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The Meds and Eds in Urban Economic Development
Abstract
Medical and higher education institutions have become centerpieces of urban economies, employing large numbers, purchasing goods and services, and anchoring neighborhoods by their land investments. Perhaps even more important in the knowledge economy of the twenty-first century, these knowledge-generating institutions help cities compete for growth. Yet the literature on urban economic development neglects them. Using Philadelphia as a case study, this article asks whether local and state policymakers have enacted policies to promote the meds and eds. It finds that, far from supporting these institutions, public officials have withdrawn support from them during the 1990s. State government has been shifting subsidies away from the institutions in favor of subsidizing their customers (i.e., patients, students). And municipal officials have challenged the tax-exempt status of major nonprofit institutions. The article concludes that if policy makers recognized these as leading export sectors of the urban economy, they would be more supportive.
... A decade ago, Adams (2003) argued that, despite the evidence confirming the status of medical and higher education institutions as "centerpieces of urban economies," neither the literature of urban economic development and planning has paid sufficient attention to them nor policymakers have enacted policies to promote them ( p. 571). The author concluded that if policymakers acknowledge these institutions as "leading export sectors of the urban economy," they will be more supportive (Adams, 2003, p. 571). ...
... Yet, this is not the only significant way they contribute to the economy. Healthcare institutions can promote innovation by training healthcare scholars and produce new knowledge (Adams, 2003). Their investments in human capital result in increased productivity, which can attract more firms to the region, whereas their research functions helps firms gain competitive advantage (Felsenstein, 1996). ...
... Their investments in human capital result in increased productivity, which can attract more firms to the region, whereas their research functions helps firms gain competitive advantage (Felsenstein, 1996). Growing urban hospitals may anchor their neighborhoods through their capital and land investments that potentially can draw other investments to the city-region and boost property values and property tax revenues (Adams, 2003). ...
This article sheds light on the scope and magnitude of community and economic impacts of urban safety net hospitals. It presents a framework for assessing these contributions, and utilizes the proposed framework to analyze the case of MetroHealth System in Cleveland, Ohio. We found that through its 3-faceted functions of clinical care, academics, and research, the hospital employs a large number of workers, purchases substantial amounts of goods and services in the local and regional marketplace, generates new knowledge, invests in human capital, anchors the neighborhood by its land and capital investments, and participates in developing a community vision.
... Universities (and other large, locally dependent nonprofit institutions) as custodians of place; Key role in supporting local social and economic stability; Bottom-up partnerships and place-making Adams 2003;Birch, Perry, and Taylor 2013;Ehlenz 2018 knowledge exchange through networking and mentorship. The RIS concept has proved particularly influential in Europe where national (e.g. the creation of Higher Education Regional Associations in the UK in the late-1990s) and supranational policy frameworks (The European Commission's approach to 'Smart Specialisation') have provided strong governmental mandates to mobilize universities in regional territorial and economic development (Harrison, Smith, and Kinton 2017;Foray 2014). ...
... Such thinking is clearly captured in the 'civic university' model advocated by Goddard and his collaborators in the UK (Goddard 2009;Goddard and Vallance 2013) while research centred at the University of Twente in the Netherlands has examined the role of HEIs in anchoring polycentric knowledge-based urban development (Kopelyan and Nieth 2018). In the US, academic and policy interest has more readily focused on (predominantly Research 1) 3 universities as 'anchor institutions' capable of fostering social cohesion and local development in urban communities by mooring people, businesses, and capital in place (Adams 2003;Birch, Perry, and Taylor 2013;Ehlenz 2018). Anchoring functions are evident in processes of university-led 'neighbourhood revitalisation' (Rich and Tsitsos 2018), the construction of 'stateanchored industrial districts' (Markusen 1996) and precinct-based 'innovation districts' (Katz and Wagner 2014). ...
While academic and policy analyses have explored universities’ roles in urban regeneration and regional development, issues arising from intraurban collaboration and competition in multi-university city-regions have received scant attention. In response, this paper examines how higher education institutions (HEIs) connect and splinter urban space at multiple scales through a case study of Newark, NJ, USA. Newark’s attempts to reposition itself as a hub for university-enabled innovation disclose the complex ways in which the infrastructures of knowledge urbanism are implemented, negotiated, and spatialized at local and city-regional scales. The study’s multi-disciplinary analysis assesses the discourses, technologies, and territorial constellations through which HEIs (re)shape place and project urban peripheries into wider city-regional networks. The paper’s findings reveal an emergent and decentred ‘de facto’ form of university regionalism crystallizing in Greater New York that illustrates the need for robust, scalar-sensitive assessments of anchor institution strategies as they are articulated within broader regionalization processes.
... The increasing commodification of both education and the student experience (Gibbs, 2001;Smith and Hubbard, 2014) has led to recognition that universities must compete for resources and students in a national and global market for higher education (Armstrong, 2001;Cochrane and Williams, 2013;Cortes, 2004;Duke-Williams, 2009). The challenges are exacerbated by battles between university administrators and municipal authorities over local taxes, and state and federal cutbacks to higher education spending (Adams, 2003;Ehlenz et al., 2014). These challenges have led some universities to act more directly as real estate developers to expand the university, or at least create a buffer around themselves (Adams, 2003;Bose, 2015;Cortes, 2004;Gumprecht, 2006). ...
... The challenges are exacerbated by battles between university administrators and municipal authorities over local taxes, and state and federal cutbacks to higher education spending (Adams, 2003;Ehlenz et al., 2014). These challenges have led some universities to act more directly as real estate developers to expand the university, or at least create a buffer around themselves (Adams, 2003;Bose, 2015;Cortes, 2004;Gumprecht, 2006). Changes of this sort are having an impact on the neighborhoods of the city outside the university gates. ...
With the rise of the cognitive-cultural (or knowledge) economy, urban areas around the world have experienced significant changes in their social geographies. Studentification is one such change that has occurred in cities hosting major universities around the world. This study extends the analysis of social change to vital knowledge nodes in the networked global economy: United States college towns. K-means cluster analysis is used to identify neighborhood types in ten cities with major research universities across four Census years: 1980, 1990, 2000, and 2010. Temporal and spatial analyses are then conducted to determine how these knowledge nodes have changed with the decline of the industrial economy and the rise of the knowledge economy. The analysis indicates the presence of six neighborhood types in these college towns: Middle Class, Minority-Concentrated, Stability, Elite, Mix/Renter, and Student. Over the course of the study period, the number of Elite neighborhoods increased considerably, while the number of Middle Class neighborhoods plummeted. The number of Mix/Renter neighborhoods also increased. Spatially, Student and Minority-Concentrated neighborhoods generally remained fairly clustered in the same areas across the study period. Elite neighborhoods spread across wider geographical areas over the course of the study period. These results are compared to previous studies on neighborhood change. The comparisons reveal that the knowledge nodes show some similar patterns to studentifying cities and to rapidly growing nodes in areas with ties to the global knowledge economy.
... A burgeoning literature suggests an important potential for universities to act as "anchor institutions" that contribute to the revitalization -or at least stabilization -of disinvested urban neighborhoods. This includes both academic studies (Adams, 2003;Ehlenz, 2016) and institute-supported gray literature (Axelroth & Dubb, 2010;Kleiman et al., 2015), largely in an American context. As shrinking cities are more likely to have disinvested urban neighborhoods than their growing counterparts (Weaver et al., 2017), universities can potentially play a key role in economic revitalization (Birch, 2014;Mallach, 2018a). ...
... The crucial feature of these institutions is precisely that they are "anchored" in place, unlikely to move or go out of business, in contrast to private profit-oriented firms that may be far more sensitive to changing economic context, including vagaries of the market and tax incentives (Adams, 2003). For example, Wayne State University, the Henry Ford Health System and the Detroit Medical Center steadily propelled the resurgence of Midtown Detroit through several periods of economic decline (Doucet & Smit, 2016). ...
Anchor institutions, including universities, are often instrumentalized to spur revitalization in shrinking or declining cities. Yet universities' implications for the social geographies of legacy cities remain under-studied. We examine links between universities and gentrification, alongside "studentification" resulting from the concentration of students and "youthification" due to the concentration of young adults, in five legacy city Metropolitan Statistical Areas in the United States in 1980 and 2016 using data from the Census and American Community Survey. We identify differences in the relationships between these processes across the MSAs, reflecting to varying degrees patterns previously observed in strong-market cities. Proximity to universities is more closely associated with studentification and youthification over time, with the latter emerging after 1980, rather than conventional gentrification. We also identify racial dimensions of studentification and youthification processes. We highlight the broader social implications of urban universities, and the salience of studentification and youthification in new contexts.
