states (Norris, 2009). ...
... Significantly, the three models suggested in Hallin and Mancini"s book (2004) are more celebrated than the analytic framework that generated them, although this framework is applicable to different case studies and thus is suggested to be applicable to non-Western media (Hallin & Mancini, 2012.p. 287). Norris (2009) A repeated criticism of this book is the inaccuracy of its classification of countries. ...
... prominent and virtually uncontested comparative framework (e.g., Benson, 2004;Strömbäck & Luengo, 2008). However, discouraged by the lack of standardized measurements (Norris, 2009) and growing concerns over their relevance in a context of global convergence (Blumler & Gurevitch, 2001;Hallin & Mancini, 2012), various other important historical differences between countries have remained unexplored. In this study, we propose and demonstrate empirically that countries' experience with authoritarianism is an equally viable explanation for what we read in the papers today. ...
... Given its comparative angle, this study speaks to several longstanding debates in communication science. Theoretically, our study adds a novel historical classification to an area with a relatively limited number of theoretical contributions (Norris, 2009). More importantly, by doing so, we demonstrate the theoretical fertility of explanations focusing on countries' political culture (see Gurevitch & Blumler, 2004;Hallin & Mancini, 2004). ...
... In light of this evidence, we can conclude that countries' history still accounts for cross-national variation in news coverage. This counters two recurring criticisms fielded against Hallin and Mancini (2004), namely, their inability to validate their conceptualizations empirically (see, e.g., Esser & Umbricht, 2013;Norris, 2009) and their inappropriateness in times of global convergence (Blumler & Gurevitch, 2001;Hallin & Mancini, 2004. Indeed, the finding that pejoration is equally common in liberal as in democratic corporatist systems is consistent with the argument that some media landscapes are converging toward the "liberal model" (Hallin & Mancini, 2004. ...
Historical classifications of journalistic traditions are the backbone of comparative explanations for political news coverage. This study assesses the validity of the dominant media systems framework and proposes and tests a novel framework, which states that a history of authoritarianism affects today’s coverage. To facilitate a clean cross-national comparison, we focus on the same person and measurement in 12 Western democracies, that is, the use of the pejorative terms “sexist,” “racist,” “dictator,” and equivalents to describe Donald Trump. Our manually validated auto- mated content analysis (2016–2018; N = 27,830) shows that content varies along with countries’ media and authoritarian history: pejoration is more common in countries with a polarized pluralist media system and former authoritarian countries than else- where. Newspapers’ ideology does not matter, irrespective of countries’ level of political parallelism or experiences with authoritarianism. Combined, we provide new methodological and theoretical handles to further comparative communication re- search in Western democracies.
... Sądzę, że podobny kierunek badawczy obiecuje interesujące wyniki, ale jak dotąd tego typ dociekań nie spotyka się często, nawet licząc prekursorskie prace Walerego Pisarka 34 czy sporo późniejsze autora niniejszego tekstu 35 . Pojawienie się większej ilości rozpraw w sposób szczegółowy badających aksjologiczny wymiar języka mediów staje się tym pilniejsze, że tzw. ...
... zrozumienie własnych doświadczeń, sprawienie, by inni nas zrozumieli, by ujrzeli nas w pozytywnym świetle, ale również, by uciec od rzeczywistości, stworzyć "możliwy świat"); 2. "potrzeby i cele innych"; 3. reakcja (interakcja społeczna, spełnienie prośby/zlecenia -np. w terapii, odpowiedź na inną opowieść); 4. motywacje i cele bardziej złożone (trzeba również dodać i ten punkt) 35 . W "postklasycznej narratologii" badamy opowieści nie ze względu na nie same, lecz z racji złożonych doświadczeń, które ktoś konkretny w nich utrwalił, lub ze względu na chęć dowiedzenia się, w jaki sposób praktyki społeczne i kultura są powiązane z odmianami komunikacji i stylami opowieści. ...
... Zgodnie z przyjętymi założeniami, interpretację opowieści prowadzimy na każdym etapie analizy, przy czym na poziomie decyzji nr 4 nasza opowieść powinna być już ukierunkowana pod względem wyłaniającej się fabuły, specyficznych właściwości narracji i cech narratora, fokalizacji 36 , jak również znaczących czynników 35 Do analizy wybrano narrację wyrażoną poprzez książkę zatytułowaną Porozumienie przeciw monowładzy. Z dziejów PC, wydaną przez Wydawnictwo Zysk i S-ka w Warszawie, w koedycji ze spółką Srebrna Sp. z o. o. w lipcu 2016 r., autorstwa Jarosława Kaczyńskiego i pod redakcją Danuty i Andrzeja Doboszów. ...
Individual in-depth interview (IDI) with a journalist : practical remarks for researchers.
... Sądzę, że podobny kierunek badawczy obiecuje interesujące wyniki, ale jak dotąd tego typ dociekań nie spotyka się często, nawet licząc prekursorskie prace Walerego Pisarka 34 czy sporo późniejsze autora niniejszego tekstu 35 . Pojawienie się większej ilości rozpraw w sposób szczegółowy badających aksjologiczny wymiar języka mediów staje się tym pilniejsze, że tzw. ...
... zrozumienie własnych doświadczeń, sprawienie, by inni nas zrozumieli, by ujrzeli nas w pozytywnym świetle, ale również, by uciec od rzeczywistości, stworzyć "możliwy świat"); 2. "potrzeby i cele innych"; 3. reakcja (interakcja społeczna, spełnienie prośby/zlecenia -np. w terapii, odpowiedź na inną opowieść); 4. motywacje i cele bardziej złożone (trzeba również dodać i ten punkt) 35 . W "postklasycznej narratologii" badamy opowieści nie ze względu na nie same, lecz z racji złożonych doświadczeń, które ktoś konkretny w nich utrwalił, lub ze względu na chęć dowiedzenia się, w jaki sposób praktyki społeczne i kultura są powiązane z odmianami komunikacji i stylami opowieści. ...
... Zgodnie z przyjętymi założeniami, interpretację opowieści prowadzimy na każdym etapie analizy, przy czym na poziomie decyzji nr 4 nasza opowieść powinna być już ukierunkowana pod względem wyłaniającej się fabuły, specyficznych właściwości narracji i cech narratora, fokalizacji 36 , jak również znaczących czynników 35 Do analizy wybrano narrację wyrażoną poprzez książkę zatytułowaną Porozumienie przeciw monowładzy. Z dziejów PC, wydaną przez Wydawnictwo Zysk i S-ka w Warszawie, w koedycji ze spółką Srebrna Sp. z o. o. w lipcu 2016 r., autorstwa Jarosława Kaczyńskiego i pod redakcją Danuty i Andrzeja Doboszów. ...
