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Spatial Patterns of Immigrant Assimilation*

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Abstract

This research compares the contemporary areal patterning of cultural and economic assimilation with patterns expected from a model of urban spatial assimilation described by Massey and modified by us. Using 1990 census data (PUMS) for 12 immigrant groups in the greater Los Angeles area, we locate the ethnic concentrations of each group and identify two additional zones based on distance from the concentration. The zones represent varying degrees of spatial assimilation. This method allows us to compare the distribution of immigrant cohorts over time and the degree of cultural and economic assimilation of residents of the different zones. Our findings confirm most geographical aspects of the modified model. Zonal differentiation occurs in the expected direction and is statistically significant although not strong for most groups. More recently arrived immigrant groups and those with higher incomes tend to show greater differences in assimilation between zones.

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... En particulier, des études diachroniques des dynamiques ethno-raciales insistent sur la diversication des espaces suburbains, appuyant l'idée d'une concomitance des schémas et remettant profondément en cause le primat du schéma concentrique (Delmelle, 2015;Mikelbank, 2004Mikelbank, , 2011Reibel et Regelson, 2007). Plus encore, des débats centrés sur le cas de Los Angeles montrent la restructuration des quartiers avec l'augmentation des Asiatiques et des Hispaniques, deux groupes qui joueraient un rôle tampon entre les Blancs et les Noirs, ce qui se traduirait spatialement par des zones de transitions entre les espaces encore fortement ségrégés (Allen et Turner, 1996;Charles, 2003;Clark, 2009;Clark et al., 2015). En résumé, si ce descripteur de la ségrégation dans les villes des États-Unis est central, omniprésent, inévitable et amplement documenté, les congurations spatiales contemporaines qui y sont liées sont pour le moins incertaines. ...
... D'abord, si cette dimension suit les appartenances ethno-raciales, alors les structures actuelles sont plus diverses qu'une partition sectorielle ou concentrique, dans le centre comme dans les périphéries, en raison de la diversication accrue des espaces urbains. Ensuite, plusieurs travaux ont montré la variation des niveaux d'éducation selon les groupes ethniques non Blancs (Allen et Turner, 1996;Rong et Brown, 2001), ne permettant pas d'associer de manière binaire cette dimension aux congurations ethniques. Enn, le lien est souvent fait entre la géographie de l'éducation et d'autres dimensions telles que les revenus et la génération des ménages (Massey et Denton, 1988a), renvoyant ainsi à des congurations spatiales potentiellement bien diérentes. ...
... La troisième dimension de l'analyse porte sur les congurations de la ségrégation et les discontinuités structurelles selon les niveaux d'éducation atteints par les personnes âgées de plus de 25 ans. Peu étudiée, cette dimension est interprétée de manière variable selon les recherches (Allen et Turner, 1996;Massey et Denton, 1988a;Rong et Brown, 2001) : entre des formes liées aux appartenances ethno-raciales ou des congurations articulées à l'âge, aux revenus, aux catégories socioprofessionnelles... Face à ces ambiguïtés, quelles sont précisément les structures spatiales de la ségrégation selon les niveaux d'éducation à Raleigh et à Seattle ? ...
Thesis
Cette thèse analyse la ségrégation dans les villes intermédiaires des États-Unis, souvent laissées dans l’ombre d’un discours dominant sur les grandes métropoles, mais pour lesquelles on fait l’hypothèse que la moindre taille est à même de changer l’intensité et les configurations de la division sociale de l’espace. L’analyse repose d’abord sur une procédure de définition opératoire selon des critères de taille et de fonctions permettant d’identifier 29 villes intermédiaires. La ségrégation de ces villes est mesurée à partir des indices classiques de ségrégation, et discutant les effets de la ségrégation dans ces villes en fonction des structurations hiérarchique et régionale dont les analyses montrent des effets emboîtés. L’approche privilégiée, en analyse spatiale, se fonde ensuite sur la notion de discontinuité, pour capturer les formes géographiques fines de la ségrégation sociale. Les discontinuités sont définies comme une forte différenciation à l’échelle locale du voisinage et mesurées par la dissemblance entre les block groups contigus. Sur les terrains principaux et comparés de Raleigh (NC) et de Seattle (WA), l’analyse porte sur les discontinuités structurelles et systémiques qui émergent pour plusieurs dimensions sociales importantes dans le contexte états-unien (appartenance ethno-raciale, âge, éducation, revenus) et pour trois décennies entre 1980 et 2010, à partir de données harmonisées. Au final, la thèse renouvelle le regard sur les débats de mesures de la ségrégation, sur les approches théoriques et méthodologiques des morphologies urbaines, tout en éclairant les modèles métropolitains et les mécanismes ségrégatifs.
... From a theoretical perspective, the expectations and assumptions of the assimilation model have increasingly been stressed with the arrival of new, more heterogeneous origin groups (i.e., Alba and Logan 1991;Allen and Turner 1996;Mahler 1995;Zelinsky and Lee 1998). Conversely, significant barriers to spatial assimilation, including discrimination in the housing market, preferences for like-group neighbors, density zoning requirements and other effects, remain (Bishop 2009;Lichter 2013;Lichter et al. 2016;Winkler 2013). ...
... While immigrants continue to settle in traditional and segregated enclaves in the inner-city (Zelinsky and Lee 1998) that offer less expensive housing, public transportation, and access to employment such that their transition to the destination society is eased, newer settlement patterns find some immigrant groups bypassing traditional inner-city enclaves in favor of settling in suburban areas (i.e., Alba and Logan 1991;Allen and Turner 1996;Gorrie 1991;Greene 1997;Zelinsky and Lee 1998;Singer et al. 2001;Price and Singer 2008), reflecting changing employment locations and housing opportunities, particularly in older suburban areas. These "ethnoburbs" (Li 1998(Li , 1999, or suburban residential and business areas dominated by a non-white ethnic group have nearly similar functions as enclaves (Brown and Sharma 2010;Hall 2013;Li and Skop 2007;Murdie and Skop 2012;Skop 2012). ...
