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We estimate the validity of the national IQs presented by Lynn and Vanhanen (2002, 2006) by examining whether they are consistent with the educational attainment of school students in math, science and reading comprehension in 108 countries and provinces. The educational attainment scores in a number of studies are integrated to give EAs (educational attainments) for 86 countries and provinces that have measured IQs. The correlation of EA with measured IQ (N = 86 countries) is .917, and with measured + estimated IQ (N = 108 countries) is .907. Corrected for attenuation, r = 1.0. The quality of the data is evaluated, and the discrepancy between IQ and EA was greater for countries with low data quality, especially low quality of the EA data. There are no major anomalies in the relationship between IQ and EA in individual world regions. To some extent IQ and EA predict each other even within world regions. These results show that national IQs have a high degree of validity.
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National IQs calculated and validated for 108 nations
Richard Lynn
a,
, Gerhard Meisenberg
b
a
University of Ulster, Coleraine, Northern Ireland, BT52 1SA, UK
b
Ross University, Dominica
article info abstract
Article history:
Received 13 January 2010
Received in revised form 14 April 2010
Accepted 16 April 2010
Available online 2 June 2010
We estimate the validity of the national IQs presented by Lynn and Vanhanen (2002, 2006) by
examining whether they are consistent with the educational attainment of school students in
math, science and reading comprehension in 108 countries and provinces. The educational
attainment scores in a number of studies are integrated to give EAs (educational attainments)
for 86 countries and provinces that have measured IQs. The correlation of EA with measured
IQ (N= 86 countries) is .917, and with measured + estimated IQ (N= 108 countries) is .907.
Corrected for attenuation, r= 1.0. The quality of the data is evaluated, and the discrepancy
between IQ and EA was greater for countries with low data quality, especially low quality of the
EA data. There are no major anomalies in the relationship between IQ and EA in individual
world regions. To some extent IQ and EA predict each other even within world regions. These
results show that national IQs have a high degree of validity.
© 2010 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Keywords:
National IQs
Educational attainment
TIMSS
PISA
Contents
1. Introduction ...................................................... 353
2. National educational achievements (EAs) for 108 countries ................................ 355
2.1. General strategy ................................................. 355
2.2. TIMSS and PISA .................................................. 355
2.3. Other assessments scored with methods of item response theory .......................... 356
2.4. Older assessments ................................................ 356
2.5. The SACMEQ studies ............................................... 356
2.6. Scaling to IQ metric ................................................ 356
3. Validity of national IQs ................................................. 356
3.1. Correlation between IQ and EA .......................................... 356
3.2. Data quality ................................................... 358
3.3. Effects of kind of IQ test and test date ....................................... 358
3.4. Regional differences ............................................... 358
4. Discussion ....................................................... 359
References .......................................................... 359
1. Introduction
National IQs for all countries in the world have been
presentedby Lynn and Vanhanen (2002, 2006).Theyhavebeen
welcomed by some as opening up a new eld in the social
Intelligence 38 (2010) 353360
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: Lynnr540@aol.com (R. Lynn).
0160-2896/$ see front matter © 2010 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.intell.2010.04.007
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Intelligence
sciences in which IQ explains signicant proportions of the
variance in economic, demographic, and epidemiological out-
comes at the country level, while a number of critics have
dismissed national IQs as meaningless. Our objective in this
paper is to test the validity of these national IQs by examining
whether they are consistent with the educational attainment of
school students in math, science and reading comprehension.
In their rst study, Lynn and Vanhanen (2002, p.89) gave
measured national IQs calculated from a variety of tests for 81
nations. These national IQs were measured from samples
given a variety of intelligence tests and were calculated on a
metric in which the British IQ is set at 100 (sd 15), and the IQs
of other nations are calculated in relation to this standard.
This has become known as the Greenwich-IQmetric,
analogous to lines of longitude that are calibrated in relation
to zero passing through Greenwich (a suburb of London). In
addition, this study presented estimated IQs for a further 104
nations, giving a total of 185 nations and comprising all the
nations in the world with populations over 50,000. The
estimated IQs were obtained from the measured IQs of
neighboring countries with culturally and racially similar
populations. For example, there was no measured IQ for
Pakistan, but there was a measured IQ (81) for India. It was
assumed that the IQ in Pakistan would be approximately the
same as in India, and hence Pakistan was assigned an IQ of 81.