... A growing literature addresses how universities and hospitals may function as anchor institutions, contributing to the revitalization of neighborhoods and the local economy (Adams 2003; Bartik and Erickcek 2007;Deitrick and Soska 2005;Ehlenz 2016;Franz et al. 2019;Harkavy and Zuckerman 1999;Nelson 2009;Nelson and Wolf-Powers 2010;Shlay and Whitman 2006;Sherman and Doussard 2019;Zeuli 2015;Zuckerman 2013). Hospitals and universities encroaching on neighborhoods have inspired resistance (Conner 2016;Hirsch 1998;Martin 2004;McKee 2016;Risse 2016;Silverman, Lewis, and Patterson 2014;Simpson 2016;Souther 2011), though communities that have debated hospital closings have not been unified in their response (Kirouac-Fram 2010). ...
... The concept of medical gentrification brings attention to how the development activities of nonprofit hospitals and health systems are similar to those of corporations intent on remaking urban spaces for their desires and needs. While many scholars view the investment actions of universities and hospitals as positive forces for redevelopment and economic stabilization (Adams 2003;Bartik and George 2007;Ehlenz 2016;Franz et al. 2019;Harkavy and Zuckerman 1999;Nelson 2009;Nelson and Wolf-Powers 2010;Shlay and Whitman 2006;Sherman and Doussard 2019;Zeuli 2015;Zuckerman 2013), our cases demonstrate that the impact of restructuring health care delivery into systems with flagship hospitals and satellites is destructive for social justice goals. The segmentation of services across the geography of a health care system now functions as a socio-spatial stratification mechanism-this medical transposition is uneven development in the delivery of health services. ...
The redevelopment of urban spaces by hospitals and universities, often aided by the public sector, has been heralded by academic researchers and policy-makers as a public good, especially in deindustrializing cities. Expansion of such service institutions is claimed to boost the local economy and stabilize depopulating neighborhoods in the urban core. As hospitals affiliated with universities expand, they trigger broader consolidation across the entire health care sector, intensifying the acquisition of independent hospitals. Examining hospitals within their health care systems in Rochester, New York, we introduce two new concepts, “medical gentrification” and “medical transposition,” to capture the changes underway. As a mid-sized city, in Rochester it is possible to see how organizations intersect across the entire landscape. We argue that in some neighborhoods change is connected to the distinct characteristics of health care system restructuring. We explore differences in resident mobilization to confront health care-related redevelopment of the spaces they occupy and use, and analyze their meaning and significance.
... Some private sector companies may fulfill some of these functions as well, but unlike private companies, universities are generally not footloose and do not relocate to other cities for competitive tax rates or generous municipal subsidies (Adams, 2003). ...
... Instead, universities continue to receive government and private funding for teaching and research activities, with positive spillovers for the local economy. Moreover, universities have a built-in public service mandate that may make them more likely to contribute to other public initiatives than private companies (Adams, 2003). Anchor-based economic development strategies attempt to direct these advantages to benefit local communities-which, in turn, helps reverse economic decline. ...
There is no shortage of writing on the cycles of death and rebirth in global cities (Sassen, 2001), from deindustrialization (Grogan and Proscio, 2000) to the emergence of economic superclusters (Glaeser,
2011). Yet often overlooked in this literature is the question of whether mid-sized cities—with smaller population bases and often less diverse economies— are following comparable economic cycles. Considering that currently over a third of Canadians live in mid-sized cities and that all major metropolitan areas are becoming increasingly unaffordable,
policymakers now view mid-sized cities as the key to Canada’s future growth (Keesmaat, 2018). Although the potential for mid-sized cities to play a key role in Canada’s future growth exists, most mid-sized
cities must first overcome global economic forces that have led to the growth of megacities at the expense of their smaller counterparts. As a result, investigating how Canadian mid-sized cities are overcoming
the decline caused by this global economic realignment is of fundamental importance. In this paper, we hone in on these issues by asking: what role do economic resilience and anchor institutions
play in stabilizing population loss and stimulating local economic development?
... In the era of Urban Renewal, Penn leveraged Section 112, 2:1 matching federal grants for real estate acquisition, development and redevelopment 141 . Penn's development activities throughout this time were 139Adams (2003) 140 Ehlenz & Birch (2014) 141 Cohen (1998) provides a thorough review of Penn's redevelopment activities at this time. ...
High housing costs and variation in the willingness to pay for school quality helps foster regional income inequality across space and the relegation of low-income families to neighborhoods with low quality schools. This dynamic in part, explains why Philadelphia’s public school system has failed; why its children are under-educated and why despite renewed demand for housing in certain neighborhoods, the City still struggles economically. Nevertheless, this research demonstrates econometrically that Philadelphia households are willing to pay a significant price premium to live in neighborhoods with high quality public schools. This fact is used to motivate a new intervention that leverages the housing investment of the middle-class to realign the supply of and demand for public goods like neighborhood schools. The proposed program repurposes the Improvement District framework to fund new local school quality. The equity component of the plan, it is argued, can potentially break the spatial pattern of income segregation by fostering mixed-income neighborhoods and diminish the threat of displacement which will likely occur as new school quality is capitalized in to local home prices. It is concluded that schools are more than drivers of human capital development, they are also engines of neighborhood economic development as well.
... In his collaborative study of the role of urban academic institutions, Michael Porter popularized the term 'anchor institution' and argued that these institutions are "well positioned to spur economic revitalization of our inner cities, in great part because they are sizable businesses anchored in their current locations" (Initiative for a Competitive Inner City and CEOs for Cities, 2002). These institutions, furthermore, have the potential to improve the health of their communities through resources and programs targeting social determinants of health even as they profit from investing in their surrounding environments (Adams, 2003;Webber & Karlstrom, 2009). There is conflicting evidence, however, suggesting that anchor institutions may harm communities by intensifying gentrification and disrupting valued community dynamics, although these negative impacts do not appear to be universal (Silverman, Lewis, & Patterson, 2014). ...
Previous studies have focused on the role anchor institutions play in community development. However, less attention has been directed to how hospitals can effectively partner with community-organizations and residents as part of population health efforts. This article examines community views of one initiative developed by a major American children's hospital in partnership with local community organizations. The data for this study come from 35 in-depth interviews with local residents from the neighborhood adjacent to the hospital and two interviews with hospital administrators. Our findings suggest that the contexts in which hospitals and other non-profit corporations operate pose unique challenges to effective communication. In particular, hospitals and community organizations may think differently about the merits and nature of open communication. Especially when acting as anchor institutions working beyond their formal medical expertise, hospitals may struggle to communicate the scope and goals of their non-medical work in the community.
... In addition, the emergence of new mixed-use buildings in Elmwood as a result of city policy further supplies residency for people coming into the area to work at the nearby Buffalo-Niagara Medical Campus, as seen in many other economic cases built around education and medical campuses (Adams, 2003). Such construction builds upon discussion of the role that medical institutions have on the geography of development and location patterns of professionals and youth going forward. ...
... Research has shown that, for example, political headquarters and international finance tend to be absent from second-tier cities (Hodos, 2011), but they tend to excel in selected areas of the consumer services sector, such as higher education and health care. The so-called 'eds and meds' have been considered especially important due to their preference to less congested mid-sized cities, the jobs they create (Adams, 2003; Hodos, 2011) and the growth of both industries in the last decades (leading to arguments about the end of their 'boom'; see Florida, 2013). Therefore, new research may be interested in comparing the overall presence and spatial distribution of these functional sectors, where the incentive of second-tier urban regions to capture more functions through integration can be argued with more certainty. ...
(full text available from UCL Discovery: http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1493084/)
This research project investigates whether second-tier urban regions in Europe have functional, spatial, socio-economic and institutional characteristics which differentiate them in meaningful ways from primate urban regions. Based on the argument that second-tier urban regions can particularly profit from integration at that scale, it then explores whether the specific features detected may provide them with a greater ability to pursue that goal. The study fills two important gaps, as we do not know what differentiates second-tier urban regions regarding the aspects above, and in what ways those characteristics affect their integration processes. The research also helps to reveal a new and yet unexplored set of strategic options for second-tier cities, whose urgency is proportional to the extent to which they are neglected or hampered in their national urban systems. At a moment when cities have turned into large urban regions, size, functional mass and diversity and city-regional governance have been argued as major drivers of economic development, and the European economic and policy climate favours strategies that work more effectively with existing assets rather than adding new ones, integration is not only an ongoing territorial process but also a relevant strategic approach for second-tier urban regions. The research proposes an original interpretative lens to observe the integration of urban regions, namely the concept of metropolisation, a perspective which is not spatially selective and acknowledges different forms of urbanity, making a conceptual transition from a notion of cities dissolving into urban regions to one of urban regions consolidating into ‘extensive cities’. The appropriateness of this concept to read contemporary urbanisation modes may find a particularly fitting response in the spatial features of second-tier urban regions. The study applies a set of comparative research methods to European second-tier urban regions, gradually focusing on three main cases studies: Porto, Portugal, Bristol, UK and Antwerp, Belgium.