Chapter
Segregation occurs when individuals who identify, or are identified, with different groups occupy different geographies within cities. Although segregation can be seen as a continuum from dispersion through extreme cases exemplified by ghettos, it remains a persistent feature of cities across the globe. Immigration features prominently in segregation and reflects a range of factors including discrimination and racism, housing, labor market access, and economic opportunities. Focusing on the immigration perspective, the following chapter explores the urban geography of segregation, including its definition, causes and patterns, methods for detecting and understanding segregation, and implications of segregation.
... This paper attempts to unfold the relationships among mobility, migration and ethnic enclaves. Numerous research has been done both contemporarily and historically on how ethnic concentrations impact the socioeconomic and residential mobility of ethnic minority groups (Wilson and Martin, 1982;Massey and Denton, 1985;Sanders and Nee, 1987;Zhou, 1992;Allen and Turner, 1996;Alba et al., 1999;Logan et al., 2002;Newbold and Foulkes, 2004;Abrahamson, 2005;Li, 2009). The spatial concentrations of residential, working and business opportunities provide immigrants with economic and social resources, and therefore open the gates for upward social and residential mobility (Wilson and Portes, 1980;Wilson and Martin, 1982;Zhou, 1992Zhou, , 2009). ...
... The spatial concentrations of residential, working and business opportunities provide immigrants with economic and social resources, and therefore open the gates for upward social and residential mobility (Wilson and Portes, 1980;Wilson and Martin, 1982;Zhou, 1992Zhou, , 2009). However, ethnic enclaves may also hinder the assimilation process over the longer term (Sanders and Nee, 1987;Kwong, 1996;Allen and Turner, 1996;Newbold and Foulkes, 2004). While there is wellestablished literature on socioeconomic mobility and ethnic settlements, these studies fail to engage with immigrants' travel behavior on a daily basis and the complex relationships among physical mobility, social mobility and ethnic clusters. ...
Article
This paper contributes to research on daily mobility experience of (im)migrants in cities and expands the conceptualizations of mobility by examining intentionality and its relations to locality. Through place-based research on mobility and immobility of Chinese (im)migrants in Flushing, Queens, New York City, this paper explores: 1) mobility patterns of recent (im)migrants in an urban setting; 2) the constraints, resources and their coping strategies for everyday mobility; and 3) the dialectal relationship between voluntary and involuntary immobility, and between mobility and ethnic communities. This study reveals that immobility is not always the result of inaccessibility, but structural barriers in the broader society such as socioeconomic inequality and racial discrimination. Involuntary immobility encourages overdependence on locality. With its high place accessibility, Flushing provides (im)migrants with a plethora of ethnic mobile resources, as well as social networks and community resources. The relative immobility among Chinese (im)migrants in Flushing is compensated by the flows and movements of people, goods and information both at the local and transnational scale. The contrast between insider-ness and outsider-ness further enhances their attachment to the local community and discourages them from moving. Thus, locality mitigates involuntary immobility but paradoxically nurtures voluntary immobility that hinders the transfer of potential mobility to actual mobility, and physical mobility to social mobility. Without considering locality, stillness is easily mistaken for immobility; without considering intentionality, accessibility is easily equated to mobility. Therefore, solutions to transportation equity do not lie solely in transportation accessibility itself, but more broadly in individual capability, immigration policy, labor market equality and community development.
... Etnik/ırksal grupların incelenmesi, analitik ilgiyi asimilasyonun kültürel ve kişilerarası boyutlarının incelenmesinden karşılaştırmalı etnik tabakalaşma sorularına kaydıracak şekilde, sosyal ve mekânsal hareketliliği anlama konusundaki genel ilgiye kaydırmıştır (Alba & Nee, 2003). Kavrama ilişkin coğrafi literatür (Allen & Turner, 1996;Haverluk, 1998;Clark, 2003; (Wassenberg, 2013). Kurumsal ve sivil aktörlerin uygulamaları neticesinde şehirsel yerleşme dokusunun farklı bölümlerinde, değişik koşullara bağlı olarak oldukça farklı yöntem, yasal uygulama ve süreçlerle mekânsal yapıyı etkileyen ve çeşitli problemleri ortaya çıkaran kentsel dönüşüm (Tekeli, 2015, s. 270) uygulamalarına yönelik araştırmaların temel amacı ise mekânsal yapıya yönelik müdahalelerin ortaya çıkarttığı asimilasyon pratiklerinin incelenmesidir. ...
Conference Paper
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Göçmen grupların asimilasyon süreçlerini analiz etmek amacıyla 20. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde Chicago Ekolü tarafından ortaya konulan mekânsal asimilasyon teorisi 1985 sonrası süreçte mekân temelli bir yaklaşımla coğrafya disiplininde popülerlik kazanmıştır. Özellikle Massey ve arkadaşları tarafından göçmen grupların mekânsal hareketliliğini ele alan çalışmalarla coğrafyada yaygın bir kuramsal zemin elde eden mekânsal asimilasyon teorisi, sosyoekonomik gelişmişliği bağlı olarak göçmen grupların homojen mekânsal alanlardan ayrılarak çoğunluk toplum lehine nasıl asimilasyona uğradıklarına odaklanmıştır. Bunu kültürleşmenin son evresi olarak görerek niceliksel veriler, homojen kollektif grupların dağılış alanları ve buna etki eden olgular incelenmiştir. Bu kapsamda bu araştırmada, mekânsal asimilasyon teorisinin pozitif bir değer olarak tanımladığı ve siyasal yapının etki derecesinin göz ardı edildiği kapsamı aşılarak kentsel dönüşüm bağlamında sosyokültürel, çevresel ve psikolojik asimilasyonun homojen toplum yapılarına yönelik olumsuz bağlamları analiz edilmiştir. Nitel araştırma yönteminin ve amaçlı örneklemenin kullanıldığı çalışmanın veri seti yarı yapılandırılmış görüşme tekniğinden elde edilmiştir. Örüntüler ortaya koyamaya olanak tanıyan tematik analiz tekniğiyle verilerin çözümlendiği araştırmanın bulguları yorumsamacı bir yaklaşımla değerlendirilmiştir.