The initial objective was to examine whether intelligence,
measured as national IQ, contributes to national per capita
income. This relationship was predicted based on repeated
ndings that intelligence is positively related to income
among individuals. This latter relationship was shown for the
United States by Jencks (1972), who calculated a correlation
of .310 between IQ and income for men. This has been
conrmed for Britain by Irwing and Lynn (2006), who
reported data for a national sample whose intelligence was
obtained at the age of 8 years and whose income was
obtained at the age of 43 years. The correlations between IQ
and income were .368 for men (n= 1280) and .317 for
women (n=1085). The hypothesis proposed by Lynn and
Vanhanen (2002) was that nations can be considered as
aggregates of individuals, and therefore that the positive
relation between intelligence and income present among
individuals should also hold for nations.
To test this hypothesis, Lynn and Vanhanen (2002)
examined the relationship between measured national IQs
of 81 nations and GDP (gross domestic product) in 1998. The
correlation was .73. It was argued from this result that
national IQs explained 53 per cent of the variance in national
per capita income, and therefore that it provided a major
contribution to a long-standing problem in development
economics rst raised by Adam Smith (1776) in his Inquiry
into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, and
summarized by Landes (1999) as the problem of Why some
are so rich and some are so poor. The solution proposed by
Lynn and Vanhanen (2002) to this question was that some
are so rich partly because they have higher average IQs than
those who are so poor. It was argued that this should be
regarded as a causal relationship because it is an extension to
nations of the established causal relationship of IQ to income
among individuals.
This analysis was extended by Lynn and Vanhanen (2002)
to all 185 nations in the world by using estimated IQs for
nations for which no measured IQs were available. The
correlation between national IQs for all 185 nations and per
capita income measured as real GDP (Gross Domestic Product
per capita, 1998) was .62. It was proposed that the lower
correlation obtained with the 185 nations than with the 81
nations (.73) suggests some degree of inaccuracy in the
estimated IQs.
This analysis was extended in a second study in which
Lynn and Vanhanen (2006) gave measured IQs for 113
nations and estimated IQs for a further 79 nations, giving a
total of 192 nations, comprising all the nations in the world
with populations over 40,000. It was shown that for the 113
nations for which there were measured IQs, the correlation of
national IQs with per capita income measured as GNI (Gross
National Income at Purchasing Power Parity, 2002) was .68.
For 189 nations the correlation of national IQs with per capita
income measured as GDP (Gross Domestic Product per capita,
2000) was .64. Once again, the correlation of measured
national IQs with per capita income (.68) is higher than the
correlation using estimated national IQs (.64), suggesting
some degree of inaccuracy in the estimated IQs.
These national IQs have evoked both interest and
criticism. Some sceptics have dismissed them as highly
decient(Volken, 2003, p.411), virtually meaningless
(Barnett & Williams, 2004, p.392), technically inadequate
and meaningless(Hunt & Sternberg 2006, pp. 133,136). For
others, the calculation of national IQs has opened up a new
eld in which intelligence has explanatory power for a wide
range of social phenomena. The calculation of national IQs
and their correlates have been described by Rindermann and
Ceci (2009, p. 551) as a new development in the study of
cognitive ability: following a century of conceptual and
psychometric development in which individual and group
(socioeconomic, age, and ethnic) differences were examined,
researchers have turned their attention to national and
international differences in cognitive competence. The goal
is to use cognitive differences to understand and predict
national differences in a variety of outcomes: societal
development, rate of democratization, population health,
productivity, gross domestic product (GDP), and wage
inequality.