... Hallin and Mancini's classification was widely criticised and revised (e.g. Norris, 2009;Bruggemann et al., 2014; see also analysis in Maniou, 2022). Importantly for the present study, media systems in western countries seem to have gone through several transformations since 2004, which Hallin and Mancini (2017) themselves have recognised, acknowledging "that media systems…undergo long-, short-and medium-term variation, based on various external and/or internal factors" (p. ...
This study compares the editorial coverage of the 2015 migration crisis in major centre-left and centre-right newspapers in three European countries affected (the UK, Germany and Greece). We test the empirical validity of the ‘national media-system’ hypothesis, and in particular the hypothesised characteristics of the different media systems these countries represent through a systematic content analysis of all editorials referring to the issue of migration/asylum for the period 2015–2016. For the purposes of data collection, we develop an original coding scheme that combines concepts and categories from the extant literature on media systems, as well as the literature on migration-related news frames. Our findings largely confirm the relevance of media-system characteristics in the coverage of the crisis, although UK editorials are markedly more polarised than expected. We also find that there was no consensus-based editorial coverage in the initial phase of the crisis.
... Media freedom is a central variable that shapes a media system (Norris, 2009). This is obvious for the study of media systems across the globe: in some states, critical journalists risk being persecuted and imprisoned or killed, whereas in other countries, they enjoy security and legal protection (Anagnostou et al., 2012;Brants & Voltmer, 2012). ...
... Media freedom is a central variable that shapes a media system (Norris, 2009). This is obvious for the study of media systems across the globe: in some states, critical journalists risk being persecuted and imprisoned or killed, whereas in other countries, they enjoy security and legal protection (Anagnostou et al., 2012;Brants & Voltmer, 2012). ...
Media systems have changed significantly as a result of the development of information technologies. However, typologies of media systems that incorporate aspects of digitalization are rare. This study fills this gap by identifying, operationalizing, and measuring indicators of media systems in the digital age. We build on previous work, extend it with new indicators that reflect changing conditions (such as online news use), and include media freedom indicators. We include 30 countries in our study and use cluster analysis to identify three clusters of media systems. Two of these clusters correspond to the media system models described by Hallin and Mancini, namely the democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist model. However, the liberal model as described by Hallin and Mancini has vanished; instead, we find empirical evidence of a new cluster that we call “hybrid”: it is positioned in between the poles of the media-supportive democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist clusters.
... Međutim, zanimljivo je da među istraživačima još uvijek ne postoji suglasnost o indikatorima profesionalne vladine komunikacije, odnosno o tome kako adekvatno izmjeriti "profesionalnost", pogotovo u komparativnoj perspektivi (v. Vos 2006;Norris 2009). ...
Kukuriku koalicija u posljednju godinu svojega mandata ulazi prilično nepopularna, kako u pogledu javne percepcije Vlade i vladajućeg SDP-a tako i u pogledu percepcije ključnih pojedinaca. Prema rezultatima ankete koju je provela agencija Ipsos Puls, prosječna ocjena Vlade u studenom 2014. iznosila je 2,1. Vladinoj politici u istome mjesecu protivilo se 77 posto ispitanika, dok je njih 85 posto smatralo da Hrvatska ide u pogrešnom smjeru. Rejting vladajućeg SDP-a, prema podatcima iste agencije, pao je s 26,4 posto u studenom 2013. na samo 17,5 posto u studenom 2014. godine. Uzmemo li u obzir da je rejting te stranke u lipnju 2007. godine, kada ju je preuzeo perspektivni i tada iznimno popularan Zoran Milanović, iznosio 30 posto, vidljivo je da se popularnost SDP-a gotovo prepolovila. Iako ne treba zaboraviti da se kontekst tijekom sedam godina bitno promijenio te da je SDP od stranke u opoziciji postao stranka na vlasti, ovakav pad podrške svakako je indikativan. S obzirom na široko prisutne teze o važnosti strateškog i profesionalnog komuniciranja u medijatiziranim demokracijama, valja se zapitati u kojoj je mjeri Vladina komunikacija zaslužna za tako loše rejtinge. U ovoj analizi pokušat ću prikazati ključna obilježja Vladine komunikacije u segmentima koji danas dominiraju literaturom koja se bavi komunikacijama izvršnih razina vlasti. To se prije svega odnosi na strateško upravljanje komunikacijama i odnose s medijima, komunikacijski stil političkih vođa i javne kampanje.
... a vladine politike (v. Swanson i Mancini, 1996., Scammell, 2014. Međutim, zanimljivo je da među istraživačima još uvijek ne postoji suglasnost o kriterijima za ocjenu profesionalnosti komunikacije tijela izvršne vlasti, odnosno o tome kako adekvatno izmjeriti profesionalnost, pogotovo u komparativnoj perspektivi (v. Sanders et al, 2011.;Vos, 2006.;Norris, 2009.). ...
... The comparative analysis paradigm is an inquiry procedure that may be deployed in any field of study. Specifically, comparative political communication is considered to be a subfield of comparative politics (Norris, 2009). In political communication research, the relevance of comparative analysis is highlighted by the need to evaluate different political communication systems, considered side-by-side, for the purpose of gaining new insights on the similarities and differentiations between or among the systems of study. ...
How the structure of the public sphere is explicated is fundamentally connected to the conceptualisation of the term, "public". The thrust of this article was to revisit the conception of public, making a distinction between the homogeneous and heterogeneous notions of the concept. Formation and classifications of public, the concept of public opinion, methods of public opinion measurement, and the comparative approach in political communication research were explored. There was the recognition that public opinion research tends to place more focus on a mass public. A constructivist, heterogeneous operationalisation of public, based on the paradigm of multiple issue publics, was, however, argued to be of theoretical and methodological necessity for public opinion measurement in political communication research. This, it was concluded, offers a valuable framework for comparative analysis, particularly in view of the renewed emphasis on contextual clarity in contemporary political communication research. This article also attempted setting a research agenda for robust single-country comparative research, especially in developing countries, as a pathway towards optimising the context-sensitivity of cross-national comparative studies.
... In this article, I examine the relations between media and politics in Iceland, with reference to Hallin and Mancini's three models of the media and politics. The Icelandic case is a Western and Nordic type of society, and thus questions regarding the universality (e.g., non-Western) and the comparative dimension of the three models will move back-stage (Hardy, 2008(Hardy, , 2012Hallin & Mancini, 2012;Norris, 2009). Similarly, de Albuquerque's (2018: 24) point that the very concept of political parallelism is not a "universally applicable analytical variable", but rather describes a peculiar pattern of relationship between media and political institutions, is duly noted. ...
My main objective in this article is to examine the importance of political parallelism in Iceland through establishing the extent to which political parallelism is perceived to char-acterise political communication in Iceland by politicians and voters. Political parallelism is one of the defining elements of Hallin and Mancini's typology of media systems. Based on candidate surveys from five elections and a voter survey, indexes of perceived political parallelism are configured for politicians and voters. The analysis suggests a high degree of perceived political parallelism and that the perceptions are reflected in partisan ideological views of individual media outlets. The same – or at least similar – perceptions about political parallelism in the media system seem to penetrate the system irrespective of age and at the national, local, and individual level of politics. However, voters and candidates of social democratic and liberal internationally oriented parties perceive a significantly lower degree of parallelism than others.