... Cities also try to rebrand themselves, aiming at distancing themselves from their manufacturing past and at attracting new economic functions with the potential to solve their structural problems (Ortiz-Moya, 2015;Vanolo, 2008). However, many of those strategies follow general trends that are in vogue during a particular time; for example, recently many postindustrial cities were promoting regeneration through education and medical services, the often dubbed "eds and meds," aiming at creating incentives to attract new population (Adams, 2003). ...
Shrinking cities are places characterized by long-term population decline, property abandonment, social inequality, and environmental degradation. Urban scholarship, however, has not yet addressed the challenges of promoting social and environmental justice in shrinking cities. Focusing on Kitakyushu City, Japan, this article explores the manner in which grassroots movements can push forward environmental justice and how that can lead to policies coping with urban shrinkage and environmental degradation. Kitakyushu City was Japan’s major iron and steel center during the rapid industrialization years, which culminated in severe environmental degradation. The need for environmental justice pushed grassroots movements and, in particular, women’s associations to initiate different campaigns aimed at raising awareness of the city’s environmental hazards and to trigger governmental response. Since then, environmental policies are driving Kitakyushu City’s fight against the negative consequences that shrinkage brings about in Japanese cities. Using case study methodology and critically assessing the implemented policies, this article argues that seeking environmental justice presents an opportunity to tackle long-term decline. Hence, the article explores the theoretical implications and empirical factors behind environmental justice as the basis for a new urban revitalization model.
... Thus, they had a vested interest in promoting redevelopment around their campuses and facilities in the urban core. As a result, their assent as dominant institutions in shrinking cities led to the emergence of an eds and meds strategy for urban regeneration (Adams, 2003;Bartik & Erickcek, 2008;Gaffikin & Perry, 2012;Harkavy & Zuckerman, 1999;Perry, Wiewel, & Menendez, 2009;Piiparinen, Russell, & Post, 2015;Vidal, 2014). ...
This review essay contextualizes the articles included in the Journal of Urban Affairs’ special issue on promoting social justice and equity in shrinking cities. It introduces a framework to guide the analysis of shrinking cities and the formulation of urban revitalization policies. The essay begins by anchoring the literature on shrinking cities to a broader critique on globalization. Following this discussion, the emergence of a new urban form, called the peripheral dual city, is described. The article concludes with an outline for radically rethinking revitalization policy in shrinking cities.
... With deindustrialization, one strategy of economic development emphasizes medical and education institutions ("eds and meds"). Studies highlight their role in creating jobs, higher wages, and knowledge as anchor institutions (Adams, 2003;Bartik and Erickcek, 2008;Sherman and Doussard, 2018). Many local governments have embraced this economic development strategy, but it can exacerbate fiscal stress by weakening the property tax base, as these institutions are often exempt from local property taxes, which are the primary source of local revenue for many US localities Kenyon and Langley, 2011;Kim, 2017). ...
As local governments respond to fiscal stress after the global financial crisis, some scholars warn about an austerity urbanism response wherein local governments cut and privatize services, while others see a pragmatic municipalism response that seeks to protect public services by sharing services, applying for more grants, or charging user fees. Existing empirical works lack detail about the types of local government responses and their drivers. Using a structural equation model with 2017 survey data of 919 counties and municipalities in New York State, we explore the drivers of perceived fiscal stress and two responses: cuts and pragmatic municipalism. We find economy, demography, and state policy drive perceptions of fiscal stress and differentiate responses. The dominant response is pragmatic municipalism, and cuts are only dominant in counties and places with more tax-exempt property. Pragmatic municipalism is found not only in places with larger college-educated populations, left-leaning governing boards, and stronger support for maintaining and providing services, but also in places with greater anti-tax sentiments, poverty, and lack of resources for innovation. These results show that local governments use pragmatic approaches to hold back the tide of austerity pressures and respond to local needs within constraints.
... Cities also try to rebrand themselves, aiming at distancing themselves from their manufacturing past and at attracting new economic functions with the potential to solve their structural problems (Ortiz-Moya, 2015;Vanolo, 2008). However, many of those strategies follow general trends that are in vogue during a particular time; for example, recently many postindustrial cities were promoting regeneration through education and medical services, the often dubbed "eds and meds," aiming at creating incentives to attract new population (Adams, 2003). ...
Japan is currently the fastest ageing country in the world. This demographic transition is marked by an increase in its population’s longevity and a dramatic decrease in its total fertility rate. On top of that, Japanese Government’s immigration policies keep being highly restrictive, which at the end will signify a total decrease of the Japanese population (Flütcher, 2012). The effects that this decrease will have in the Japanese urban system are raising a growing concern among politicians and academics in Japan. This paper investigates the problematic of Japanese shrinking cities and the mechanisms that are being implemented in order to cope with it. It focuses on Kitakyushu city, the first Japanese city to formerly have one million inhabitants. As many other shrinking cities –like Manchester or Detroit- Kitakyushu played a key role in the industrialization of its country, Japan. It was its main centre of steel production during the first half of the twentieth century, and helped to support the growth of Japanese industrial power. However, since the 1970’s the city started its decay path due to an economic restructuring process. Since then, the city has tried to reconstruct its damaged economic fabric through several initiatives –aiming to place back Kitakyushu as a reference point for Japan and the East Asia region. Using a mixed research methodology, the paper examines the different measures that the city has implemented to cope with its shrinkage. The analysis of Kitakyushu’s situation shows the weakness of cities which economy was based on a single manufacturing sector, and the difficulty of changing to a new economic model and recovering growth. Moreover, as André Sorensen (2012) argues, in Japan “any success in attracting new population will result in equivalent loss of population elsewhere” making the growth goal even more difficult to reach. The paper suggests that Kitakyushu should focus on measures to improve the quality of life for its growing ageing population while focusing on ‘shrinking smart’ policies as the way of coping with its current situation.
... Yet, is the type of consumption-based growth that is fueled by gentrification in growing regions like New York or the San Francisco Bay Area the only mechanism to bring jobs back to urban neighborhoods? Or can robust job growth stem from expansion of anchor institutions in nontradable sectors such as universities and health care institutions (Adams, 2003;Harkavy & Zuckerman, 1999)? In addition to private market-driven development, policy makers have employed a host of economic development tools and distributed millions of dollars in funding targeted toward business development and job growth in inner-city neighborhoods. ...
In the years since Michael Porter’s research about the potential competitiveness of inner cities, there has been growing evidence of a residential resurgence in urban neighborhoods. Yet there is less evidence on the competitiveness of inner cities for employment. The authors document the trends in net employment growth and find that inner cities gained over 1.8 million jobs between 2002 and 2011 at a rate comparable with suburban areas. The authors also find a significant number of inner cities are competitive over this period—increasing their share of metropolitan employment in 144 out of 281 metropolitan statistical areas. Also described is the pattern of job growth within the inner city. The authors find that tracts that grew faster tended to be closer to downtown, with access to transit and adjacent to areas with higher population growth. However, tracts with higher poverty rates experienced less job growth, indicating that barriers still exist in the inner city.
... 16. For details, see Adams (2003). 17. ...
With the onset of the Great Recession, it looked for a moment that neoliberalism had become vulnerable to challenges from the urban level. Yet, it appears that the neoliberal ideas, institutions, and policy frameworks continue to dominate urban governance. As such, there remains a need to develop interpretive frames through which to examine the construction and reproduction of urban neoliberalism. This article seeks to provide a historically grounded account of urban neoliberalization, which pays specific attention to how neoliberalism has been constructed ideologically, politically, and institutionally. Through a comparison of cases in the United Kingdom and the United States, I suggest that the respective alignment of ideas, institutions, and interests accounts for “the pace, extent, and character” of urban neoliberalization. I argue that the variation in the manner of urban neoliberalization may be captured through two key mechanisms: neoliberalism by design and neoliberalism by default.
... Yet, is the type of consumption-based growth that is fueled by gentrification in growing regions like New York or the San Francisco Bay Area the only mechanism to bring jobs back to urban neighborhoods? Or can robust job growth stem from expansion of anchor institutions in nontradable sectors such as universities and health care institutions (Adams, 2003;Harkavy & Zuckerman, 1999)? In addition to private market-driven development, policy makers have employed a host of economic development tools and distributed millions of dollars in funding targeted toward business development and job growth in inner-city neighborhoods. ...
... In the wake of decades of deindustrialization and disinvestment, the anchor-based model for urban revitalization has emerged in shrinking cities. 1 As large manufacturers and other private sector investors have retreated from older industrial cities in the USA, place-based nonprofits like hospitals and universities have emerged as core anchor institutions that drive urban revitalization. Urban scholars, policy-makers, and economic development practitioners have taken note of this shift and defined strategies to catalyze revitalization through investments by these types of anchor institutions as following the so-called eds and meds model for community development (Adams, 2003;Bartik & Erickcek, 2008;Hahn, Coonerty, & Peaslee, 2003;Harkavy & Zuckerman, 1999;Nelson, 2009;Shaffer & Wright, 2010). Large anchor institutions like hospitals, universities, and other cultural and religious organizations have emerged as drivers for community and economic development in shrinking cities (Adams, 2014;Birch, 2010;Brophy & Godsil, 2009;Hobor, 2013;Murphy, 2011;Perry, Wiewel, & Menendez, 2009;Rae, 2006). ...