A number of investigators have reported a wide range of
social, demographic and epidemiological correlates of nation-
al IQs. Lynn and Vanhanen's original claim that national IQs
are correlated with per capita income at .73 has been rened
by Meisenberg (2004) who has shown that the use of log GDP
(19752003) increases the correlation based on 81 nations to
.82. This correlation has been conrmed for 185 countries
(r=.65) by Whetzell and McDaniel (2006), and for 152
countries (r=.76) by Morse (2008). Others have reported
that Lynn and Vanhanen's national IQs are signicantly
correlated with rates of infant mortality (126 countries, r=
.84; Kanazawa, 2006); life expectancy (126 countries,
r=.75; Kanazawa, 2006); total fertility rate (170 countries,
r=.83; Meisenberg, 2009); the incidence of HIV (165
countries, r=.48, Rindermann & Meisenberg, 2009); the
incidence of homicide (113 countries, r=.25, Rushton &
Templer, 2009); and skin color (129 countries, r=.92,
Templer & Arikawa, 2006; see also Meisenberg, 2004, 2009).
These correlations can be regarded as validation of
national IQs and suggest that national IQs have considerable
354 R. Lynn, G. Meisenberg / Intelligence 38 (2010) 353360
explanatory power. Nevertheless, to meet those critics who
consider that the concept of national IQ is meaningless
(Hunt and Sternberg (2006, pp. 133), we employ here one of
the classical methods for establishing the validity of intelli-
gence tests: examining whether they are correlated with
educational attainment. As Matarazzo (1972, p.281) has
noted: thousands of studies have been published, in
numerous languages throughout the world, attempting to
demonstrate the validity of intelligence tests against aca-
demic performance in school.
2. National educational achievements (EAs) for
108 countries
We now present measures of educational achievement,
dened by the scores of school students on international
assessments of mathematics, science, and reading. These will
be labeled educational quotients(EAs). Data are available
for 108 nations. 86 of these nations also have measured IQs.
This exercise extends and updates previous work by
Rindermann (2007a, b).
2.1. General strategy
The major international school assessment studies are
TIMSS (Third International Mathematics and Science Study)
and PISA (Program for International Student Assessment).
The TIMSS assessments are done in grades 4 and 8, and PISA
at age 15. Results of 4 TIMSS and 3 PISA assessments are
currently available, and 84 countries participated at least
once in TIMSS (grade 8) or PISA. Several other international
studies provide data points for additional countries.
Because TIMSS and PISA are by far the most reliable
assessments, and adult prociency is predicted better by
prociency in the 8th grade than in the 4th grade, we adopted
the strategy of calculating the average of the 8th grade TIMSS
scores and (age 15) PISA scores for countries participating in
at least one assessment. For countries that did not participate
in the 8th grade TIMSS or in PISA, missing data were
extrapolated into this data set from the other assessments.
2.2. TIMSS and PISA
TIMSS assessments have been performed in a 4-year cycle,
in 1995, 1999, 2003 and 2007. Tests of mathematics and
science are administered in grades 4 and 8, generally with a
larger number of countries participating in grade 8 than in
grade 4. The results are publicly available at http://timss.bc.
edu/timss2003.html and http://nces.ed.gov/timss/tables07.
asp. Further information is available in Gonzalez, Galia,
Arora, Erberber, and Diaconu (2004), Martin, Mullis, Gon-
zales, and Chrostowski (2004), Martin, Mullis, and Foy
(2008), Mullis, Martin, Gonzales, and Chrostowski (2004),
and Mullis, Martin, and Foy (2008).
PISA has been performed in a 3-year cycle, with results
available from 2000, 2003 and 2006. Children aged 15 were
tested in mathematics, science and reading. The reading test
is dened as a measure of an individual's capacity to
understand, use and reect on written texts, and it is difcult
to draw a distinction between this and intelligence. The
results are available at http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/30/18/
39703566.pdf,http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2002/2002116.pdf,
and http://pisacountry.acer.edu.au/. 74 countries participated
in at least one TIMSS assessment, and 18 participated in all
four; 57 countries participated at least once in PISA, and 30
participated in all three assessments.
In both TIMSS and PISA, the results are graded with
methods based on item response theory, which models
student prociency as a latent variable. In both assessments
the results are published separately for each tested subject
and are reported on a 500/100 scale. In TIMSS the mean score
of 500 is the average of those countries participating in the
rst TIMSS assessment in 1995, and in PISA it is the average of
the participating OECD countries. In both TIMSS and PISA the
individual-level, within-country standard deviation is about
85.