... Although several studies have examined either segregation or suburbanization among United States immigrants [5,[31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39], since Massey and Denton's article in the late 1980s [4], few studies have investigated the intersection between immigrant groups' suburbanization and their residential segregation (Jones [40] is an exception). This is surprising given that these processes are probably intertwined in complex ways when it comes to immigrant groups and their assimilation outcomes. ...
Article
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Although spatial assimilation has often been defined as the process whereby a group attains residential propinquity with majority members of a host society, we argue that for certain immigrant groups, substantial suburbanization does not necessarily lead to racial integration. Our analysis using data from the U.S. Census Bureau reveals that between 1990 and 2010, Southeast Asian former refugees in the Minneapolis-St. Paul Metropolitan Statistical Area experienced substantial suburbanization, which is expected given their improved socioeconomic status. However, Southeast Asians’ suburbanization has not led to residential propinquity with non-Hispanic Whites. Despite a small decline in Southeast Asians’ overall segregation at the metropolitan area level during the previous two decades, their segregation levels, as measured by the dissimilarity index, remained unchanged or increased in the central city and the suburbs. Furthermore, our findings reveal different ethnic concentration and segregation patterns among four Southeast Asian subgroups, complicating the meaning of ‘suburbanization’ as simply a process in which people move from the inner city to its less urban outskirts. The finding that substantial suburbanization coexists with high levels of segregation and ethnic concentration raises questions about the assumptions of both the spatial assimilation and place stratification models of immigrant residential processes and outcomes.
... The increasing study of spatial encounters between politically uneven groups often focuses on tensions between long-time residents and new migrants (Allen and Turner 1996;Nelson and Hiemstra 2008;Winders 2005). By and large, these relationships are constituted by the human flow from "second" and "third" world countries to the abundant West. ...
Article
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The literature on ethnic groups that were formed following migration reveals how symbolic and socioeconomic boundaries are manipulated by veteran groups to keep out the unwanted immigrants. It shows how these boundaries are to maintain and preserve the veterans’ dominant position. The case of the tiny Jewish minority living nowadays in Morocco reveals a seemingly contradictory mechanism: Muslim gatekeepers, who are part of the huge majority in Morocco, screen out their coreligionists from Jewish spaces. This gatekeeping fortifies the Jewish notion of exclusive spaces within which they feel safe as a tiny and fragile community. A close ethnographic gaze reveals that screening out Muslims is enabled due to a shared “cultural intimacy” that permits the minority to control access to their spaces. This paper sheds light on a deep level of cultural understanding that allows Jews to maintain bearable life as a dwindling minority in Morocco—despite their motivations to be separated—by appointing Muslim gatekeepers.
... The only mention of time by Marginson (2013) is the observation that students undergo these changes in relatively 'compressed time periods'. Yet we know, from research on migration (e.g., Gordon, 1964), that migration 'adjustment' and 'adaptation' (including, one would assume, 'self-formation' and 'becoming') take a while to achieve (Allen & Turner, 1996). What does this mean for how we interpret short-and very short-duration study abroad opportunities, such as offered through the Turing Scheme in the United Kingdom? ...
Article
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This paper reflects on the importance of ‘time spent’ in understanding the international student experience. Short‐term mobility programmes (involving stays of between 1 week and 2 months) attracting less privileged students, such as the relatively new Turing Scheme in the United Kingdom, have been hailed as a potential ‘solution’ to the fact that, traditionally, wealthier individuals have been far more likely to engage in study abroad. However, we do not yet know how short‐term and longer duration programmes compare in terms of the value they confer to students (in relation to their experiences and outcomes). How likely is it that short‐term mobility at undergraduate level is as valuable, according to different measures, as mobility lasting 6 months to several years (as with degree mobility)? This paper reviews some of the evidence to date on shorter duration mobility, addressing how value in international study is constructed and conferred and how this relates to ‘time spent’. The paper concludes by arguing that the picture is mixed: although short‐term mobility will be beneficial to students, those engaging in longer term exchanges (usually more privileged students) are likely to derive greater benefits.
... Immigrants can also assimilate spatially (i.e., adopting a suburban lifestyle further away from the city). Many studies point out socioeconomic factors and duration of stay guiding this (Andersen, 2010, Allen andTurner, 1996), although there is research suggestion cultural preferences may play an important role as well. For our South Asian participants, we believe the latter may be more critical as economically and academically, they are on par if not better off than native-born Australians (Shafi et al., 2017). ...