... The media system displays mixed characteristics with a predominantly national press under the control of corporate actors and non-charitable trusts with a TV and radio-broadcasting sector dominated by the public broadcaster. Partisan influence over media outlets and journalists is considered to be weak in Ireland as compared to other European countries, like the UK or Italy (Norris, 2009), which allows for an assessment of the policies' effectiveness free from partisanship. ...
... The framework is inspired by the tradition of media systems analysis (Blumler & Gurevitch, 1975;Hallin & Mancini, 2004;Siebert et al., 1956) in studying how the structural conditions for communication differ across societal contexts and focusing on the mutual impact of state regulation and market dynamics. However, it also answers persistent calls (see Curran, 2011;Hardy, 2012;Mattoni & Ceccobelli, 2018;Norris, 2009) for systematic analyses that "go beyond the narrow realm of traditional news production" (Brüggemann et al., 2014: 1038) characteristic of Hallin and Mancini's (2004) landmark study of media systems. The DCS framework thereby contributes to understanding and researching the still emergent digital power structures and governance forms by developing and qualifying the theoretical, methodological, and empirical approaches to researching the questions that media system scholars have asked for decades. ...
This article offers a research tool for comparative studies of digital communication systems. It brings together the fields of infrastructure studies, Internet governance, and political economy of the Internet with the tradition of systemic media analysis and argues that existing frameworks are inadequate for capturing regulatory and power structures in a complex digital environment. In the article, we develop a framework for conceptualising and mapping the components of digital communication systems – the DCS framework – and operationalise it for standardised measurements by outlining twelve key indicators that can be analysed using empirical data from a number of existing databases. The framework provides a basis for measuring and comparing digital communication systems across national or regional contexts, and thereby developing new typologies for how to understand structural differences and similarities.
... Men relationen mellan journalisters politiska åsikter och nyheternas bild av politik är knappast entydig. Norris har också kritiserat forskningen för att vara alltför oprecis i sina definitioner, vilket hon menar gör det svårt att dra några generella slutsatser (Norris, 2009). Men det har gjorts försök till metaanalyser (D'Alessio & Allen, 2000), genomgångar av vad forskningen visat och hur man definierat begrepp som gör att vissa slutsatser ändå kan dras (Hopmann et al., 2012). ...
... However, in recent years, studies that aspire to evaluate the performance of public service media in a comparative way by applying statistical measures (Norris, 2009), quantitative techniques (Brüggemann et al., 2014, and qualitative techniques based on fuzzy logic (Downey;Stanyer, 2010;Büchel et al., 2016) have been carried out, albeit all exhibiting methodological complexity. In Spain, for example, the Indicator of social profitability in communication (Irscom) developed by Chaparro, Olmedo, and Gabilondo (2016) stands out, allowing the evaluation of the functioning of communication media based on criteria linked to public interest, such as citizen participation or transparency levels. ...
The currently dominant scientific production model in the field of Communication exhibits an excess of standardization towards mainly empirical work that is overwhelming carried out using quantitative techniques based on simple statistical analyses, in many cases limiting the presentation of results to a reading of the available data. This article presents an innovative proposal in this area, designed as a new form of dissemination and scientific presentation, with the objective of constructing three composite indicators that, when applied to European public service media, will enable the assessment of the perception of their social value, independence, and management efficiency. Another aim of the study is to provide a comparative vision of these three aspects in all the countries of the European Union except Malta and Luxembourg. This methodology is innovative because it explains the process in detail and justifies the validity of the documentary sources that were used to facilitate its replication or questioning, and reinforces the discussion of the results obtained by evaluating the robustness of the indicators created, before determining which was the most appropriate and comparing the results with a multicriteria decision analysis technique, the Topsis method (technique for order preference by similarity to ideal solution), proposed by Hwang and Yoon (1981). The results show that the synthetic indicators constitute an innovative, original, and validatable methodological tool that can contribute to the advancement of research in Communication.
... Sin embargo, en los últimos años se han llevado a cabo estudios que aspiran a evaluar el desempeño de los medios de comunicación públicos de forma comparativa aplicando medidas estadísticas (Norris, 2009) En el ámbito internacional, una de las investigaciones relevantes y más reciente es la publicada por Saurwein, Eberwein y Karmasin (2019), en la que se indaga en la relación que se puede establecer entre la financiación de 17 medios de comunicación públicos europeos y sus audiencias, contemplando tanto los datos de share, de naturaleza eminentemente cuantitativa, como la confianza de los ciudadanos en la independencia de los medios públicos con respecto a presiones externas y su uso como fuente informativa. A partir de la interrelación de los datos obtenidos de distintas fuentes secundarias, los autores proponen un sistema analítico que, según ellos, puede contribuir a "aportar objetividad a los debates actuales sobre cuestiones políticas y de gestión tales como el canon" (Saurwein; Eberwein; Karmasin, 2019, p. 2). ...
El modelo de producción científica actualmente dominante en el área de Comunicación presenta un exceso de estandarización de las investigaciones, principalmente empíricas, que se llevan a cabo de un modo abrumador mayoritariamente con técnicas cuantitativas basadas en análisis estadísticos simples que, en muchos casos, limitan la exposición de resultados a una lectura de los datos disponibles. Se plantea una propuesta innovadora en el área que se diseña a modo de nueva forma de diseminación y exposición científica. El objetivo es la construcción de tres indicadores compuestos que al ser aplicados a los medios de comunicación públicos europeos permitirán medir la percepción de su valor social, su independencia y eficiencia de gestión. Se plantea, además, como un estudio que permita una visión comparativa de estos tres aspectos en todos los países de la Unión Europea, excepto Malta y Luxemburgo. La metodología innova porque explica detalladamente el proceso y justifica la validez de las fuentes documentales empleadas para facilitar su réplica o cuestionamiento. Refuerza la discusión de los resultados obtenidos con la evaluación de robustez de los indicadores creados, antes de decidir cada vez cuál es el indicador más adecuado comparando los resultados con una técnica de análisis de decisión multicriterio, el método Topsis (Technique for order preference by similarity to ideal solution), propuesto por Hwang y Yoon (1981). Los resultados acreditan que los indicadores sintéticos constituyen una herramienta metodológica innovadora, original y validable que puede contribuir al avance de la investigación en Comunicación.
... This includes the level of autonomy enjoyed by journalists (press freedom), cultural values, and economic pressure on the media sphere (Blumer & Gurevitch, 1995;Dobek-Ostrowska, 2015;Mellado & Lagos, 2013;Meyen, 2018;Peruško, Vozab, & Čuvalo, 2013). Other scholars have added religion (Couldry, 2005;Engesser & Franzetti, 2011;Norris, 2009) and culture (Hayashi & Kopper, 2014) as categories of comparison that could have a decisive impact on media systems. ...