Within each assessment the scores of the different
subjects were highly correlated at the country level, as
expected from the results of earlier studies (Rindermann,
2006, Rindermann, 2007a, b). They were averaged separately
for each of the four TIMSS and three PISA assessments. Minor
trend adjustments were made by adjusting the means of the
18 countries that participated in all four TIMSS assessments to
the same value. The same was done for PISA based on the 30
countries participating in all three assessments.
The averaged TIMSS scores (481.0 ± 50.0) and the aver-
aged PISA scores (483.6± 51.9) were brought to the same
mean and standard deviation (500± 50) for those 45
countries that participated in at least one TIMSS and one
PISA assessment. These adjusted scores were averaged based
on the number of assessments in which each country
participated. Regressions in which the score was predicted
by IQ and age at testing (which varied slightly among
countries) showed no consistent age effect in either TIMSS
or PISA.
These scores are a somewhat biased measure of intelli-
gence because they measure only the prociency of children
who are still in school in grade 8 (TIMSS) or at age 15 (PISA).
Large data sets for 8th-grade enrolment are not available, and
therefore 8th-grade enrolment was estimated from data on
youth literacy (YLit) and the proportion of children entering
school who survive to grade 5 (Gr5), available from the
Human Development Reports 2004 and 2007/08 (http://hdr.
undp.org/en/reports/):
Enrolment =1=2×YLit +0:5

×Gr52:
The rst term in this equation estimates the proportion of
children entering school, and the second term estimates the
proportion of those entering school who are still in school at
age 15 or in grade 8. A conservative adjustment was made by
assuming that those who are not in school would score half a
(within-country) standard deviation (42.5 points) below
those in school on scholastic assessment tests. The size of
the schooling effect was estimated based on several studies
on the effects of schooling on performance in school-related
subjects (Alcock, Holding, Mung'ala-Odera, & Newton, 2008;
Brouwers, Mishra, & Van de Vijver, 2006; Cliffordson &
Gustafsson, 2008). Similar adjustments were made for other
assessments that were done at different ages or grade levels.
355R. Lynn, G. Meisenberg / Intelligence 38 (2010) 353360
2.3. Other assessments scored with methods of item
response theory
Several assessments other than TIMSS and PISA were
graded with modern methods of item response theory and
published on a 500/100 scale. Those used for the extrapola-
tion of data points missing in the original TIMSS/PISA data set
are the following.
TIMSS 2007, 4th grade. This assessment included
Kazakhstan and Yemen, which did not participate in any of
the 8th-grade TIMSS or 15 year PISA assessments.
PIRLS Reading, 2001 and 2006. These are assessments of
reading literacy of 4th-graders. 34 countries participated in
2001, and 39 in 2006. Data are available at http://nces.ed.gov/
surveys/pirls/. These assessments provided data for Belize
(2001) and Trinidad (2006).
IAE Reading 1991 assessed reading literacy of 9 and
14-year-olds in 30 countries. The results are published in
Elley (1992). This assessment provided data for Trinidad and
Venezuela at age 9 and 14, and Nigeria and Zimbabwe at
age 14.
The raw scores were adjusted for age at testing in those
assessments that showed non-trivial age effects. This was
followed by adjustment for the approximate proportion in
school at the age/grade of testing. To make the scores
numerically equivalent to the TIMSS/PISA scale, the mean
and standard deviation for each assessment were equalized
with those of the TIMSS/PISA score for the countries
participating in both kinds of assessment.
2.4. Older assessments
Some older assessments are available for which the results
were published as percent correctscores.
IAEP Mathematics 1990/91. 19 countries participated in
this assessment of 13-year-olds, of which China and
Mozambique did not participate in TIMSS or PISA. Results
are published in Lapointe (1992).
Second International Science Study 1983/84. Children from
23 countries were tested at age 14, and from 17 countries at
age 10. The age 10 test provided data for Nigeria, and the age
14 test for China, Nigeria, Papua New Guinea and Zimbabwe.
The results are published in Keeves (1992).
Second International Mathematics Study 1981. Mathematics
was assessed in 13-year-olds. 17 countries participated,
including Nigeria and Swaziland. The raw scores are pub-
lished in Medrich and Grifth (1992).