Article
Full-text available
A range of studies have found that immigrants generally start out using different travel modes but over time they ‘assimilate’ toward adopting similar travel modes to the general population. These studies tend to focus on ‘when’ and ‘if’ travel assimilation occurs, with some studies using socioeconomic factors to explain ‘why’ this occurs. But few studies have explored the role of culture, attitudes and other ‘soft’ factors in shaping the process of travel assimilation among immigrants. In Australia, South Asians have been the largest and fastest growing immigrant group, and as skilled migrants they face few ‘hard’ barriers to car use. The aim of this paper is to explore the interaction between cultural influences, attitudes and initial travel experiences upon arrival in Australia on long-term travel assimilation amongst South Asian immigrants. Qualitative interviews with 20 South Asian immigrants were used to identify a range of cultural and psychosocial factors, such as perceptions towards travel modes and gender-based cultural norms. Attitudes and behaviours evolve during their early years in Australia, beginning with a ‘honeymoon period’ – a phase where all travel modes are seen as positive – before car use begins to dominate. The findings have implications for how we understand the interactions between attitudes, cultural practice and travel behaviour and how they evolve over time. They also imply that policymakers have only a narrow window of time to encourage sustainable transport among South Asian immigrants before the travel ‘honeymoon period’ wears off.
... These relationships can also be found in an ethnic enclave where co-ethnic networks function to attract new immigrants. Ethnic businesses that employ co-ethnics pay lower wages on average (Allen & Turner, 1996;Warman, 2007;Xie & Gough, 2011), but are better able to recognize immigrants' ability (Damm, 2009). In this case, immigrants working in ethnic businesses are not expected to be experiencing discriminatory entry earnings based on their unobserved ability. ...
Article
Full-text available
Based on the 2016 Canadian Census of Population, some immigrant groups have higher entry-earning returns on their ability than others, and experience a lot more variation in earnings given similar variations in ability compared to other groups. The uneven variance in earnings given similar variances in ability is an indication of statistically discriminated immigrant groups due to information gaps. I show that credential assessment is an essential service to reduce information gaps between employers and immigrant workers. While assessors do not reveal an immigrant worker’s true ability without error, they may supply contextual and/or specific information about the worker and their source country. The more about the source country that goes unexplained, variance in ability and immigration increases, while variance in earnings decreases. However, these results are generated only if the credential assessor faces considerable difficulty in learning about the source country and migrants are of low ability.
... 12 An obvious outcome of such spatial concentration is segregation from the broader local population, which refers to the segregated geographies of neighborhoods or districts reflecting a history of immigration, internal migration, class and intergroup ethnic and racial relations, and conflict (Newbold, 2021). Parallel to the findings of the related literature, Istanbul broadly seems to display two patterns of residential segregation (Allen & Turner, 1996;İçduygu & Millet, 2016;Price & Singer, 2008;Zelinsky & Lee, 1998). On the one hand, most immigrants continue to settle in traditional and segregated enclaves in the inner city that offer less expensive housing, public transportation, and access to employment, such as Fatih and Zeytinburnu districts. ...
Article
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Citizenship by investment (CBI) programs have recently garnered significant academic and media attention. Turkey introduced such a program in 2017 that offers citizenship in exchange for investment in residential property. Through the program, thousands of foreigners, mainly from the Middle East and Asia, have purchased houses, particularly in Istanbul. Foreigners’ share of total houses sold in Istanbul almost sextupled and exceeded 10% of total sales. This study estimates the short-run impact of relatively wealthy foreigners on the residential property prices in Istanbul investing to buy a Turkish passport. It finds that the Turkish CBI program positively impacts house prices by 2% in the districts, which are likely to be favored most by immigrant investors.
... Second, immigrants change their spatial settlements over time. Historically, when they first entered the U.S., immigrants tended to settle in ethnic enclaves (Allen and Turner, 1996;Iceland et al., 2014), which help to improve economic conditions of immigrants from the same source regions (Hatton and Leigh, 2011), connect immigrants with their co-ethnics (Liu and Painter, 2012), foster social capital that supports carpooling (Blumenberg and Smart, 2009), and allow immigrants to walk, bike, carpool, and take transit to proximate employment and services in these enclaves (Chatman and Klein, 2009). As immigrants stay in the U.S., some of them move to the suburbs and adopt the suburban lifestyles (Farrell, 2016), which are generally associated with automobile travel (Cervero and Landis, 1992). ...
Article
This research investigates differences in the adaptation process of immigrant commute distance and commute mode across and within three racial/ethnic groups—white, Hispanic, and Asian—in the United States to explore policies that facilitate immigrant travel in an efficient and sustainable way. A two-step analysis is conducted: the first step uses all US-born as the reference group, and the second step uses US-born of the same race/ethnicity as the reference. The second step overcomes a potential problem in existing research on immigrant travel adaptation: When all US-born are used as the reference group, the statistics mainly reflect the travel behavior of US-born white people, masking intrinsic travel differences among US-born racial/ethnic minorities. Based on multi-level regression analysis of the 2017 National Household Travel Survey (NHTS) data, our results support existing findings of initial difference but eventual convergence of immigrant commute behavior with US-born, while highlighting white immigrants’ persistence and Hispanic immigrant’s low propensity in using non-automobile modes. Comparison results based on the two reference groups suggest that segmented assimilation due to racial/ethnic group membership is limited. Still, nuanced findings denote distinctive spatial mechanisms that affect immigrant and US-born Asians and highlight the short time window after immigrants’ arrival in the U.S. during which policies might contribute to a continuation of their sustainable travel patterns.
... Analysis of segregation from the generational perspective, which is one of the focusses of the present study, is essential for discovering the impact of migratory trajectories on the distribution of immigrant students, as well as for observing changes in segregation over time (Fiel & Zhang, 2018). For immigrants as a whole, the theory of spatial assimilation indicates that descendants of immigrants show greater dispersion than the earlier generations (Allen & Turner, 1996;White, Biddlecom, & Guo, 1993) and, accordingly, lower residential segregation. The children of immigrants, the second generation, should have fewer difficulties because of their better knowledge of the language and the educational system by comparison with the first generation. ...