... This includes the level of autonomy enjoyed by journalists (press freedom), cultural values, and economic pressure on the media sphere (Blumer & Gurevitch, 1995;Brüggemann, Engesser, Büchel, Humprecht, & Castro, 2014;Dobek-Ostrowska, 2015;Hallin & Mancini, 2004, 2012Mellado & Lagos, 2013;Meyen, 2018;Peruško, Vozab, & Čuvalo, 2013). Other scholars have added religion (Couldry, 2005;Engesser & Franzetti, 2011;Norris, 2009) and culture (Hayashi & Kopper, 2014) as categories of comparison that could have a decisive impact on media systems. ...
... Ever since its introduction, the media welfare state has been a widely used concept in scholarly work on Nordic media systems. However, it has some inherent problems, even if we leave aside the original shortcomings of Hallin and Mancini's (2004) typology (see, e.g., Norris 2009;Syvertsen et al. 2014). ...
The concept of media welfare state is a combination of the democratic corporatist media system and social democratic welfare state model, describing the distinctiveness of the Nordic countries and their media systems with four basic principles. Media welfare state is based on communication services understood as public goods, freedom from editorial interference, cultural policy and economic support for media pluralism as well as preference for consensual solutions involving cooperation between main stakeholders. However, identifying a joint media welfare state model in recent media and communication policy decisions made in Nordic countries on developing communication infrastructures, media delivery and universal access turns out to be difficult. During the last three decades, none of the four largest Nordic countries has strictly followed all the four principles. In most cases, Finland has ended up with different solutions than its Nordic neighbours and sometimes also in contradiction with the Media Welfare State model. There is evidence that the Nordic media markets have been losing their distinguishability over the years. But the main reason why the present-day Nordic countries do not fit into media welfare state model is that they no longer are welfare states – not at least in the same fashion as they used to be. In Finland, this transition from the welfare state to the competition state has been more rapid and extensive than elsewhere in the Nordic region, partly because of its geopolitical position. The Finnish economy has also been exceptionally dependent on a single mobile technology corporation.
... Political information environments may become a valuable concept for comparative political communication research because they have the advantage of being less abstract, closer to actual news providers and consumers, and easier to operationalize. This latter point is dear to Norris (2009) who argues that advances in comparative political communication research will rely on easy-to-measure, clearly operationalized criteria. In her view, empirical applicability is more important than getting caught up in refining categorical typologies of systems that seemingly disregard the dynamic realities of today's globalized, multi-channel world. ...
In this chapter the state of the art in comparative political communication research is reviewed. First, the chapter reflects upon the development of comparative research that today aspires to knowledge about social prerequisites and political consequences of communication that go beyond a single country, region or field of communication. Second, the authors discuss key approaches to theorize and measure political communication beyond the nation state and national publics.They propose more meaningful frameworks for comparative research than the seemingly outdated country category (e.g., media systems, political communication cultures, political information environments). Finally, the substantial progress made by applying new concepts, complex designs and sophisticated measures is discussed. Applications and examples include election campaigning, the interaction between media actors and political actors, and the impact of the Internet on democracy. The chapter closes with a summary of core advances and promising areas of future scholarship.
... Variations, modifications and hybrid models of the Hallin and Mancini typology have been proposed to reflect the distinct situations outside the West, including the specific issues faced by transitional democracies (Albuquerque 2012;McCargo 2012;Mungiu-Pippidi 2013;Voltmer 2012). Further, additional categories like religion and freedom of the press have been suggested (Couldry 2005;Norris 2009). ...
South Korea had a Watergate moment in 2016, when a corruption scandal led to an impeachment of the president. Two media outlets in particular, the progressive newspaper Hankyoreh and JTBC, a TV station with roots in Samsung, first broke and then sensationalized the scandal that motivated the candlelight protests. Using textual analysis and oral history interviews, this article critically examines news institutions and journalistic culture to derive three main findings. First, the democracy movement of the 1980s provided institutional and cultural foundations. Second, commercial desires facilitated higher-quality journalism, rather than undermining it. The economic liberalization and the precarity of the economy as a whole influenced both the media industry at large and the specific business strategies that motivated JTBC. Third, there is an Americanization of journalistic norms and culture. While the two outlets were outnumbered by better-funded pro-government outlets, the duo ultimately prevailed with an irreverent culture of truth-seeking.
... ISSN 0718-4867 www.perspectivasdelacomunicacion.cl 14 E Introducción n una línea ya tradicional de estudios sobre campañas electorales online en Brasil y en el mundo (Bimber y Davis, 2003;Bimber, 2014;Braga, 2014;Braga, Carlomagno, 2018;Cervi, Massuchin, y Carvalho, 2016;Gomes y Aggio, 2009;Graham et al., 2013;Ituassu et al, 2018;Marques et al., 2013;Muniz et al., 2016;Murta et al, 2017;Nielsen y Vaccari, 2013;Norris, 2000;Strommer-Galley, 2000, 2019Vaccari, 2008), el objetivo de este artículo es producir una reflexión acerca de posibles impactos de la comunicación política digital sobre la democracia, tras las elecciones presidenciales de 2016 en los Estados Unidos, y de 2018 en Brasil. De manera comparada (Blumler y Gurevitch, 1995;Blumler y Kavanagh, 1999;Canel y Voltmer, 2014;Esser y Pfetsch, 2004;2016;Hallin y Mancini, 2004a;2011;Norris, 2009;Voltmer, 2006;Zielonka, 2015), se trata de un trabajo de contextualización de ambas contiendas respecto a la comunicación política digital de las campañas de Donald Trump y Jair Bolsonaro, discutiendo tales contextos a partir de los conceptos de "americanización", "modernización", "posmodernización" e "hipermediatización". Además, en el campo de la teoría de la democracia, sugerimos una posible relación entre la comunicación política de las campañas con la idea de "eclipse del público" de John Dewey (2012Dewey ( [1927). ...
This article aims to discuss possible impacts of digital political communication on Brazilian democracy, and democracy in general, considering the 2016 presidential elections in the United States and 2018, in Brazil. We propose a discussion within the frameworks of "Americanization", "modernization", "post-modernization" and "hypermediatization" of the campaigns, and in relation to John Dewey's idea of "the eclipse of the public" (1927). In this sense, we make a brief contextualization of both elections focusing especially on the successful campaigns of both Donald Trump in the United States and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. Both campaigns were analyzed as historical case studies, and more than 300 documents, including articles, news stories, reports and interviews, among other sources were read and analyzed by three distinct researchers. A content analysis was developed by using the notion of "computational propaganda" as a reference, looking for practices that use data, algorithms, and automation to deliberately manage and disseminate information (and disinformation) in the digital media. Following both contexts and discussions, we suggest: 1) a larger notion of "hypermediatization" as a framework for understanding digital political communication practices in electoral contexts, what we have called "expanded hypermediatization"; and 2) John Dewey's idea of "the eclipse of the public" to evaluate potential problems to the public sphere raised by the fragmentation of the public into multiple mini-publics. In the end, we hope to contribute to the debates about how digital media may affect not only campaigns and elections, but also politics and democracy.