First International Science Study 1970. Science was assessed
at ages 10 (14 countries) and 14 (16 countries), including
India. Results are published in Comber and Keeves (1973).
The results of these assessments show strongly nonlinear
relationships with IQ and TIMSSPISA score, and therefore
nonlinear model tting was employed before adjustments for
age (if applicable) and proportion in school were made and
mean and standard deviation were equalized with those of
TIMSSPISA.
2.5. The SACMEQ studies
The SACMEQ studies of 19951998 and 2000/01 are
regional assessments of 6th grade reading and mathematics
in the countries of South and East Africa. The results are
available at http://www.sacmeq.org/indicators.htm.Data
from the 2000/01 assessment are used except for Zimbabwe,
which participated only in the 19951998 assessment.
SACMEQ provides data for Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius,
Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, Swaziland, Tanzania,
Uganda, Zambia, Zanzibar and Zimbabwe. Results are pub-
lished on a 500/100 scale.
Only two of the countries in SACMEQ (Botswana, South
Africa) participated also in TIMSS, and none in PISA. For these
two countries, the SACMEQ scores were 189 points higher
than the TIMSS/PISA scores (weighted by the number of times
they participated in TIMSS). SACMEQ scores for all partici-
pating countries were adjusted accordingly before an adjust-
ment for proportion in school was applied. These adjusted
SACMEQ scores correlated at r= .678 with measured IQs
(N=11 countries, p= .022) and r= .655 with IQs including
estimates (N=13 countries, p= .015).
2.6. Scaling to IQ metric
Two methods were employed to scale the 500/100 metric
of the scholastic assessments to the 100/15 IQ metric. In one
method, the average score of Britain was adjusted to 100 and
the within-country standard deviation of 85 was adjusted to
15. These scores show the actual performance on the school
assessment tests relative to Britain. The main difference
between IQ and EA in this transformation is a 48.6% greater
standard deviation for EA, based on the 86 countries that have
scores for both. This means that relative to within-country
differences, international differences are greater for EA than
for IQ. In this sense, EA is more culturally biasedthan IQ. A
likely reason is that the quality of schooling is generally lower
in low-IQ countries, and this has a greater effect on school
performance than on IQ (Lynn, Meisenberg, Mikk, & Williams,
2007). Conversely, the quality of schooling is generally higher
in high-IQ countries, and this has a greater effect on school
performance than on IQ.
Therefore a second scaling method was employed by
adjusting the mean and standard deviation of EA to be Equal
with IQ for those 86 countries with both scores. This makes
EA and IQ more immediately comparable by showing
whether a country's EA is higher or lower than expected
based on that country's IQ.
EAs calculated by both scaling methods are included in
Table 1, along with the measured IQs of those 86 countries
that have data for both EA and IQ. The measured national IQs
are those given by Lynn and Vanhanen (2006, p. 5561),
updated for some nations in Lynn (in press).
3. Validity of national IQs
3.1. Correlation between IQ and EA
The correlation (Pearson's r) between EA and IQ is .917 for
the 86 countries that have both measured IQ and EA, and .907
for countries with measured and estimated IQs (N= 108).
The corresponding nonparametric correlations (Spearman's
ρ) are .917 and .905, respectively. These correlations are
remarkably high. In Lynn and Vanhanen (2006), the corre-
lation between different IQ studies in the same country was
356 R. Lynn, G. Meisenberg / Intelligence 38 (2010) 353360
given as .92 (p.62). For the school assessments, the
correlation between TIMSS and PISA is .87 for those 45
countries that participated at least once in each study. Thus,
the correlation between EA and IQ is not markedly different
from correlations between two IQ studies administered in the
same country, or two scholastic assessments administered in
the same country. These correlations can be used as reliability
coefcients to correct the correlations between EA and IQ for
attenuation using the formula given by Ferguson (1971,
p.370). With corrections for the unreliability (attenuation) of
both IQ and EA, the correlation is 1.0.
Correlations can be markedly affected by range restriction.