Article
This study analyses levels of school segregation of students of immigrant origin in a city of the south of Europe, namely, Barcelona, which is characterised by a rapidly increasing growth of international immigration in recent decades and moderate or even low levels of residential segregation of immigrants. Besides its analysis of nationality and origin, its main contribution is that it explores a generational typology classifying students according to their place of birth, year of arrival and origin of progenitors, thus revealing different degrees of school segregation in keeping with each student's migratory history. Moreover, in the context of a dual school system (public and private), segregation is analysed by breaking it down in accordance with state or private ownership of the school. The results indicate a marked degree of segregation among students of the first generation and also among descendants of immigrants, showing how the dual school system is responsible for a significant part of the segregation, and that comparison of residential and school segregation always shows that the latter is greater.
... The classic framework reveals that migrants initially live in ethnic enclaves to seek mutual support and job opportunities. When their socio-economic status has improved over time, they generally move to neighbourhoods with a more mainstream setting, such as white majorities and suburban locations (Alba et al., 1999;Allen & Turner, 1996;Logan et al., 2002;Massey & Denton, 1985, 1992. Extends from the classic framework, the segmented assimilation framework suggests that immigrants may be assimilated into different "segments" of the society, including upward to white middle class, downward to the underclass or stay in ethnic communities even when achieved economic advancement. ...
Article
Existing studies on migrant social integration in China are often focused on urban villages. Very few have explored across different types of neighbourhood. Drawing on the 2014 China Migrants Dynamic Survey, we find that migrants who live in ‘commodity housing’ neighbourhoods have achieved a higher level of social integration in all the dimensions of socio-economic achievement, neighbourly interaction and social relationships with the city. Migrants living in urban and rural villages manage to achieve better economic integration than migrants living in factory dormitories and old neighbourhoods in the central city. However, migrants in these villages show a lower level of social integration. The findings reveal that urban and rural villages as migrant enclaves serve a stepping-stone for migrants to earn an income but do not support migrants to eventually progress into better social integration. By revealing different levels of social integration, the Chinese case seems to suggest a process of spatial assimilation through which migrants living in more mainstream and formal housing with the locals become better integrated. However, such a process does not really happen as many migrants are stuck in the informal housing of villages. That migrant enclaves demonstrate a lower level of integration suggests that a path of segmented assimilation did not exist. That is, migrants could not find a path to integrate into the city in these enclaves.
... Under this law close relatives of U.S. citizens and people had special skills could immigrate to the U.S. This law provided a 20,000 immigrant limit to Eastern Hemisphere countries (Allen and Turner 1996). The Refugee Act of 1980 required the president to consult with Congress on the annual number of refugees to be admitted. ...
... Thus, after ethnic minorities enhance their social status, they have the ability to purchase and move into suburban residential houses within mainstream society for improved health, quality of education, access to employment, and social prestige, forming an ethnic suburbanization trend. The primary essence of the spatial assimilation theory is that immigrants try to enter mainstream society near or with other immigrants of the same ethnicity (Allen and Turner 1996). Residential location is a crucial variable in people's social and economic welfare. ...
Chapter
Spatial assimilation is defined as a process whereby, as social status rises, minorities attempt to improve their socioeconomic achievements into an improved spatial position which is primarily dominated by ethnic majorities. Spatial assimilation models examine the immigrants' neighborhood contexts, movements, and their sociodemographic characteristics, such as education, income, and occupational status. Spatial assimilation originates from the concept of assimilation. Many studies have indicated that assimilation is the process by which a minority group gradually adapts to the customs and attitudes of the prevailing culture and customs. Research has emphasized that spatially segregated ethnic groups will become assimilated into the host society and move into the mainstream neighborhood, demonstrating spatial assimilation. To better understand residential patterns and immigrant mobility, measuring neighborhood characteristics, including racial and ethnic composition, is important to elaborate spatial assimilation theory in order to promote demographic policy.
... While spatial assimilation theory was developed with the goal of explaining the incorporation of early 20th Century U.S. immigrants in mainstream society, many recent U.S. immigrants now come to the U.S. with greater social and economic resources (i.e., English fluency, education, etc.) compared to the past. Furthermore, many immigrants locate directly into suburban neighborhoods, bypassing residence in the central city altogether [19,28,33,34]. Another criticism of the spatial assimilation model is that it does not accurately depict the residential experience of African Americans, black immigrants, or black Hispanics, many of whom experience high rates of residential segregation regardless of their level of acculturation or SES attainment [35][36][37][38]. ...
Article
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This study examines the intersection of race, class, and place by exploring the neighborhood concentration of affluent black households in the United States during the 1990s using Census 2000 data. It adds to the literature seeking a more nuanced understanding of the black community. The author assesses the theories of spatial assimilation and place stratification in understanding the processes associated with the neighborhood-level concentration of affluent black households. Regression analyses reveal that, in general, such concentrations are positively associated with black neighborhood socioeconomic status and negatively associated with white status. Furthermore, neighborhood quality and demographic factors are important for understanding the geography of affluent black households. Additionally, the metropolitan characteristics of residential segregation, racial composition, and regional location affect the neighborhood concentration of affluent black households. Findings suggest place stratification theory provides greater explanatory power than spatial assimilation theory for understanding the neighborhood concentration of affluent black households.
... Pionierami w tej kwestii byli przedstawiciele chicagowskiej szko y ekologii spo ecznej, którzy znale li swoich nast pców w ród bardziej wspó czesnych badaczy (por. Park 1915; Thomas i Znaniecki 1927;Allen i Turner 1996;Massey 1985). ...