... Aside from the ones articulated by Norris (2009), Hardy (2012) summarizes other criticisms of the model. He claims that the latter neglects important factors affecting media systems like country size, market size, regionalism, ethnic and linguistic structure, laws, and religion. ...
Globalization is a compelling reason to conduct comparative studies between and among nations. Societal problems like climate change and migration transcend cultures and any attempt to solve them requires concerted efforts beyond borders and regions. This chapter compares the media systems in Germany and Indonesia, which are different in various ways, because not only the former is in Europe and the latter is in Asia, but because they have varied historical and cultural contexts. To compare the media systems of both countries, we have applied the theoretical framework based not only on the indicators proposed by Hallin and Manchini (2004), but also other indicators suggested by various scholars like press freedom, Internet freedom, cultural dimensions, and media trust (Brüggemann, Engesser, Büchel, Humprecht and Castro, 2014; Hardy, 2012; Noris, 2010).
This chapter begins with an overview on theory and methodology in comparing media systems and then analyzes the two countries’ reach and trust on the media, as well as the state of press freedom and Internet freedom. We furthermore describe various aspects of media systems like political parallelisms, media ownership, state interventions, media regulations, and the journalists’ professionalism. Finally, we present our conclusions based on the analysis of both media systems.
... (Blumler & Gurevitch, 1975, 1995Canel & Voltmer, 2014;de Vreese, 2017;Esser & Pfetsch, 2004, 2016Guerrero & Márquez-Ramírez, 2014;Gunther & Mughan, 2000;Hallin & Mancini, 2004, 2011Kaid, 2004;Mcnair, 1999;Nimmo & Sanders, 1981;Nordenstreng & Thussu, 2015;Norris, 2004Norris, , 2009Siebert, Peterson, & Schramm, 1956;Zielonka, 2015). Jay Blumler y Michael Gurevitch (1975, 1995, pioneros de los primeros inventarios sobre el "estado del arte" de la investigación comparada en comunicación política, sugieren que el campo pasó de su "infancia", allá por los años 70 (donde el tono era de incertidumbre), a una especie de "adolescencia" a inicios de los años 90 (período marcado de forma más optimista por el crecimiento y la identidad emergente de las investigaciones), y llegando a la "madurez" a mediados de la primera década del 2000, con una base teórica más sólida en los trabajos y un empirismo más amplio en los resultados alcanzados por las investigaciones (Esser & Pfetsch, 2004).Sin dejar de reconocer los avances, este artículo argumenta, buscando contribuir con los estudios del área, que la madurez alcanzada por las investigaciones de comunicación política comparada esconde algunas controversias importantes, y defiende la idea de que el campo de estudios, formado a partir de una tradición de investigación con una amplia literatura especializada, necesita una reevaluación y una actualización de sus presupuestos básicos. ...
Este artículo presenta una discusión teórica y epistemológica sobre el campo de la comunicación política comparada. Desde nuestra perspectiva, el área presenta algunas contradicciones teóricas, conceptuales y metodológicas que su maduración todavía no ha sido capaz de resolver. Aquí se destacarán tres niveles de problemas: la prevalencia de una perspectiva epistemológica calcada en un paradigma positivista, con énfasis en relaciones deterministas y funcionales; el etnocentrismo de los análisis, orientados por parámetros predominantemente (norte)occidentales; y un distanciamiento relativo del campo de su objeto fundamental: la comunicación política per se. El presente trabajo confronta dichos condicionamientos, problematizando cuestiones y sugiriendo alternativas para las investigaciones.
... Notes 1. Typologies of media systems remain a controversial subject in mass communication/journalism studies. The original typology of media systems (Hallin and Mancini 2004) has been criticized for its exclusive focus on the West (Norris 2009) and a lack of focus on digital communication (Hardy 2012). 2. The small number of the respondents in the Palestinian case presents a challenge for this analysis. ...
The role of newsmakers as intermediaries in the shaping of external perceptions and reception of narratives advanced by different actors remains sparse in EU studies. This contribution fills this gap and addresses the personal images of the EU of newsmakers. We contribute to the understanding of those personal perceptions and their link to professional values of audience interest, newsworthiness and objectivity in reporting the EU. The article will demonstrate that all journalists perceive EU coverage in their respective locations are led by local priorities. Negative views of the EU as a weakening, biased, ineffective, elitist and arrogant actor are dominant. Arguably, they create conditions for the birth and dissemination of Euro-distant and even Euro-sceptic media narratives. The article will explain why this is the case while drawing on political/ideational and business/financial explanations.
... Noteworthy in this respect were the recent plans to slash the budget of the Danish national broadcaster (DR) by up to 25% 3 and the attempt to abolish the licence fee of the Swiss broadcasting corporation (SRG-SSR) in a referendum held last March, which was finally rejected. 4 In a paper published in 2012, Hallin and Mancini themselves recognise the limitations of their classification and agree with many of the issued raised and proposals for improvement made by other researchers (Norris 2009;Curran 2011;Brüggemann et al. 2014). They also admit that it can incorporate more precise dimensions and indicators when adequately comparing media systems. ...
The use of strategies to enhance the media visibility of politicians intensifies above all at election time and their focus is chiefly television due to the fact that it still has the greatest power to sway voters. Thus, based on a content analysis of the evening news on Televisión Española (TVE) and 18 semi-structured in-depth interviews with professionals working at the Spanish public broadcaster, the airtime that politicians were given was established to assess whether it had fulfilled its obligation as regards independence and pluralism at two crucial moments for Spanish politics: the period prior to the election calls, the pre-campaign periods and the official campaigns before the general elections held on 20 December 2015 and 26 June 2016. Both were unique in their own way: on the one hand, the debut of new political parties with the potential to win a large number of seats in Parliament; and, on the other, despite the fact that in just six months the party in power had lost its absolute majority and there were still no visible signs of change at TVE, it is still worth examining the variations in news treatment prior to both elections.
... Some scholars make a distinction between strategic frames (actors' motivations and cam- paign strategies) and game frames (or horse race coverage, that is, a focus on opinion polls; see Aalberg et al., 2012;). I found that these different measurements did not significantly moderate the original effect (full results available in Online Appendix B). 14. Regarding Research Question 2 (RQ2), which compared between levels of media com- mercialization, some scholars argue that the British media system is more related to the North European model than to the liberal model or that it should even be considered as a separate category due to its uniqueness (Hardy, 2012;Norris, 2009). Analyses conducted using these typologies did not change the original results. ...