Therefore we will examine the relationship between IQ and
EA by investigating the determinants of absolute differences
between IQ and EA, rather than by investigating their
correlations. For the 86 countries, the mean difference
between EA (scaled by equalizing mean and standard
deviation with IQ) and IQ is 3.27 points, and the median
Table 1
IQ and EA (educational attainment) for the 108 countries and provinces for
which an EA score is available. Estimated IQs are in parentheses. EA is scaled
in two ways: EAequ is calculated by equalizing mean and standard deviation
of EA with IQ. This measure should be used when the question is whether a
country's SA is higher or lower than expected from its IQ. EAact is the actual
school performance of a country transformed to the IQ scale, with a mean for
Britain of 100 and a within-country standard deviation of 15. Also given are
scores for the quality of the IQ and EA data (IQqu and EAqu).
Country IQ IQqu EAequ EAact EAqu
Algeria (83) 84.4 78.4 2
Argentina 93 9 84.9 79.1 2
Armenia 92 3 94.1 92.7 4
Australia 98 10 100.1 101.8 14
Austria 100 4 99.5 100.8 8
Azerbaijan (87) 86.8 82.0 2
Bahrain 81 2 88.1 83.8 4
Belgium 99 7 99.8 101.2 12
Belize (84) 76.9 67.2 1
Bosnia 94 4 91.9 89.5 2
Botswana 71 2 79.4 71.0 4
Brazil 87 13 82.7 75.8 6
Bulgaria 93 6 94.7 93.7 10
Canada 99 6 100.6 102.5 12
Chile 90 9 86.9 82.1 6
China 105 16 100.8 102.7 2
Colombia 84 7 82.6 75.7 6
Cyprus (91) 91.6 89.1 8
Croatia 99 7 96.4 96.2 2
Czech Republic 98 7 99.9 101.4 12
Denmark 98 5 96.7 96.7 8
Egypt 83 5 84.7 78.8 4
El Salvador (80) 78.2 69.2 2
Estonia 99 7 101.0 103.0 4
Finland 99 5 102.8 105.8 8
France 98 9 98.4 99.1 8
Germany 99 16 98.1 98.7 8
Georgia (94) 86.9 82.1 2
Ghana 71 6 68.1 54.2 4
Greece 92 10 94.1 92.8 8
Hong Kong 108 16 103.2 106.3 12
Hungary 97 8 99.3 100.5 14
Iceland 101 4 97.5 97.9 8
India 82 19 84.3 78.2 1
Indonesia 87 8 85.1 79.4 10
Iran 84 9 87.6 83.1 8
Ireland 92 10 99.5 100.9 8
Israel 95 14 94.3 93.1 10
Italy 97 13 95.1 94.3 14
Japan 105 20 103.5 106.8 14
Jordan 85 7 89.4 85.8 8
Kazakhstan (94) 100.6 102.5 1
Kenya 72 11 79.4 71.0 1
Korea (South) 106 9 104.3 108.0 14
Kuwait 87 9 83.5 77.1 4
Kyrgyzstan (90) 75.3 64.9 2
Latvia (98) 95.8 95.3 12
Lebanon 82 4 86.9 82.1 4
Lesotho (67) 66.5 51.7 1
Liechtenstein (100) 100.1 101.7 6
Lithuania 91 5 95.7 95.2 10
Luxembourg (100) 94.7 93.7 6
Macau (101) 100.2 101.9 4
Macedonia (91) 89.9 86.6 4
Malawi 60 3 62.3 45.5 1
Malaysia 92 7 96.0 95.6 6
Malta 97 2 93.7 92.3 2
Mauritius 89 5 81.3 73.7 1
Mexico 88 8 87.1 82.4 6
Moldova (96) 91.6 89.0 4
Montenegro 86.8 82.0 2
Morocco 84 9 79.1 70.5 4
Table 1 (continued)
Country IQ IQqu EAequ EAact EAqu
Mozambique 64 2 72.6 60.8 2
Namibia 72 2 66.2 51.3 1
Netherlands 100 10 101.1 103.1 10
New Zealand 99 11 98.6 99.5 12
Nigeria 69 6 72.4 60.5 4
Norway 100 2 96.5 96.4 12
Oman 85 7 84.8 78.9 2
Palestine 86 4 82.7 75.9 4
Papua New Guinea 83 4 92.0 89.6 1
Philippines 86 3 77.8 68.6 4
Poland 95 13 97.5 97.8 6
Portugal 95 6 93.6 92.0 8
Qatar 83 6 75.7 65.5 4
Romania 91 6 91.5 89.0 10
Russia 97 6 97.1 97.3 14
Saudi Arabia 80 6 80.5 72.6 4
Serbia and Montenegro 89 2 91.4 88.8 8
Seychelles (86) 82.3 75.3 1
Singapore 108 5 107.7 113.0 8
Slovakia 96 4 98.4 99.1 10
Slovenia 96 7 99.4 100.7 10
South Africa 72 14 68.6 54.9 6
Spain 98 8 96.3 96.0 10
Swaziland (68) 75.6 65.3 2
Sweden 99 8 98.7 99.6 12
Switzerland 101 6 99.7 101.0 8
Syria 79 7 87.2 82.6 2
Taiwan 105 18 104.9 108.8 8
Tanzania 72 8 77.0 67.4 1