This article focuses on the manner in which affordable housing fits into anchor-based strategies for urban revitalization. It involves quantitative analysis of the location of existing HUD-subsidized housing in relation to neighborhood characteristics. The goal of the article is twofold. First, we examine the degree to which neighborhood characteristics associated with neighborhoods of opportunity correlate with the location of HUD-subsidized housing in shrinking cities. Second, we make recommendations for more equitable approaches to anchor-based urban revitalization. Our analysis uses a unique database developed to measure neighborhood characteristics in shrinking US cities. Our findings suggest that the location of affordable housing is not correlated with proximity to institutional and neighborhood amenities, where anchor-based revitalization is targeted. As a result, we make recommendations to link future affordable housing siting to anchor-based strategies for inner-city revitalization.
... Invariably, the focus in much of the literature has been on the economic usages of universities as city anchors and on their economic contribution to cities and regions. It is possible to list these contributions by way of summary of recent 'anchor' literature (see, e.g., Adams 2003;Ehlenz 2018;Goddard et al. 2014;Harris and Holley 2016; Penn Institute for Urban Research 2010). Universities, we can note first of all, are major employers by virtue of their scale and complexity, often among the largest employers in particular locations. ...
Equality in the city is an aspiration. Cities have never been equal, equitable or fair. Now, optimum efficiency is celebrated as progress, and reconfigurations of urban spaces are focused on the clean lines of punctual service delivery. Smart cites are controlled cities, where data is the fuel that pumps through the heart. The common denominator in smart city rhetoric is the assumption that organization, planning and programmability will provide optimum conditions for comfortable urban life. Yet some aspects of our cities and our lives within them will never be machine-readable (Mattern 2014) and there may be a growing disparity between the natural and the constructed; the vagaries and messiness versus the program-mable and measurable life in cities. Giddens's theory of social structure suggested that spaces and buildings are what people do with them-spaces themselves structure social relations and practices, and therefore 'relations of power and discipline are inscribed into the apparently innocent spatiality of social life' (Soja 1989: 6). If urban life is to be smart, digital and codified, then what becomes of the varied human experiences and how can we consider their relation to power? How can this be married to digital futures? The smart city emerges from networked urbanism, propagated by the promises of efficiency, using technologies to deliver and manage services to city dwellers; embedded sensors, drone surveillance and real-time monitoring to give us more effective transportation, waste, security and energy systems. Within this discourse, people are sources of data that are fed into algorithms; their experience of the city is muted in favour of the foregrounding of digital efficiency. Much great work on the neo-liberal ideals that underpin smart discourse has already been done (Kitchin 2014; Mattern 2017; Cardullo et al. 2018; Kitchin et al. 2018; Cardullo and Kitchin 2019). The various essays in this collection consider the promises of the smart future and provide some new discussions and provocations, moving 2 EqUALITY IN THE CITY beyond the field of human geography and urban planning to a social, personal and egalitarian approach. By theorizing and interrogating various theoretical approaches to the promises of the smart city, we question how humans can feasibly have fair and equal access to those smart technologies that promise a better future. How can cities better support human life? What makes cities liveable in an era of growing urban inequality? While housing, service provision, health care, education and other important social needs are critical issues in imagining future cities, this collection looks more broadly at how we conceive of the city of the future and what sorts of steps can be taken to 'take back the city' in the digital future. Smart futures and smart urbanism are situated in a paternalistic ethos rather than focused on human rights, citizenship and fair access to digital technologies that ostensibly improve human life. Such technologies are changing the places in which we live and the way we live in them. They also impact on our ideas about how and where we might live in the future. There is a reverence for what is called 'disruptive technologies' and the way in which disruption is deemed not just ok, but excellent, when it comes to how we live, work and exist in spaces. Disparate fields such as human geography, information and communications technology (ICT), engineering and social sciences have addressed many of the debates around the forms of (digitized) governance that smart cities propose. Here, we bring together scholars from across disciplines to consider ideas of active participation in the imagined smart cities of the future. The essays consider the ruptures in smart discourse , the spaces where we might envisage a more user-friendly and bottom-up version of the smart future and imagine participation in novel ways.
... A ideia de instituições âncoras surgiu a partir da convicção crescente de que determinadas instituições desempenham, cada vez mais, um importante e decisivo papel no desenvolvimento de comunidades, cidades e até mesmo regiões (TAYLOR; LUTER, 2013). Embora a literatura identifique uma variedade de instituições âncoras, as universidades, bem como os hospitais e centros médicos (muitas vezes ligados a universidades), costumam ser as instituições mais citadas (ADAMS, 2003). ...
O trabalho procura destacar o papel de intuições âncoras, como a Unicamp, na mitigação dos efeitos da pandemia de Covid-19, a partir do acesso à cultura, mesmo em face do distanciamento social. Parte-se do pressuposto de que esse tipo de suporte contribui para a construção de resiliência, tanto individual, quanto social
... Some of DFC's recommendations are uncontroversial. For example, economic development plans universally acknowledge the role that "meds and eds" can play (Adams, 2003); and as the only major metropolitan area in America still lacking regional rapid transit, Detroit obviously needs to upgrade its transportation systems. Detroiters would concur, too, that their city's abandoned land should be put to productive use. ...
Scholars and practitioners have argued that authentic public participation is crucial in developing strategic plans for so-called shrinking cities, not only for informing the content of the resulting plans but also for fostering public support, civic capacity, and equitable outcomes. The Detroit Works Project, launched in 2010, provided an opportunity to examine the crafting of a high-profile strategic plan for a major U.S. city challenged by decades of population loss and disinvestment. We find that the project was yet another instance of urban planning that began with an assurance that public involvement would play a central role but then failed to fulfill that promise. Transparency and accountability were compromised as a result of the privatization of public responsibilities. The resulting plan did not reflect the priorities, insights, or needs of most Detroiters. Justice was subordinated to the perceived imperative of the market within an ideological frame of neoliberal austerity.
... Hence, international education is now a complex activity. The response to that complexity has seen nations seek out international students as a source of export income, while educational businesses, property developers, and universities have become key players in urban development by constructing and upgrading campus and buildings for research and teaching (Adams 2003;Wiewel and Perry 2015;Findlay 2011). Walton-Roberts (2011) suggested this activity could enhance social diversity in cities. ...
While the attraction of international students makes a direct impact on the host city and the education institutions, retention (or reattraction) of them after their graduation can generate wider, indirect impacts on the local labor market. The link from international study to the labor market means the role of a gateway played out by the host city that offers university education and various urban attributes. This paper presents the relationship between international tertiary students, and the key factors for their attraction and re-attraction in the context of China. The case of the Dushu Lake Higher Education Town in Suzhou is investigated for how international students have interacted with the local built environment and whether this affects their plans to remain locally for work. This research found that the place based offer was generally less significant than the quality of academic institutions and economic prospects in attracting and re-attracting international students.
... Carolyn Adams did a comparative study between Pittsburg and Philadelphia -the adoption of meds and eds is an inevitable alternative of deindustrialization as cities transition from manufacturing to knowledge economy [5]. As the research development on biotechnology plays a significant economic pay-off building on the nonprofit institutions of universities and science centers, it is important for the government to realize the potential of the nonprofit institutions, to encourage collaborations rather than competitions. ...
... These capital investments are either covered by the public sector or by developers in cases where the market is strong and the government can place more demands on private companies. In addition, costs related to real estate construction and housing refer to new buildings which form the core of a TOD area (Adams 2003). These costs are typically borne by the private sector. ...
Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) strategies can improve connectivity between housing and employment centers, green spaces, and community facilities by supporting both local environmental sustainability objectives, through more efficient use of land, and “complete” streets, by creating safer infrastructure for pedestrians and bicyclists, leading to potential modal shifts. Enabling conditions for TOD may include changes in land-use regulation and other statutory provisions to create an integrated regulatory framework. TOD requires robust stakeholder engagement and institutional coordination during planning and implementation. Financing mechanisms cities have used to fund TOD include Land Value Capture, a strategy based on expected increases in land values due to infrastructure investments. These mechanisms have been used to generate revenues such as Tax Increment Financing (TIF) and a wide range of taxes and fees. Cities should be aware of the potential negative impacts of TOD, such as displacement and gentrification. Effective and inclusive TOD strategies should be accompanied by land management strategies that mitigate these impacts, including having policies in place to ensure the preservation and expansion of affordable housing. There is typically a lag of at least 5 to 10 years before the economic and financial impacts of TOD investments are fully realized, thus requiring the need for patient capital, well-structured deals and financial instruments, and proper governance.