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Polska od dawna postrzegana jest jako kraj emigracji. Ostatnio krajem docelowym polskich migrantów staa si Irlandia. Wikszo polskich migrantów dotara do Irlandii zaraz po przyczeniu Polski do Unii Europejskiej w maju 2004. Spoeczno ta jeszcze si formuje i wida zachodzce w niej przeksztacenia. Mimo e jest to nowa grupa, stanowi jedn z najliczniejszych grup migranckich w Irlandii. W zwizku z moliwoci swobod-nego przekraczania granic w ramach Unii Europejskiej, zmienio si znaczenie poj "swojskoci" i "przynale-noci do grupy". W tekcie chc pokaza proces formowania si polskich spoecznoci w Irlandii i porówna je z okrzepymi spoecznociami polskimi w innych krajach. Pewne wzorce s stae i powtarzaj si. Tym, co chc podda analizie jest wpyw technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych na budow wizi w ramach wspólnoty migranckiej w Irlandii i z Polakami pozostaymi w kraju. Wydaje mi si, e tradycyjne rozumienie "etnicznej dzielnicy" przestaje tumaczy relacje spoeczne, raczej zastpuje je "wirtualna spoeczno". Poka równie podziay wewntrz grupy migrantów, które w duym stopniu opieraj si na kapitale kulturowym. Sowa kluczowe: migracje, polscy migranci, spoeczno etniczna W przeciwiestwie do wielu innych krajów Irlandia staa si krajem docelowym dla polskich migrantów stosunkowo niedawno. Kraj ten, ze wzgldu na z sytuacj ekonomicz-n oraz wysoki poziom bezrobocia, a do poowy lat 90. ubiegego wieku charakteryzowa si nasilon emigracj, gównie do Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz Wielkiej Brytanii. Sytuacja ta jednak zacza zmienia si w latach 90., kiedy to Irlandia wesza w okres intensywne-go rozwoju gospodarczego, trwajcego a do roku 2008 2. Druga poowa lat 90. ubiegego wieku oraz pocztek XXI wieku to czas, kiedy Irlandia czsto nazywana bya "Celtyckim Tygrysem". Gwatowny rozwój ekonomiczny sprawi, e w Irlandii wystpio due zapo-trzebowanie na si robocz zarówno niewykwalifi kowan, jak i wykwalifi kowan. Zarówno zapotrzebowanie to, jak i fakt, i kraj ten oferowa moliwo relatywnie wysokich zarobków, spowodoway sytuacj, w której Irlandia staa si atrakcyjna dla migrantów z caego wiata, take z Polski. Jak wynika z dostpnych danych statystycznych, w 2006 roku co dziesita osoba zamieszkujca Zielon Wysp urodzia si poza jej granicami (CSO 2007). * University of Dublin, Trinity College; bobeka@tcd.ie 1 Tekst pierwotnie wygoszony zosta na 9. Kongresie ESA w Lizbonie 2-5 wrzenia 2009. 2 W roku 2008 rozpocz si w Irlandii okres recesji, spowodowany globalnym kryzysem fi nansowym oraz zaamaniem si irlandzkiego rynku budowlanego. STUDIA HUMANISTYCZNE AGH Tom 8 • 2010
... These clustered immigrant groups tend to disperse and assimilate spatially once they have succeeded economically and understand and function well in the host society's culture (Allen and Turner 1996;Alba and Nee 1999). Persistent ethnoracial residential concentration across generations might be indicative of structural exclusion and a lack of integration. ...
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The Singaporean government has employed immigration primarily from China and India to boost the country's working age population and contribute to its economic growth. In this paper I examine the integration of high-skilled migrants from India at the national level and in local urban spaces. I study the role of the state, natives and the immigrants in the integration process, as well as the effectiveness of Singapore's integration policies. Challenges to immigrant integration include hostile reactions from natives, differences in cultural mores between immigrants and natives, and a lack of transparency on the effects of government policies on local populations.
... However, in the context of suburbanization, the detailed spatial processes of the changing residential and commercial functions of an immigrant group are not yet adequately examined. As Allen and Turner (1996) insist, despite the dispersal of residential functions, the members of an ethnic group maintain their nexus with the traditional ethnic neighborhood, in which other ethnic functions, such as ethnic businesses, are retained. Ethnic functions do not relocate from a traditional ethnic neighborhood at the same time; rather, this shift occurs in stages. ...
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... As such, some of these studies support the idea of protection, or may at least suggest that spatial assimilation (Alba et al. 1999 ;Allen and Turner 1996 ;Crowder et al. 2005 ;Logan et al. 2002 ;South et al. 2005 ) and negative health acculturation processes are related. At any rate, once again, these studies have generally looked for evidence of protection and acculturation for the average individual, often after controlling for SES (and sometimes fi nding a stronger association between health and acculturation than health and SES, e.g., Hazuda et al. 1988 ;Khan et al. 1997 ) . ...
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Although Latino immigrants come from countries with high levels of inequality, their socioeconomic gradients in health are generally weaker than those among their US-born co-ethnics and much weaker than those of US-born non-Hispanic (NH) whites. We review this literature among Latin American immigrants looking at the role of: factors related to conditions in the country of origin, or “gradient importation”; migration-related factors, such as Socioeconomic Status (SES)-graded health selectivity in emigration and return; destination-based factors, including SES-graded protection and selection; and data artifacts, which might be more likely to occur at lower levels of SES. Despite the relative scarcity of studies on the social gradients in health among immigrants, recent research has provided interesting insights on the potential mechanisms driving the Hispanic Health Paradox and on the potential role of socioeconomic status on “acculturation” in health. We discuss which of the reviewed mechanisms may be more relevant in late life, point out potential avenues for future research, and reflect upon the steepness of white gradients in the United States.