One of the most dominant ways of covering politics in the media is by focusing on politicians’ strategies for gaining public support and their positions at the polls. The conventional wisdom is that this tendency—usually referred to as strategic, horse race, or game coverage—has negative consequences for democracy because it increases political alienation. Others argue, however, that the public’s attraction to strategic coverage improves knowledge about issues and encourages civic engagement. This study examines the consequences of strategic coverage by performing a meta-analysis of published and unpublished studies. Based on 54 findings from 32 studies and 38,658 respondents, I show that across studies and contexts, strategic coverage increases political cynicism (d = 0.32), reduces substance-based political knowledge (d = −0.31), and discourages positive evaluations regarding the news items (d = −0.22). However, there is no evidence that this coverage erodes participation. These findings correspond with scholars’ previous concerns.
... Finally, a country's media system could affect the party-media relationship. Following the seminal contribution of Hallin and Mancini (2004), many scholars have addressed cross-country differences in the characteristics and structure of media systems (e.g., see Aalberg and Curran 2012), such as the dimensions of press market reach, role of the state, political parallelism, and journalistic professionalism (but see Norris 2009 for a critique of the absence of empirical clarity in these dimensions). The relevant dimension to address the impact of party communication on media reporting is political parallelism (Vliegenthart and Montes 2014), since it is the only dimension that directly connects political parties to journalists' selection criteria for news articles. ...
In this paper, we examine who drives attention to the European Union (EU) in member nations—the media or the parties—and how cross-national variations in these media-party interactions can be explained by focusing on issue salience in campaign communications, party polarization, and media system characteristics. To answer these questions, we rely on a quantitative content analysis of newspaper articles and party press releases in seven countries (Austria, France, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands, Portugal, and the United Kingdom) during the twelve weeks prior to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. Our results from a daily-level vector autoregression (VAR) analysis show that parties are the main driver. However, our findings also indicate that single approaches in comparative research, namely, issue salience, party polarization, and media characteristics, cannot fully explain cross-national variations, which stem from combinations of different determinants, such as low (high) EU issue salience interacting with high (low) party polarization.
Cross-national media freedom comparison is often based on Western-biased indices published by organizations such as Freedom House or Reporters Without Borders. Additionally, Eurocentric analysis and comparison are endorsed by the application of hegemonic media systems models to compare media environments. This study argues that cultural contextualization is indispensable to challenging the prevailing Eurocentrism. Comparison of the ‘connotative’ contexts of Malaysia, Myanmar and Thailand demonstrates the analytical and explanatory power of inductively inferred variables to understand the formation of political communication. The comparison highlights factors which go beyond the comparison of media systems using predefined categories and models.
This study focuses on contributing to the emerging international research agenda regarding press freedom, moving beyond the already established factors that relate to political and industrial norms as influences on press freedom. Its primary goal is to explore the dynamics of influence on press freedom in different media systems of the western world based on a quantitative analysis of data for 2008–2019 in 16 countries. Findings indicate that press freedom in democratic countries is severely challenged and in certain deeply worrying cases, it is steadily declining, whereas factors that influence this decline appear to be common in different, even contradictory, media systems. In addition, by examining the dynamics of influence on press freedom in different media systems, this work attempts to partially contribute to the discussion on the evolution of western media systems as regards their relationship with press freedom.
The article aims to capture the diversity of emerging practices in fact-checking by exploring, on the one side, journalists' self-perception of the watchdog role they believe to perform and, on the other, the effective occurrence of such a role in different media systems. Data regarding the perception of the watchdog role stem from the Worlds of Journalism Survey, whereas evidence concerning the presence of the watchdog function derives from a content analysis of 2,792 fact-checks published by FactCheck.org (United States), Pagella Politica (Italy), Correctiv (Germany), and Lupa (Brazil). While fact-checkers working for Correctiv rarely addressed declarations by political agents, those contributing to FactCheck.org prioritized verifying statements by former President Trump. In turn, Pagella Politica fact-checkers recurrently used assertive labels to stress the falsehood of public remarks, whilst "true" is the most used label in the Lupa case. There is correspondence between professionals' conceptions about their role and the watchdog stance agencies perform in most cases. The manuscript also discusses how idiosyncrasies featuring each professional culture and specific traits of media systems influence fact-checkers' work. Lastly, we hold that in some settings fact-checking may outline new frontiers for the notion of watchdog journalism, taking the jour-nalistic voice to unprecedented levels of adversarialism.
Studimi i komunikimit politik ka qenë vazhdimisht i lidhur ngushtë me mediet dhe me zhvillimin e tyre. Në dekadën e fundit fokusi ka kaluar te mediet sociale, për shkak të përdorimit të gjerë të tyre dhe, rrjedhimisht, edhe të ndikimit të tyre në proceset zgjedhore. Përqendrimi i akterëve politik në medie sociale i ka yshtë edhe studiuesit që të merren më dendur me mundësinë e efektit që mund të ketë media sociale në fushatë zgjedhore dhe në zgjedhje. Sikundër në shtetet më të zhvilluara, edhe në Kosovë, përdorimi i medieve sociale nga akterët politikë është në rritje. Por, siç konfirmohet në konkludimet e studiuesve të ndryshëm, që do të shkoqiten më tepër në kapitullin e tretë, mënyra e përdorimit të medieve sociale dhe, mbi të gjitha, qëllimi i përdorimit të tyre ndryshon nga shteti në shtet, ose edhe nga rajoni në rajon. Politikanët mëtojnë të shpërndajnë idetë e tyre dhe të fitojnë besimin e qytetarëve duke komunikuar drejtpërdrejt me ta nëpërmjet medieve sociale, Facebook apo Twitter. Ky lloj komunikimi ka përjashtuar tashmë rolin e madh të gazetarit në procesin e komunikimit politik dhe, njëherësh, i ka dhënë politikanit mjetin më të përshtatshëm për të shpërndarë një mesazh, pa frikën se mund t'i 'censurohet', apo t'i filtrohet ai mesazh nga politikat redaktoriale të radios, televizionit, gazetës, apo portalit. Facebook-u dhe Twitter-i e kanë shkrirë distancën që kishin politikani dhe qytetari. Në shikim të parë, kjo duket tejet pozitive, sepse shmangia e distancës mundëson një komunikim më të drejtpërdrejtë, më të shpejtë, më të shpeshtë, më të lehtë dhe, kësisoj, qytetarët, çdo herë mund t'i drejtohen me shqetësimet e tyre politikanit të cilin ata e shohin si faktor që mund t'ua zgjidh problemet. Por, historikisht, politika gjithëherë ka synuar ta ketë medien në dorë, me qëllimin që media të jetë në shërbim të saj dhe, që media ta përçojë mesazhin te publiku ashtu siç ajo, pra politika dëshiron dhe ashtu siç asaj i konvenon. Objekt i këtij studimi është përdorimi i medieve sociale nga partitë politike për komunikim politik me qytetarët, gjegjësisht me zgjedhësit në zgjedhjet e përgjithshme të vitit 2017.