Manchester, England, and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, are what sociologist Jerome Hodos calls second cities-viable alternatives to well-known global cities such as London and New York. In Second Cities, Hodos considers how Manchester and Philadelphia have confronted problems of globalization over the past two centuries. This thought-provoking, comparative look at these cities examines their histories, economies, migration patterns, cultural innovations, transportation planning, and self-identities. Hodos demonstrates not just how the two cities are positioned in global flows of capital, goods, people, and ideas but also how each has used what he calls "municipal foreign policy" to preserve and rejuvenate its position over time. The second city offers an illustrative lens through which to view other urban centers, from Atlanta to Bangalore, Seattle, and Turin. Hodos's description and analysis of urban development over a broad time frame offer lessons for policy makers, scholars, and community leaders concerned with the impact of globalization on their own cities.
Today colleges and universities are the dominant employers, real estate holders, policing agents, and educational and health care providers in major cities where they once played a less prominent role. Neighborhoods of color surrounding urban campuses are left most vulnerable to the for-profit developments of higher education, because the land is cheap and the citizens hold little political influence. This essay examines the long-standing relationship between the University of Chicago (U of C) and black communities surrounding the campus to chronicle the rise of what I call “UniverCities.” The U of C’s historic control of urban development on the South Side helps explain why higher education must be placed alongside the state and the financial sector as a key institutional catalyst shaping the growth and development of the twenty-first-century city.
There has been increasing recognition of the role played by higher education institutions (HEIs) in fostering regional economic development. Concurrently, regional economic development strategies have emphasized targeting economic clusters. This underscores the need for a structured operational framework to guide the efforts of a HEI that wishes to engage with a focused economic cluster in its service region with the intention of fostering regional economic growth. We introduce such a framework in this article that is referred to by its acronym STAID (Select, Tailor, Ascertain, Implement, and Disseminate). The exposition of STAID is annotated and illustrated with examples from two community-engaged projects at a public research university in North Carolina that were undertaken with two different regional economic clusters.
Some might find it surprising to see a chapter about a university in a book on corporate social responsibility (CSR). However, like businesses, many universities are now asking how they can be more socially responsible ‘citizens’ of their communities. Many of the same forces are at work in businesses and at universities to encourage new thinking and action on social responsibility, ranging from the basic utilitarian pressures to generate good publicity to the realignment of core business practices and relationships around clearly articulated ethical principles.
Reduced spending in both federal and state programs and the closure of public hospitals have serious consequences for the health of urban dwellers, especially the poor and uninsured. Through a combination of economic factors, many municipalities have formed public-private partnerships and launched community initiatives to preserve some of the elements of the health care safety net. What once was a responsibility of municipal governments, the provision of health care to poor and uninsured populations, is now posing challenges for private-sector providers. This article identifies several factors that have contributed to the incremental demise of the publicly funded urban health care safety net and how local entities and the federal government are responding to the care of the poor and uninsured.
As college and university administrators expand and develop their urban campuses, they have also become developers-and primary drivers-of neighborhood change. But how do institutions contend with urban real estate needs, revitalization opportunities, and community outreach? And how do the residents benefit? Pushing Back the Gates provides a lively discussion of neighborhood-level perspectives of the dynamic changes brought about by institutions' urban planning efforts. Harley Etienne outlines the rationale for university-driven development and neighborhood revitalization balanced by caution for the limitations of the model. He provides a summary of the University of Pennsylvania's West Philadelphia Initiatives and the challenges and successes of this unique plan. Etienne also examines the implementation of similar efforts at different universities around the country. Pushing Back the Gates speaks to communities, university leaders, and urban developers who navigate the boundary between neighborhood revitalization through physical development and investments in incumbent populations and human capital.
Deindustrialization and suburbanization have triggered a transformative process in a cluster of older industrial cities in the United States. Massive loss of population and jobs, coupled with low demand for and growing obsolescence of urban property, have led not only to widespread property abandonment, but to a more fundamental morphological change in these cities as their historical continuous urban form is replaced by a more discontinuous, fragmentary texture. As urban policymakers increasingly recognize that this is a long-term and arguably largely irreversible phenomenon, they are beginning to explore new paradigms for shaping urban form, which recognize shrinkage and seek to reconfigure and re-concentrate land uses and infrastructure within the historical urban footprint. This paper will explore those efforts, concentrating on the underlying conceptual issue of whether distressed, shrinking cities can be transformed into healthy, vital urban environments even in the absence of new population growth, and the role of land use reconfiguration in achieving that outcome.
The Great Recession has strained governments at all levels and presented cities, especially formerly industrial cities, with nearly unprecedented budgetary challenges. This paper examines the long-term implications for infrastructure maintenance and service provision of unfavorable economic and demographic trends in Philadelphia and Baltimore. The concept of the public equity holder, which borrows a term for public finance from corporate finance, introduces a category of potential contributors to the capital deficit undermining urban sustainability. The concept is illustrated by a case study of the two cities to explore how candidate public equity holders, including taxpayers, nonprofits, and public employees, may contribute. Resulting from this research are identifiable factors, particularly patience and risk tolerance, which have led to or impeded partnerships promoting urban sustainability and will provide the foundation for broader future study.
UNIVERSITIES CAN SIGNIFICANTLY enrich the communities in which they are located. Through their educational role, they contribute to the overall wellbeing of the community by helping shape an enlightened citizenry and productive labor force. Through the musical, theatrical, and artistic activities they produce and sponsor, universities enhance the cultural life of the surrounding community, attracting residents and businesses in the process. As employers and purchasers of goods and services, they play a major role in local economies. Yet despite the myriad contributions of institutions of higher learning, their potential for community development has been and often still is overlooked by policy makers, even those within universities. Political scientist Carolyn Adams has demonstrated how policy makers continually underestimate the major role played by medical and higher education institutions in the larger economy. This failure to see universities (and nonprofits in general) as key components in the city's overall economic development schema results in lost financial opportunities of considerable magnitude,1 which, in a time of scarce and continually shrinking resources, is not a luxury a city can afford. Scarcity demands creativity, alternative visions, and innovative approaches to how we deploy our resources. One resource of universities that has been totally overlooked is social capital. I use social capital in this chapter to refer to the connections individuals have that facilitate their ability to achieve desired ends, and I suggest that universities can be engines for the creation of social capital. Operating in ways that activate the economic and civic values associated with social capital, universities can contribute to the economic enrichment of less well off constituents by brokering connections across racial, class, and cultural lines. Because of their educational mission; their vast networks within a city, region, and nation; their role in the political, social, economic and civic life of the city and beyond; and their legitimacy among broad constituent bases, universities can play a major role in the creation of social capital. This role becomes even more important for public institutions, especially urban ones, where there are likely to be many firstgeneration college students from working-class and lower middle-class families who typically do not possess resource-rich connections. For example, 41 percent of the students in the 2002 freshman class at Temple University in Philadelphia were from families whose income was lowenough to qualify them forfederal grant aid.2 Because social capital, like financial capital, tends to be highly concentrated at the upper levels of the socioeconomic scale, public institutions can contribute at least somewhat to a leveling of the playing field.3 The purpose of this chapter is to explore how a university can contribute to developing the type of social capital that expands opportunities for those with few resources. The next section discusses the concept of social capital as used herein, followed by a discussion of how the educational and brokering roles of the university can be leveraged to create social capital for two primary constituent groups, college students and youth from the community. The general discussion is followed by a case study of Youth VOICES, a youth civic engagement program developed by the University Community Collaborative of Philadelphia (UCCP) at Temple University. 4 The chapter concludes with a larger discussion of the role of social capital in social learning and in contributing to the civil base of a pluralist society. Unfortunately, much of the literature on social capital can be misconstrued as a justification for decreased government. I want to preempt any interpretation of this chapter in that vain. Although social capital is a vital resource, it will never replace or compensate for underresourced and failing schools, health care systems, physical infrastructures, and the like.
This research adds to the literature on locational determinants of business survival by focusing on an establishment's proximity to fixed assets. Using longitudinal, establishment‐level data from rural counties in the Midwestern United States, we developed a hazard model to estimate the likelihood of rural businesses surviving the Great Recession and the recovery that followed (2007–2017). Two critical survival factors are of principal interest: proximity to a pre‐automobile era downtown business district and proximity to a limited‐access highway ramp. The results suggest that highway proximity enhances survival for manufacturing, transportation, and wholesaling establishments, as does own‐industry agglomeration. For food, retail, and accommodation businesses, proximity to cultural anchor institutions enhances the probability of survival but competitive effects, including downtown proximity, reduce the likelihood of survival. On its own, proximity to a downtown was not associated with higher odds of business survival.
A university campus has an ability to attract consumers from outside the region who spend locally to the benefit of the local economy and in particular the real estate market. This article identifies the real estate benefit to the host city from staff and student spending. The Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University in South Africa is used as an example and real estate demand modelling is applied to estimate the real estate space demand benefit to the host city. In 2016, the R2.2 billion expenditure by staff and students spilled over into a healthy demand for floor space in the city. A steady increase in on-campus, full-time students and a corresponding increase in staff numbers will continue to benefit the demand for real estate. However, this close relationship between university enrolments and activity in the real estate market could similarly be constrained if spending is under pressure.