Thailand 91 6 91.8 89.4 10
Trinidad (85) 90.5 87.4 3
Tunisia 84 2 85.9 80.7 10
Turkey 90 8 89.5 86.0 8
Uganda 73 2 70.2 57.3 1
Ukraine 95 2 93.8 92.4 2
United Arab Emirates 83 6 93.7 92.2 2
United Kingdom 100 7 99.0 100.0 12
England 99.3 100.5 8
Scotland 96.3 96.1 6
USA 98 11 97.2 97.4 14
Uruguay 96 2 89.1 85.4 4
Venezuela 84 6 81.9 74.7 2
Yemen 83 6 67.5 53.3 1
Zambia 71 5 65.9 50.9 1
Zanzibar 70.3 57.5 1
Zimbabwe 72 4 72.8 61.1 3
357R. Lynn, G. Meisenberg / Intelligence 38 (2010) 353360
difference is 2.29 points. The largest discrepancy is 15.46
points in Yemen, which has a far higher IQ than EA.
3.2. Data quality
If IQ and EA measure closely related or identical constructs,
we can expect that the discrepancybetween IQ and EA is lowest
in countries with high quality of theIQ and EA data. To examine
this, we constructed measures for data quality.
For IQ, a score for data quality was dened by adding two
scores: (1) the number of IQ studies for a country and (2) a
score for the total number of subjects that participated in all
IQ studies available for the country. The latter was deter-
mined by giving a score of 1 if the total sample size was below
200, 2 if it was between 200 and 500, 3 between 500 and
1000, 4 between 1000 and 2000, 5 between 2000 and 5000, 6
between 5000 and 10,000, and a score of 7 was awarded for
sample sizes above 10,000.
The quality of the scholastic assessments was estimated
by giving countries 2 points for each grade 8/age 15 TIMSS or
PISA assessment in which they participated. For countries
that did not participate in TIMSS or PISA, 1 point was awarded
for each of the other assessments. The maximum score was 14
for countries participating in all three PISA and all four TIMSS
studies.
The discrepancy between IQ and EA correlated at r=.202
with qualityof the IQ data (p= .062) , and .509 with qualityof
the EA data (pb.001). This means that the higher the data
quality, the lower is the discrepancy between IQ and EA.
These results suggest that limitations in data quality are
more important for the scholastic assessments than for the IQ
studies. Regression models were used to predict the discrep-
ancy between IQ and EA jointly by quality of the IQ data,
quality of the EA data, and either IQ, EA, or log-transformed
GDP as a third variable. In all these models, only EA data
quality emerged as a signicant predictor, with pvalues of
.001, .002 and b.001, respectively.
For countries with a score of 14 for EA data quality
(N=37), the average discrepancy between IQ and EA was
4.91 ±3.34 points. For countries with an EA data quality score
of 6 and higher (N= 49) it was 2.03 ± 1.55 points. The
difference is highly signicant (pb.001).
Closer examination of the major scholastic assessments
shows that the average difference between two TIMSS
assessments in the same country is the equivalent of 2.58
IQ points, and the difference between two PISA assessments is
1.61 points. However, the average discrepancy between a
single TIMSS assessment and a single PISA assessment in the
same country is 3.80 points. Although there is good
agreement within each of the two study programs, the
substantially greater discrepancy between TIMSS and PISA
shows that this consistency is largely due to biases within
each of the two study programs that are carried over from one
assessment to the next. Discrepancies between two IQ studies
that were done in the same country average 4.21 points, with
a median of about 3 points.