Este texto aborda las ramificaciones teóricas, conceptuales y sistémicas respecto de la presencia de los debates electorales en una era marcada por la comunicación política audiovisual y digital. Qué impacto tienen los debates en los resultados electorales. Son estos fuente de información valiosa para que la ciudadanía pueda emitir un voto razonado. O, tal y como sus propios críticos lo han señalado, son los debates electorales una muestra de la trivialización del discurso político en donde la descalificación y el ataque personal sustituyen el contraste de ideas y la discusión acerca de la viabilidad de proyectos políticos determinados. El texto ofrece un debate articulado y puntual con miras a dirimir una añeja tensión que, por un lado, resalta la función deliberativa de los debates para la democracia y, por otro, los sanciona como instrumentos de intervención política para descarrilar candidaturas y legitimar sesgos políticos por parte de distintos actores de poder.
en Partisan media bias has been difficult to operationalize, and it rarely has been analyzed cross-nationally. This study presents new measures of media bias and applies them to data covering 24 EU countries. To build the measures, we employ two benchmarks of political balance—objectivity and neutrality. We rely on cross-national content data on parties' visibility from 13'893 mentions in news stories, 530 expert evaluations on party favorability of media outlets, and survey data on media audiences' partisan preferences from 24'068 individuals. Scores are used to assess partisan media bias at country, outlet, and party levels.
Zusammenfassung
de Die Operationalisierung von politischer Ausgewogenheit in der Medienberichterstattung ist ein schwieriges Unterfangen. Ausserdem ist politische Ausgewogenheit nur selten länderübergreifend untersucht worden. Anhand von Daten, die 24 EU-Staaten umfassen, stellt die vorliegende Studie zwei neue Operationalisierungen politischer Ausgewogenheit in der Medienberichter-stattung vor. Diese Operationalisierungen nehmen ihren Ausgangspunkt in zwei Definitionen von politischer Ausgewogenheit: Objektivität und Neutralität. Die Daten umfassen 13'893 Erwähnungen von politischen Parteien in der Medienberichterstattung, 530 Experten-Beurteilungen der Darstellung von Parteien in den Medien sowie Umfragedaten, die die poli-tischen Orientierung von Mediennutzern erfassen (N=24'068). Anhand dieser Daten wird die politische Ausgewogenheit der Medienberichterstattung auf Länder-, Medien- und Parteiniveau berechnet.
Résumé
fr Les partis pris politiques des médias sont difficiles à mesurer et ont rarement été analysés à l’échelle internationale. Cette étude présente de nouvelles mesures du biais médiatique et les applique à des données sur 24 pays de l’UE. Pour élaborer les mesures, nous utilisons deux crit`eres d’équilibre politique: l’objectivité et la neutralité. Nous nous appuyons sur des données de contenu transnationales sur la visibilité des partis à partir de 13893 mentions dans des articles et des reportages, 530 évaluations d’experts sur la favorabilité des médias vers les partis et des données d’enquˆete sur les préférences partisanes des audiences des médias (N=24068 personnes). Les scores sont utilisés pour évaluer les biais partisans des médias au niveau des pays, des médias et des partis.
Предмет на настоящото изследване са отношенията идентичност, образ и национален бранд от гледна точка на езиковите и текстови механизми за легитимиране на политическа позиция, за конструирането на образа на България и позиционирането й в политическия дебат във Великобритания в периода (2001-2015 г.). Конкретният обект на изследване е британската медия сп. Икономист, водеща глобална медия, третираща въпросите на международните отношения с първостепенно значение във формирането на международното обществено мнение и нагласи по тези въпроси, която е предмет на анализ във втора глава на настоящата монография. Другият конкретен изследователски обект е конструирания образ на държавата ни в публичните изявления на водещи британски политици в посочения период (Тони Блеър, Дейвид Камърън и Найджъл Фараж). Основна цел e извеждане и аргументиране на дискурсно-конструктивистки модел за анализ на публичните комуникации като се идентифицират езиковите и текстови механизми за легитимиране на дадена политическа позиция и конструиране на образите на участниците в публичния дебат. Последните се обособяват в дискурсни стратегии като интегрална част от комуникационните стратегии за брандиране на нацията и за създаване на положителен образ на страната и държавата, предмет на анализ в третата глава на монографията. Изследването потвърждава основните хипотези, a именно че The Economist задава критичен поглед за оценка на България и българите, a изграденият изграденият в британския медиен и политически дискурс образ на последните е консолидиран - устойчиво и негативно стереотипизиран. Факторите, които го предопределят могат да бъдат идентифицирани и управлявани с цел оптимизиране на комуникационната стратегия на България за брандиране на националната идентичност. От гледна точка на теоретико-методологичната изследователска рамка, монографията е с ясно изразен интердисциплинарен характер. Основният изследователски метод е когнитивно-прегаматичният дискурс анализ като част от по-общата интерпретативна методология, прилагана в хуманитарните и социалните науки за изследване на човешкото мислене и поведение, и връзката между тях.
Trata-se de um Seminário Temático dedicado a examinar a noção de “Sistemas de Mídia” – um dos conceitos mais influentes na literatura recente da área de Comunicação & Política. A intenção é estimular os/as estudantes incorporarem, em suas respectivas trajetórias de investigação, categorias teóricas que facilitem o estudo comparativo de fenômenos midiáticos. Uma vez que classificações e modelos propostos para escrutinizar os sistemas de mídia de países desenvolvidos nem sempre se mostram adaptáveis a outras realidades, pretende-se abordar as demandas por “de-westernization” (desocidentalização) das investigações em Comunicação.
Thematic Seminar aimed to discuss the notion of "Media Systems" – one of the most influential concepts in the literature on Political Communication. The intention is to encourage students to incorporate in their respective research trajectories theoretical categories that facilitate the comparative study of media landscapes. Since the classifications and models proposed to examine the media systems featuring the developed countries are not necessarily applicable to other realities, one intends to address the demands for "de-westernization" of Communication research.
For decades, public service broadcasting has played an important role in the provision of news and information in many European countries. Today, however, public service media (PSM) are confronted with numerous challenges, including the need to legitimise their role in an increasingly digital media environment. Against this background, this study examines the audience perspective on the topic with an international comparative approach. It analyses the population’s assessment of, and attitudes towards, the performance of PSM. The aim is to identify what relevance is attributed to PSM by the public in the digital age and how they see PSM’s role in comparison to other more recent (digital) media offerings. An online survey was conducted in three specifically selected countries: Germany, France, and the UK. Overall, the findings show that respondents attribute a clear role to PSM and distinguish it from other media offerings in the increasingly digital media environment. They rate the information quality offered by PSM as higher than that of most other media offerings. Respondents are more likely to value social media platforms for entertainment purposes than PSM. The findings also reveal differences in the evaluation of PSM depending on PSM news use, interest in news, political interest, as well as on demographic variables. On the other hand, differences between the individual countries overall were surprisingly small, pointing to the fact that PSM across the countries sampled are—with deviations—perceived to be performing better than (most) other media, despite being confronted with changes and challenges in their environment.