How do we create employment, grow businesses, and build greater economic resilience in our low-income communities? How do we create economic development for everyone, everywhere - including rural towns, inner-city neighborhoods, aging suburbs, and regions such as Appalachia, American Indian reservations, the Mexican border, and the Mississippi Delta - and not just in elite communities? Economic Development for Everyone collects, organizes, and reviews much of the current research available on creating economic development in low-income communities. Part I offers an overview of the harsh realities facing low-income communities in the US today; their many economic and social challenges; debates on whether to try reviving local economies vs. relocating residents; and current trends in economic development that emphasize high-tech industry and high levels of human capital. Part II organizes the sprawling literature of applied economic development research into a practical framework of five dynamic dimensions: empower your residents: begin with basic education; enhance your community: build on existing assets; encourage your entrepreneurs; diversify your economy; and sustain your development. This book, assembled and presented in a unified framework, will be invaluable for students and new researchers of economic development in low-income communities, and will offer new perspectives for established researchers, professional economic developers and planners, and public officials. Development practitioners and community leaders will also find new ideas and opportunities, along with a broad view on how the many complex parts of economic development interconnect.
Since the 1990s, some urban universities have served as neighborhood anchors with an interest in revitalization. Current theory suggests anchors adopt ‘shared value’ approaches, leveraging resources for mutually beneficial improvement in the community. This study explores assumptions in contemporary anchor frameworks and uses a survey to examine how 22 U.S. universities approach their roles as anchor institutions. The study finds that the universities tend to prioritize place-based initiatives, while contemporary frameworks are more normative and highlight socioeconomic practices. Based on reported strategies, the author proposes an alternate typology that accounts for the ways universities most commonly describe anchor approaches, complementing contemporary theory.
With the rapid and unregulated nature of urban expansion occurring in Chattogram, Bangladesh, the adoption of urban growth restriction mechanisms such as the urban growth boundary (UGB) can provide a robust framework necessary to direct the development of built-up areas in a way that curtails the growth in environmentally sensitive areas of the city. Using a support vector machine (SVM)-based urban growth simulation model, this paper examines the areas of future contiguous expansion of the city to aid in the delineation of the UGB. Utilizing landcover, topographic, and population density data from a variety of sources for the past twenty years, the SVM method with the radial basis function (RBF) kernel is used to develop a model based on fourteen predictor variables. A grid-search is used to tune the hyperparameters and determine the best performance combination of the hyperparameters for the RBF kernel function used in the SVM. The final SVM model using the best performance combination of the hyperparameters indicates a high percentage agreement of 91.79% and a substantial agreement for the Kappa coefficient of 0.7699. The developed SVM simulation model identifies potential areas that are more likely to undergo urban expansion in Chattogram in the next twenty years and provides aids for a stringent and strict delineation of UGB for this region.
Place-bound anchor institutions provide unique resources and institutional capacity to community and economic development. As such, these “eds and meds” play an increasingly important role in community economic development research and practice. Positive assessments of anchors’ contributions, however, remain limited to single-site case studies of specialty hospitals and universities with extensive resources. To deepen inquiry into anchors, we use new data, available due to recent U.S. health care policy changes, to test the impact of hospitals’ service missions and revenue sources on community economic development spending. We identify 4 basic types of hospitals: large comprehensive, specialty, neighborhood continuum of care, and regional continuum of care. Our statistical tests suggest that anchor institution activity—operationalized as community economic development spending—arises predominantly from larger, teaching-intensive hospitals. Hospital characteristics, rather than urban socioeconomic context, provide the strongest predictors of community economic development spending. These results suggest that a narrower range of urban hospitals performs community economic development. However, we discover a significant amount of hospitals in one city (Baltimore, Maryland) invested heavily in community economic development. We conclude by investigating that city’s “anchor plan” policy, which appears to have successfully channeled investment from its anchoring hospitals.
This article examines residents’ perceptions of inner-city revitalization in legacy cities. The analysis focuses on neighborhoods undergoing revitalization in a legacy city, Buffalo, NY. The article draws from data for a larger research project called Turning the Corner which was sponsored by the Urban Institute. The focus of that project was to identify planning strategies to address negative externalities caused by neighborhood change and heightened risks of displacement due to revitalization. Data were collected through a series of focus groups with residents and stakeholders in working-class, minority neighborhoods which were identified as being in the early stages of revitalization. Two findings emerged from the analysis. First, residents perceived urban revitalization to have a destabilizing effect on traditional neighborhoods. Second, residents perceived revitalization as detrimental to the sustainability of family-friendly neighborhoods. Insights from the analysis are used to prompt planners’ advocacy for revitalization strategies aimed at protecting minority, working-class neighborhoods when institutionally driven revitalization occurs.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine perceptions of institutional encroachment and community responses to it. Specifically, it focuses on residents’ perceived effects of hospital and university expansion and the role of place making on gentrification in core city neighborhoods. This study offers insights into the processes driving neighborhood displacement and the prospects for grassroots efforts to curb it.
Design/methodology/approach
Data were collected through focus groups with residents and other stakeholders in working class, minority neighborhoods which were identified as being in the early stages of gentrification. Nine focus groups were held across three neighborhoods experiencing institutional encroachment. The analysis was guided by standpoint theory, which focuses on amplifying the voices of groups traditionally disenfranchized from urban planning and policy processes.
Findings
The findings suggest that residents perceived institutional encroachment as relatively unabated and unresponsive to grassroots concerns. This led to heightened concerns about residential displacement and concomitant changes in the neighborhoods’ built and social environments. Experiences with encroachment also increased residents’ calls for greater grassroots control of development.
Originality/value
This analysis illuminates how gentrification and displacement results from both physical redevelopment activities of anchor institutions and their decisions related to place making. The conclusions highlight the importance of empowering disenfranchized groups in the place-making process to minimize negative externalities at the neighborhood level.
Using the 2004 and 2008 panels of the Survey for Income and Program Participation (SIPP), we examine whether the heavily feminized health care industry produces "good jobs" for workers without a college degree as compared to other major industries. For women, we find that jobs in the health care industry are significantly more likely than the food service and retail industries to provide wages above $15 per hour, health benefits, fulltime hours, and job security. Jobs in the health care industry are not "good jobs" for low- and middle-skill men in terms of wages, relative to the industries of construction and manufacturing, but health care jobs can provide men with greater job security, and in comparison to construction, a higher probability of employer-based health insurance. That said, the findings emphasize that because men and women are differentially distributed across industries, access to different forms of job quality is also gendered across industries, with important implications for gender dynamics and economic strain within working class families.
Non‐profit hospitals are important anchors in Appalachian communities, in part because of the concentration of health care dollars within these institutions. Community benefit efforts of these hospitals, therefore, have the potential to fill gaps in public health and social service provision in underserved areas with documented health disparities and access barriers. To date, however, we do not fully understand how community benefit practices vary by hospital setting. Employing hierarchical linear modeling using a multilevel mixed‐effects approach, this study analyzes data from the years 2010 to 2016 to assess community benefit practices and spending between hospitals in Appalachia and non‐Appalachian counties. Findings indicate that hospitals within Appalachian counties, and rural hospitals in this region, in particular, spent less on community benefit than hospitals, not in this region. Given the potential for community benefit to impact health outcomes and access to care, this disparity is important to state and local public health efforts and suggests the need for additional support for hospitals to engage their communities around critical health needs.
Engaged civic learning is an emerging pedagogical technique that involves designing courses to meet the dual objectives of advancing student learning and community development. While a growing number of universities use experiential education to strengthen student community involvement, educational outcomes, and social responsibility (Hurd, 2006; Ryan, 2017; Saltmarsh, 2005), there is a growing desire to make these experiences more beneficial to the communities these students engage with and learn from (Carpenter & Krist, 2011). Engaged civic learning, however, emphasizes student, faculty, and community outcomes with the aim of benefiting everyone involved in university-led experiential education initiatives (Dahan & Selighsohn, 2013; Watson & D’Italia, 2017).
Comprehensive community initiatives integrating holistic educational approachs for children and families are vital to building and sustaining 100% high school graduation rate in a distressed urban setting. Despite numerous social, economic, and cultural barriers, the Rutgers-Camden University and LEAP Academy partnership has not only provided hundreds of children with a comprehensive education and access to opportunities, but it has also empowered them and their families as individuals. This university-driven community development intitiaitve was able to trasnform the entire city oif Camden, NJ through the expansion of an integrated pipeline model that prepared students, trained families and nurtured neighboring communities. Utilizing a case study methodology and appreciative inquiry framework, this study explores these university-driven programs when community members are included in the planning stages and are benficieries in the operations and governance. This collaborative case study provides many insights into best practices that can be upscaled within other community-based educational models.