... After the intensity in immigration ends, the proportion of second and third generation ethnics increases, and their distances from the mainstream society and economy decrease. Through these processes of structural and cultural assimilation, the pattern of ethnic concentration, both of residents and businesses, will be changed and deconstructed ; in other words spatial assimilation of ethnic group is ongoing Allen and Turner, 1996 . In the principal stream of this spatial assimilation, I assumed that an ethnic town will emerge, grow, change, and decline typically through four stages, 1 germination stage, 2 agglomerated town stage, 3 business town stage, and 4 vestiges stage Sugiura, 2011, pp. ...
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... La presente contribución se ha realizado en el ámbito de la investigación nacional PRIN 2010-2011 "Territorios postmetropolitanos como formas urbanas emergentes: los retos de la sostenibilidad, habitabilidad y gobernabilidad", coordinado a nivel nacional por Alessandro Balducci de los fenómenos socio-económicos de reestructuración de la ciudad post-fordista sobre rios internacionales (sassen, 2010), reorganizando el mercado laboral, reestructurando espacialmente las diferencias sociales, de las nuevas cosmópolis(allen & Turner, 1996;sandercock, 1998).En cuanto a los distintos modos en los cuales normalmente se presenta (la escala territorial del fenómeno, el aumento considerable de los adecuación de las políticas, etc.) y en relación a los problemas conectados con los procesos de inclusión/exclusión, el fenómeno migratorio plantea no pocos problemas que afectan tamurbana y territorial.Habida cuenta de estas consideraciones, la distribución territorial de la población extranje- ...
... By being embedded in the coethnic network, migrant entrepreneurs are able to identify the potential markets or resources that the ethnic minority community provides and utilizes (Gang & Wissen, 2000). Therefore, access to an ethnic spatial concentration remains an important resource for most immigrant entrepreneurs (Allen & Turner, 1996). This is critical to the running of immigrant entrepreneurs' small businesses. ...
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... This traditional notion implies that urban ethnic enclaves are associated with unassimilated immigrants and that spatial dispersion or spatial assimilation is associated with greater acculturation and socioeconomic mobility (Massey, 1985). Spatial dispersion or assimilation is frequently equated with immigrant suburbanization since greater residential mixing and greater affluence are found in the suburbs than in the central city (Alba & Nee, 1997;Allen & Turner, 1996). ...
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抄録 カプランのエスニック·ビジネスの育成·強化に果たす空間的集中の資源的役割を論じた論考(Kaplan, 1998)は,エスニック·タウンの発展·変容段階の図式に読み換えることも可能である。そこで本稿では,この図式を参考にしてエスニック·タウンの生成·発展·変容に関する一つのモデルを提示する。そして,それをアメリカ西海岸地域の4つの日本人街(ロサンゼルス·リトルトーキョー,サンフランシスコ日本町,サンノゼ日本町,シアトル日本町)に適用して検証し,モデルの有効性と限界を確認するとともに,個々の事例が示すモデルからのずれが生ずる要因を考察した。モデルは,一つのエスニック·タウンは典型的には,「I. 萌芽期」,「II. 総合型エスニック·タウン期」,「III. エスニック·ビジネスタウン期」,「IV. 衰退期(転換期)」の4段階を経て生成·発展·変容し,消滅に至ると仮定する。このモデルの諸段階は,いずれも上記の事例の発展状況に適合例が見出され,基本的にモデルが検証されたと見ることができる。しかし,もともとのエスニック·タウンの条件とそこに作用する自成的,他成的なプロセスの違いが,モデルからのずれ及び事例間の違いを生み出したと総括される。
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Recent studies have examined the intra-urban distributions of the so-called “floating population,” a particular category of Chinese migrants analyzed in immigration research. However, these studies rely on small surveys and fail to account for the dynamics of underlying local populations. Using census data while also taking into consideration the local population, this study provides a more comprehensive, detailed and accurate depiction of the spatiotemporal dynamics of the floating population in Shanghai, China between 2000 and 2010. We conclude that the concentration of floating population increased mostly in the outer zones of the city, and that the dynamics of this population in Shanghai are partly attributable to the overall spatial restructuring of the metropolis.
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Beginning in the mid-1980s Japanese manufacturing companies began to invest heavily in U.S. production capacity. This was partly a response to a weakening U.S. dollar and trade protectionist measures imposed by the U.S. government. Japanese investment in U.S. production capacity continues unabated today. As more and more Japanese manufacturers started manufacturing their products in the United States there was an interest among geographers to understand the spatial dynamics of this investment. Much of this investment was directed towards the automotive sector. Given the large amount of investment that flowed into the automotive sector the purpose of this is to summarize three decades of scholarly research on Japanese direct investment in this sector.
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A novel method for locational analysis at the individual level is used to analyze the determinants of proximity to non-Hispanic whites separately for Asians, blacks, Hispanics, and for non-Hispanic whites themselves. The resulting regression analyses, for which the percentage of non-Hispanic whites in a community serves as the dependent variable, reveal how the familiar P* segregation measure is generated through locational patterns that map racial/ethnic-group members with specific personal and household characteristics into communities with specific majority-group proportions. The analyses are developed from two complementary theoretical models-spatial assimilation and place stratification-and applied to the suburban communities of the nation's largest metropolitan region, surrounding New York City, as of 1980. Consistent with the place-stratification model, proximity to non-Hispanic whites is very different for members of the white and black groups and little affected by their individual characteristics other than race. By contrast, Asians and Hispanics appear more consistent with the spatial-assimilation model.
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To investigate racial and ethnic diversity in suburbanization, we draw on two complementary theoretical traditions, which we label "assimilation" and "stratification." Our analytic model is multilevel, and includes variables characterizing individuals, households, and metropolitan contexts. We use it to analyze the determinants of suburban versus central-city residence for 11 racial/ethnic groups. The analysis reveals that family status, socioeconomic, and assimilation variables influence the suburbanization process rather consistently. We take this finding as evidence in favor of the assimilation model. These effects display group variations, however, in a manner predicted by the stratification model. There are also suburbanization differences among metropolitan areas, particularly related to the relative economic status of cities and their suburbs, and between the northeast/north central regions and the south/west. Finally, we conclude that suburbanization is variable across the groups in a way that is not captured by broad categories such as "Asian" or "Hispanic."