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/mediaandcommunication/issue/viewIssue/186/PDF186
In their much-quoted typology of Western media systems, Hallin and Mancini (2004) associate Canada's media system with what they call the “Liberal model,” given its strong professionalization and limited politicization. They also hypothesize the existence of a more professional and more politicized media subsystem in Quebec. This article tests their hypothesis with data from a 2018 survey of 209 experts across Canada. The findings do not support the hypothesis of a media subsystem in Quebec. However, they show a diversity of ideological and political orientations among news media organizations, which has important empirical and theoretical implications for the study of political communication in Canada.
For the fifth edition of Caramani’s textbook Comparative Politics we have fundamentally revised our chapter from the previous 4th edition and updated it in the light of the latest literature. The chapter is structured along the core dimensions of contemporary political communication systems. It first explains the rationale for a comparative study of political communication before discussing relevant models of relationship between media and political institutions, as well as differences in political communication cultures among media and political elites. It then reviews findings on country-specific reporting styles in political news coverage and evaluates divergent approaches in government communication and election communication. On the side of the citizens, the chapter explores cross-national differences in the consumption of political news, along with the positive contribution of public service broadcasters for informed and enlightened citizenship. Finally, it looks at political information flows, comparing message production by political actors, political message production by media actors, usage patterns of political information, and effects of political communication.
For the fifth edition of Caramani’s textbook Comparative Politics (OUP, 2020), we have fundamentally revised our chapter from the previous edition and updated it in the light of the latest literature. We describe the emergence of hybrid ecosystems of political communication in model form and propose them as macro-units for comparative research. On the basis of this model, we provide a systematic overview of the scholarly literature on comparative political communication research.
This article presents a framework for mapping digital communication systems and thereby analyzing how and why structural conditions differ across national contexts. Following the ‘turn to infrastructure’ in Internet studies, we conceptualize communication systems as made of infrastructural, market, and policy structures that enable and constrain mediated communication in a given society. As opposed to media system analyses that typically focus on legacy media institutions, we take individual Internet users as our theoretical point of departure and ask how their communicative capabilities are regulated. In order to exemplify the application of the framework, we describe the methodological steps in a mapping of the components of the Danish communication system. In conclusion, we discuss the overall findings that the method uncovers and its implications for future comparative research.
The recent demand to strongly contextualize findings of political communication research (Rojas & Valenzuela, 2019) should be welcomed. Such a call is pushing at an already open door, particularly with scholars engaged in comparative research. Comparative research is essentially about context; it is context-sensitive in the way that it aims to understand how the contextual environment shapes individual-level political communication phenomena (Blumler, McLeod & Rosengren, 1992). Not only are individual-level processes better understood through the consideration of contextual factors but the significance of macro-level characteristics only becomes visible when different national political communication arrangements are compared with each other.
Der Beitrag bietet eine Definition der komparativen Journalismusforschung, erklärt ihre spezifische Forschungslogik, verteidigt sie gegen die Herausforderungen der Globalisierung und schildert ihren Bezug zu theoretischen und methodischen Festlegungen. Im zweiten Teil bietet er einen überblick über relevante Studien und ihre Kernbefunde. Demnach lassen sich im internationalen Vergleich weiterhin verschiedene professionelle Kulturen unterscheiden, die durch Prozesse der Globalisierung, Europäisierung und Online-Orientierung keineswegs eingeebnet wurden. Sowohl über die Charakteristika als auch die Triebkräfte dieser verschiedenen Journalismen herrscht zunehmend Klarheit. Der Beitrag schließt mit einer Einschätzung zukünftiger Forschungsperspektiven.
We examine the patterns of media ownership in 97 countries around the world. We find that almost universally the largest media firms are owned by the government or by private families. Government ownership is more pervasive in broadcasting than in the printed media. We then examine two theories of government ownership of the media: the public interest (Pigouvian) theory according to which government ownership cures market failures, and the public choice theory according to which government ownership undermines political and economic freedom. The data support the second theory.
Building on a survey of media institutions in eighteen West European and North American democracies, Hallin and Mancini identify the principal dimensions of variation in media systems and the political variables which have shaped their evolution. They go on to identify three major models of media system development (the Polarized Pluralist, Democratic Corporatist and Liberal models) to explain why the media have played a different role in politics in each of these systems, and to explore the forces of change that are currently transforming them. It provides a key theoretical statement about the relation between media and political systems, a key statement about the methodology of comparative analysis in political communication and a clear overview of the variety of media institutions that have developed in the West, understood within their political and historical context.
For decades the (western) media world could be divided along the simple dichotomy of western vs communist media systems. When the communist world collapsed, the corresponding media model was declared history as well. At first sight, it was fully replaced by the western model in the same way as the society was reorganized according to western principles. On a closer look, however, western influence seems to be restricted primarily to the market area. The reshaping of the media system into a pluralist and independent Fourth Estate, the transformation of the journalistic community into an autonomous professional group dedicated to a public service ideal and the redefinition of the audience into a group of citizens all failed to occur. Media systems are given shape not only by economic but also by political and cultural factors. Russia's culture can be considered a combination of western/European and eastern/Asian characteristics. For this reason it is likely that we will witness the emerging of an indigenous Russian (Eurasian?) media system instead of the simple `westification' or `Europeanization' of the Russian media system.
Makes a compelling case for the importance of thoughtful research design and persuasive evidence in theory building
This is a necessary and very original book that really does address the lack of attention to media in previous discussions about globalization' - James Lull, San Jose State UniversityThere is practically no globalization without media and communications. Yet this relationship is so obvious it is often overlooked. Rantanen challenges conventional ways of thinking about globalization and shows it cannot be understood without studying the role of the media.This book offers:- a clear and accessible overview of globalization and the pivotal role of the media- an introduction to the concepts and theories of globalization- empirical data on the production and consumption of media- a methodology for relating individual, local experiences to the global pictureRantanen has made this complex and huge subject very accessible by using personal histories and pictures to engage the reader. It will be invaluable to students in international media, cultural studies, communications and international relations.
Analytical Perspectives on Politics 10
- Paradigms Geddes
- Sand Castles
Geddes, Paradigms and Sand Castles: Theory Building and Research Design in
Comparative Politics, Analytical Perspectives on Politics 10, Ann Arbor, University of
Michigan Press, 2003, p. 314; M. Dogan and D. Pélassy, How to Compare Nations:
Strategies in Comparative Politics, Chatham, NJ, Chatham House, 1984, p. 185.
- C Ragin
C. Ragin, Fuzzy-Set Social Science, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2000,
p. 352.
11 P. Chakravartty and Y. Zhao, Global Communications: Toward a Transcultural Political Economy, Critical Media Studies 11, Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 2008,
p. 359.
- Lijphart