Past research has shown that minority men are more likely than others to enter female-dominated occupations, but less is known about the quality of their jobs in these fields in contrast to other employment options. We use the 2004 and 2008 panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) to examine whether the female-dominated industries of education and health care produce better job quality in terms of wages, benefits, hours, and job security for working-class men relative to other industries, with emphasis on differences by race-ethnicity. We find that although workers in the education and health care industries fared better during the Great Recession compared to those in other industries, effects for wages, health insurance, hours, and layoff for working-class Men of Color were substantially lower compared to those of White men. We find strong evidence of a racialized glass escalator, but also a racialized safety net in the care sector post-recession: the health care and education industries provide better job quality for White men than for Men of Color, though they are less likely to be in these jobs, and these sectors were more protective of White men as compared to minorities during the recession.
Since the 1970s, many male-dominated jobs have contracted while the demand for occupations traditionally held by women has increased. Despite these trends, men have made limited progress in entering female-dominated jobs. In this study, we use the 2004 and 2008 panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation to examine whether younger men (ages 18–24) are more likely to enter female-dominated occupations than adults (ages 25–44) and middle-aged men (ages 45–65), as well as whether young men persist in female-dominated occupations once they are employed. We find that younger men are more likely to be in female-dominated occupations, and young men are as likely to stay in a female-dominated occupation as their counterparts in mixed- or male-dominated occupations. Our findings suggest that younger men may be more open to working in female-dominated occupations as compared to older men; once younger men enter female-dominated occupations, they are retained.
Recent research on urban rebranding has emphasized the importance of looking within the city. However, many of these studies are in world cities. This paper examines the peripheral, shrinking city. Specifically, it investigates the effect of toponymic change on sense of community and the urban landscape. A body of work has examined urban strategies, including rebranding, to address decline and population loss in Rust Belt cities. By focusing on the rebranding of Elmwood Village, this paper builds on emerging literature on neighborhood branding efforts, by specifically assessing toponymic change in the Rust Belt. This study is informed using a multi-methods approach including the anlaysis of interviews and newspaper articles. Findings suggest social and economic outcomes of rebranding are conflicting in their ability to rebuild community despite increased economic investment in the built environment.
In shrinking cities, commercial district decline has mirrored other patterns of depopulation and deindustrialization. Uneven development has emerged as the prevailing spatial pattern for shrinking cities in recent decades. Cleveland’s Storefront Renovation Program (SRP) is a local historic preservation-based strategy focused on improving commercial corridors. In this paper, we investigate whether the urban geography of the SRP aligns with theories of uneven development in shrinking cities. Using address-level data of projects and investments from 1983 to 2016, we analyze the spatial distribution using hot spot analysis, the Herfindahl-Hirschman index, and a neighborhood typology. Overall, we find the SRP program moderately contributed to uneven development, and increasingly so in recent decades, with clear clusters of investment in gentrifying neighborhoods and downtown Cleveland, while also supporting reinvestment in White, working-class areas early in its history.
The purpose of this article is to examine municipal property acquisition patterns in shrinking cities. We use data from the City of Buffalo’s municipal property auction records to analyze the spatial distribution of properties offered for sale in its annual tax foreclosure auction. In addition to these data, we examine demolition and building permit records. Our analysis suggests that cities like Buffalo follow strategies based on an urban growth paradigm when responding to abandonment. This paradigm operates under the assumption that growth is a constant and urban development is only limited by fiscal constraints, underdeveloped systems of urban governance, environmental degradation, and resistance by anti-growth coalitions. We recommend that planners in shrinking cities de-emphasize growth-based planning and focus on rightsizing strategies. These strategies are based on the assumption that growth is not a constant. Consequently, urban revitalization is concentrated in a smaller urban footprint.
Retrospective data on the academic reputation of PhD programs in the biological and life sciences and engineering are used in regression models to measure the influence of academic quality on the growth in employment and in per capita income for metropolitan areas in the United States over the two parts of the recently completed business cycle (1994 to 2000 and 2001 to 2003). The quality of doctoral research programs in science and technology fields was positively associated with growth rates in employment and per capita income in metropolitan areas during the expansion phase of the business cycle. Regions with quality science and technology doctoral programs experienced declines in employment growth rates following the recession. There was an inverse relationship between academic quality and per capita income following the recession, indicating that regional earnings bubbles built up during the expansion. Strong path dependencies are exhibited in the models.
ABSTRACT This article reviews methodological issues confronting authors and users of economic impact studies of public colleges and universities. Questions addressed include the following: How should economic impact of regional public colleges and universities be defined? What considerations should govern the definition or the geographical study area? How should tax support of publicly supported institutions be addressed? The article includes perspectives from recent literature considering these questions from both short-term and long-term perspectives. Resolution of these issues depends upon careful delineation and communication of the alternative states of world between which the hypothetical impact is measured.
A significant portion of the modern world economy is constituted as a patchwork of dense industrial agglomerations. The currently shifting structure of production from Fordist to flexible accumulation has intensified this state of affairs. In this paper, I describe changes in the thrust and content of regional policy resulting from these developments. I briefly delineate the inner logic of flexible production agglomerations, and I argue that they are likely to be most successful when they secure for themselves appropriate frameworks of institutional and collective order. Generic tasks for such frameworks are described in terms of five main arenas of social intervention: (1) industrial technology, (2) labor training, (3) business service associations, (4) innovation networks and cooperative manufacturing structures, and (5) local government and land use control. The case of recent public efforts to establish an electric car industry in Los Angeles is discussed as an illustration of the argument. The paper ends with a brief remark about some of the wider political implications of the analysis.
"The Rise of the Entrepreneurial State" charts the development of state and local government initiatives to influence the market and strengthen economic development policies. This trend marked a decisive break from governments' traditionally small role in the affairs of private industry that defined the relationship between the public and private sector for the first half of the twentieth century. The turn to state and local government intervention signaled a change in subnational politics that, in many ways, transcended partisan politics, regional distinctions, and racial alliances. Eisinger's meticulous research uncovers state and local governments' transition from supply-side to demand-side strategies of market creation. He shows that, instead of relying solely on the supply-side strategies of tax breaks and other incentives to encourage business relocation, some governments promoted innovation and the creation of new business approaches.
The long-term impact of public-private partnerships as a governing structure has not been adequately explored. In Pittsburgh, neighborhood groups have struggled to participate in the partnership's revitalization agenda. Their participation often is recognized as necessary for legitimation purposes, but they are often excluded from influencing economic development policy. Theories of incorporation and corporatism provide some insight into the possibilities and limits of including neighborhood interests in partnerships. A dynamic of consent best explains why neighborhood interests are often in contradiction with partnership agendas and why there are inherent limits to legitimacy in partnership structures.
This paper estimates some of the impacts associated with a metropolitan university. The impact of the university in the metropolitan arena is conceptualised as a series of backward (expenditure) and forward (knowledge-related) linkages. These relationships can be both positive and negative and can operate in both the short and long terms. Their correct identification requires that the counter-factual situation of the area without the university be adequately specified. On the basis of a case study of the impacts associated with Northwestern University on the Chicago metropolitan area, some of these issues are highlighted. The results emphasise the magnitude of the university expenditure links with the metropolitan economy and the importance of scale when comparing these with more localised negative impacts. The paper concludes with some public policy implications relating to the role of the university as a non-profit organisation competing with local businesses and as an export base sector in the metropolitan economy.
Local development policymakers, strategists, and analysts should target industries with much more information than usual about wide differences between industries in growth rates, cycle patterns, wage rates, concentration ratios, foreign trade balances, labor market behavior, and occupation mixes. All this needs to be complemented with a new "occupational-functional approach." Functions common to all industries, such as innovation, decision making, research, precision and routine production, make locational choices and have local impacts more alike than the diverse functions within an industry. States and localities should pick functions in which to specialize, even more than industries. Broad policies on income level and stability, foreign trade, education, and intraurban planning are realistic and reinforcing when founded on explicit choices of what a place does as well as what it makes.
In the flurry of recent concern about and research on high technology firms and economic development, there is relatively little attention paid to the perspective of firms and their location decisions. This paper surveys the literature on the location of R&D facilities and on attempts to establish regions based on innovation and creativity. The locations of R&D facilities are constrained by the labor market for scientists and engineers. The locational needs of the firm revolve around ensuring both that professional labor will be able to be attracted to its R&D locations, and that communication (especially face-to-face communication) will be facilitated. Given these twin concerns, R&D is likely to locate primarily in large urban regions. The corresponding success of regions which hope to become major areas of spin-off and creativity is likewise constrained by the joint preferences of R&D workers, venture capital investors, and high-tech employers.