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We investigate the residential assimilation of Asian-origin groups in the U.S., paying particular attention to socioeconomic characteristics, immigrant status, and ethnicity. Our primary goal is to disentangle the competing influence of the last two variables. Data from a special tabulation of the 1980 U.S. census (PUMS-F) allow us to express residential outcomes measured in the aggregate as a function of individual characteristics. We restrict our sample to Asian-origin householders and use OLS for our analysis of both pooled and separate group estimates of residential assimilation. Our results support the link between social mobility and spatial mobility in that Asian-origin groups translate their socioeconomic achievements into residential assimilation. Contrary to some interpretations of standard assimilation models, we find that duration of residence in the United States does not have a particularly strong influence on residential assimilation. The effect of immigrant status is overshadowed by that of ethnic group membership, a factor that points to the diversity of experiences and contexts of arrival for Asian Americans.
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This paper uses a new data source to investigate differences in occupational achievement among a large number of ethnic groups. The November, 1979 Current Population Survey is a unique source since it provides information on both the ancestry and nativity of a large national sample of respondents. These data are particularly valuable because they permit the identification of first-, second- and third- or higher- generation individuals, thereby providing a clearer picture of the process of assimilation. We focus upon the achievements of men, age 20 to 64, classified simultaneously by nativity and ethnicity. Not surprisingly, there are notable differences in the occupational attainment of foreign- born men. Some of these differences are due to the diverse social and economic backgrounds of the different nationalities, but important differences in the rates of return to background characteristics are also evident. The assimilation perspective predicts that eventually ethnic background will no longer be an important determinant of socioeconomic achievement. By the third generation, we find this to be true for the most part, although important exceptions are discussed in this paper.
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Migration between Mexico and the United States is supported by social networks that link sending communities with specific work sites in the United States. This article uses a combination of ethnographic and survey methods to study how these networks develop and how they facilitate the migrant enterprise. Migrant networks are based on the bonds of kinship, friendship, and paisanaje, which are reinforced through frequent contact in voluntary organizations. Over time, as networks develop and mature, migration becomes self-sustaining. The maturation of migrant networks in western Mexico after 1965 helps to explain the sharp rise in Mexican migration to the United States during the 1970s.
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Processes of Hispanic and black spatial assimilation were examined in selected SMSAs in the southwestern United States using 1960 and 1970 census data. Residential succession was much less prevalent in Hispanic areas than in black areas, and established Hispanic areas were quite rare. However, for both groups average SES fell as areas underwent transition from Anglo to established minority areas. The main difference between Hispanic and black areas was that invasion was followed by succession in less than 50% of cases. Whether tracts lost or gained Anglos following invasion by Hispanics dependend on the objective characteristics of the invaders and the location of the tract relative to established minority areas. Overall, blacks were much less able to translate status attainments into mobility out of the ghetto and into contact with Anglos. Path models of Hispanic and black spatial assimilation revealed structural differences in processes between the two groups. Given the same socioeconomic inputs,the ultimate probability of residential contact with Anglos was much lower for blacks than for Hispanics. Results contradict the view that race is declining in importance within U.S. society.
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Immigration settlement patterns are examined within a pooled cross-section time-series framework. Trends in settlement patterns from 1970 to 1979 differentiate the immigration streams from various source areas. Certain “new'’immigrants show an increasing propensity to concentrate, while immigrants from traditional source areas deconcentrate in some cases. The analysis suggests that immigration is a dynamic process with characteristics and determinants that change over time.
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The suburbanization of racial and ethnic minorities is analyzed in terms of the locational resources provided by their communities of residence. In suburbs in the New York CMSA, non-Hispanic whites and Asians, on average, live in communities with higher average socioeconomic status, while Hispanics and blacks live in the less desirable suburbs. Models predicting suburban socioeconomic status for each racial/ethnic group show that whites and Hispanics receive consistent returns on income, acculturation, and family status. Asians' locational patterns differ because they are unrelated to measures of acculturation; for blacks, locational outcomes correspond least to any of these human capital characteristics.
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PIP In 1980, only 3% of the US population was at least partly indigenous. Most of the present population of the US, except for the American Indians, Eskimos, Aleutian Islanders, and Hawaiians, has its ancestral roots outside of the US. The US is therefore a nation of immigrants. Although a nation of immigrants, the ancestral origins of most Americans are in the countries of Europe. In recent decades, however, the composition of the immigration stream to the US has changed dramatically with respect to origin. Most immigrants now hail from Asia and Latin America; Europe is no longer the main embarkation point. Given these recent changes in the points of origin of immigrants, the author investigated the economic attainment patterns and their determinants of the foreign-born male immigrant population in the US. The economic attainment patterns of males born in 92 countries are examined and compared among themselves, as well as among the principal US-born groups of Anglos, Afro-American, Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, Asian Americans, and American Indians. For all foreign-born groups, the article examines the degree to which such individual-level factors as educational attainment, labor market experience, and other factors account for their variation in economic attainment. It is concluded that although microlevel characteristics are not the complete answer, they help explain the variations in earnings among most foreign-born populations.
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This paper will focus on two elements of the expanded version of the assimilation model: acculturation and residential segregation. If, as Gordon has postulated, acculturation is a precursor to other forms of assimilation, there should be a statistically significant association between acculturation and segregation. Specifically, minority groups that measure high on acculturation should be less segregated from the dominant population than groups that score low on acculturation
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