This report assesses the economic impact of the University of Massachusetts at Boston (UMass/Boston) on the Commonwealth of Massachusetts with attention to three major economic contributions: (1) the additional income that UMass/Boston students generate within the state as a result of their university education; (2) the added state income and sales tax revenue generated for the state government as a result of the additional income earned by these students; and (3) the export base income and tax revenue generated from non-resident tuition, fees, and living expenses, gifts and unrestricted funds from non-Massachusetts sources, student federal grants-in-aid, non-Massachusetts sponsored grants and contracts, and federal endowment income. Despite reliance on conservative assumptions throughout the model, it may be concluded that in economic terms UMass/Boston has been a lucrative investment for the Commonwealth even if one merely considers the beneficiary to be the state government itself. Among the findings it was estimated that the UMass/Boston entering class of Fall 1991, involving 2,572 students, will generate over their working lives, an added $1.05 billion to the overall income stream in Massachusetts, an amount of revenue that greatly exceeds the $34.1 million that students cost the state during their training at UMass/Boston. (GLR)
Health care competition has arrived. Market changes affect all consumers of health care, perhaps the low-income population most of all. This paper presents evidence from six states and draws general conclusions about current impacts and emerging policy issues. The stimulus for rapid change in the 1990s has been buyers' demands for lower prices. In insurance markets, this means more managed care. In provider markets, this means less professional control over services and prices. Price pressure in turn stimulates hospital budget cutting -- along with downsizing, consolidation into larger provider entities, conversions of ownership status, and, potentially, less service for non-paying patients. The case studies found that states are generally supportive of price competition. State policy makers credit managed care with reducing inflation, to the benefit of large purchasers. This pleases states as big Medicaid buyers. As general overseers of health markets, however, policy makers are more ambivalent. Concerns are voiced, for example, about market concentration through mergers and the extent of patient rights. Did the poor benefit from market change along with states and other big buyers of coverage? The report offers three conclusions: * Price competition seems to have increased coverage by giving buyers better value for money. Many states have expanded eligibility for Medicaid or other public coverage. * Both good and bad effects on quality of care are reported. Developments are too new to assess in most places. * Hospitals' traditional ability to support charity care is threatened by new competition. Significant cuts in access for the poor are feared, though most states report no major impacts as yet. An emerging issue is whether and how to craft a competition-era safety net for the growing share of poor Americans who lack coverage, despite expansions in public plans. Several state or local mechanisms exist.
The search for scientific bases for confronting problems of social policy is bound to fail, becuase of the nature of these problems. They are wicked problems, whereas science has developed to deal with tame problems. Policy problems cannot be definitively described. Moreover, in a pluralistic society there is nothing like the undisputable public good; there is no objective definition of equity; policies that respond to social problems cannot be meaningfully correct or false; and it makes no sense to talk about optimal solutions to social problems unless severe qualifications are imposed first. Even worse, there are no solutions in the sense of definitive and objective answers.
From 1991 to 1993 nonresident tuition in the Pennsylvania State System of Higher Education increased an average of 19.6% per year. This policy was used to shield state taxpayers from the burden of subsidizing the cost of nonresident student education and to insure access for resident students. It appears that careful regard for the price sensitivity of nonresident students was not taken. Between 1991 and 1996 the State System experienced an approx. 40% decline in nonresident enrollment. This study estimated the price elasticity of demand for both nonresident and resident students. The empirical findings indicated nonresident demand being price-elastic while the model was not robust enough to explain the variation in demand by resident students. The large tuition increase coupled with an elastic demand caused a significant loss of nonresident enrollment and tuition revenue in the System. A new pricing policy for nonresident students was subsequently instituted to account for the effect of market forces.
. This paper is concerned with the impacts of academic knowledge production (human capital, research, and consultancy) on the investment behavior of the manufacturing industry. Beginning with the neoclassical theory of capital accumulation, a multiregional investment model for non-residential structures and equipment is developed. Within this model, the knowledge impacts of universities are represented by a diffusion function, which takes into account the possibilities of contagious and hierarchical diffusion of knowledge. Special attention has been given to the development of a theoretically sound and empirically operational investment model, and to the identification of spatio-temporal correlation. The latter has been approached by means of the use of an EGLS estimator, based on a stationary spatio-temporal Markov scheme for the residual. The main result of the case study relating to the Netherlands is that academic knowledge production has a significant positive impact on investments in equipment which is strongest in the neighborhood of central places (i.e., following a hierarchical diffusion pattern).
Are cities obsolete relics of an earlier era? In this pathbreaking book, Susan E. Clarke and Gary L. Gaile contend that contrary to this conventional wisdom, cities are growing in importance. Far from irrelevant, local governments are vital political arenas for the new work of cities--empowering their citizens to adapt and serve as catalysts for the global economy. Using Robert Reich's The Work of Nations as a point of departure, the authors argue that globalism, coupled with increasing disparities of wealth and power, changes not only the work of nations but also the role of communities. Clarke and Gaile begin by detailing the transformation of the United States to a postindustrial economy situated in a "global web." They then examine the emergence of local entrepreneurial policy choices in the context of economic and political restructuring and in the absence of federal resources. Using empirical data to test assumptions about what leads cities to choose new policies, Clarke and Gaile explore local context through four case studies: Cleveland, Tacoma, Syracuse, and Jacksonville. They discuss human capital as the linchpin of globalization, arguing that analytical ability, information skills, and the capacity to innovate are all key to wealth creation. In conclusion, they contend that inattention to the decline in human and social capital will ultimately undermine any local development efforts--unless local policymakers craft responses to globalization that integrate rather than isolate citizens. The Work of Cities is both bold and nuanced, pragmatic yet compassionate in its recommendations. It is essential reading for anyone who cares about the fate of our metropolitan communities and the people who live there. "Susan E. Clarke and Gary L. Gaile have written an interesting and provocative account of U.S. cities' past, present, and future as agents of local economic development. Clarke and Gaile contend that cities are vital political arenas for the new work of citiesÃÂpromoting citizenship and building the human capital and local links necessary for cities to compete in the postindustrial global economy. Stimulating and useful, it should be widely read among urbanists in political science and other disciplines." American Political Science Review "This is a terrifically interesting book." Growth and Change: A Journal of Urban and Regional Policy "This book is an ambitious and effective discussion of the economic development of cities in a globalised economic context in which information strategies are more important than tax incentives in luring businesses, and within which a new 'localism' has emerged as a paradoxical aspect of development practice. The significance of this work lies in its ability to link an important theoretic argument (globalization) with an increasingly vital arena of practice (urban economic development). It has the potential of recasting both the empirical and the theoretical work on urban development, as it suggests new ways of understanding local decision-making within a global context. The authors deserve credit for keeping focus. They succeed." Urban Studies "Clarke and Gaile have put together a provocative analysis of contemporary economic development issues facing cities in the United States. The most convincing feature of the book is its critical treatment of globalization and the clarity of thought it brings to bear upon debates surrounding the 'new localism.'" Economic Geography "Clarke and Gaile succinctly and clearly describe the economic development activities of U.S. cities for the past 15 years. In addition, they examine how globalization may be transforming these practices.The material examines changing economic development practices and the role of government in a way no other book to date has. It is broadly and well written so both practitioners and academics would find the book topical." Journal of American Planning Association "Both bold and nuanced, practmatic yet compassionate in its recommendations. It is essential reading for anyone who cares about the fate of our metropolitan communities and the people who live there. A path-breaking book" Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society Susan E. Clarke is professor of political science at the University of Colorado, Boulder. Gary L. Gaile is professor of geography at the University of Colorado, Boulder.
The authors explore the bases for regional engagement by universities in the light of structural change within higher education and ongoing debates about the nature of regional economic development. They focus on the implications for a university's relationship with its region of the New Labour policy environment within England as set out in a series of White Papers and consultation papers concerned with industrial competitiveness, lifelong learning and Regional Development Agencies (RDAs), and assess how far these new policy proposals address Old Labour issues of uneven development within the knowledge economy. The authors conclude the paper by setting out new procedures on the part of government departments, RDAs, and universities themselves for linking universities and regions in order to create regional learning systems.
Miss Telfer offers a new analysis, classifying health care into four systems, only one of which, the "laissez-faire" type, is unlikely to be acceptable today. The other three systems are defined here as "liberal humanitarian", "liberal socialist" and "pure socialist." Each is analysed for its content and for the views of its protagonists and antagonists. On these issues no dogma is proclaimed as the author says she has sought to "bring out some of the principles at issue in any discussion of the rights and wrongs of socialized medicine". This journal is surely the proper place for such a discussion as the worlds of the politician, of the economist, of the doctor and of the patient come to a point in the philosophies behind the aspect of medical ethics exemplified in the provision of medical services by the state. Miss Telfer also glances down the byways of the medicine of the market place.
In this paper I examine agglomeration effects on the intensity of local knowledge transfers from universities to high technology innovations within the modified Griliches-Jaffe knowledge production function framework. Estimations are carried out at the level of U.S. metropolitan areas. Concentration of high technology employment turns out to be the most important factor promoting local academic knowledge transfers. I find that a "critical mass" of agglomeration must be reached in order to expect substantial local economic effects of academic research spending. Copyright 2000 Blackwell Publishers
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