3.3. Effects of kind of IQ test and test date
We can expect that highly reliable IQ tests and tests that
include school-related tasks produce scores that are close to
the results of scholastic assessments; and tests of uid
intelligence or other non-academic skills, as well as tests
that are poor measures of anything, are more likely to produce
large discrepancies. When IQ studies were investigated
separately for the type of test employed, the following mean
discrepancies between IQ and EA were found: 4.02 ± 3.37
points for the Standard Progressive Matrices (SPM: N= 60),
3.62 ± 3.71 for the Colored Progressive Matrices (CPM:
N=35), 2.19 ± 1.63 for the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for
Children (WISC: N= 16), and 2.83± 2.61 for the Draw-a-Man
test (N=10). This analysis was restricted to the 73 countries
with an EA quality score of 4 or more. The difference between
the SPM and WISC is statistically signicant at pb.05. The
likely reason for this result is that the WISC but not the SPM
includes measures of crystallized intelligence and school-
related skills.
The TIMSS data range from 1995 to 2007, and PISA data
from 2000 to 2006. The IQ studies, however, span many
decades, and some are quite old. We know that national IQs
can change substantially over time (Flynn, 1987), and
therefore the IQ data in Lynn and Vanhanen (2006) and the
present updates are corrected for the secular trend. If the
Flynn effect corrections are accurate, and if the magnitude of
the Flynn effect has been the same in all countries, the older
IQ studies should be as useful as the more recent studies for
the prediction of the EA. However, if the rate of the Flynn
effect has been markedly different between countries, the
more recent IQ studies are expected to be better than the old
ones at predicting scholastic achievement.
The results show no relationship between the date of the
IQ study and its match with the EA. 29 countries with an EA
quality score of 4 or more also have IQ data for both before and
after 1985. For these 29 countries the average discrepancy of
individual IQ studies with EA is 3.47 points (N= 67 studies)
for the old IQs, and 4.01 points (N= 74 studies) for the more
recent IQs. The difference is in the wrongdirection, but it
does not even approach statistical signicance.
3.4. Regional differences
To determine whether the relationship between IQ and EA
applies equally to all parts of the world, EA and IQ were
tabulated separately for 8 world regions: (1) Continental
Europe (excluding ex-communist countries), (2) English-
speaking countries with European-descended majorities,
(3) ex-communist countries, (4) Latin America, (5) Middle
East including North Africa, (6) sub-Saharan Africa, (7) East
Asia, and (8) the rest of Asia (South Asia, Southeast Asia and
Oceania).
Table 2 shows the results, including only countries with
data for both IQ and EA. Comparisons of IQ with EA show that
the discrepancies between IQ and EA are small in each world
region. The largest discrepancy is found in Latin America,
where the performance on scholastic tests is 3.9 points lower
than predicted from IQ. Another noteworthy nding is that
the East Asian countries do not over-perform on scholastic
achievement tests. Their EA is actually 2.1 points lower than
expected from their IQ.
Table 2 also shows that the country-level discrepancies
between IQ and EA are smallest in the countries of continental
Europe, and largest in Africa, the Middle East, and Asian
358 R. Lynn, G. Meisenberg / Intelligence 38 (2010) 353360
countries other than those of East Asia and the Middle East. A
likely reason is that data for IQ, EA or both tend to be more
accurate in highly developed countries than in less developed
countries.
Considering only the 86 countries with data for both IQ
and EA, 91.0% of the variance for IQ and 83.6% of the variance
for EA is between rather than within the world regions listed
in Table 2. Therefore correlations between IQ and EA are
expected to be low among countries within regions. Table 3
shows that with one exception the correlations within world
regions are nevertheless positive, although many results are
not statistically signicant due to small sample size. In a
regression model in which EA is predicted by the dummy-
coded world regions and IQ, IQ is still a highly signicant
predictor (t=4.38, pb.001, N= 86).
4. Discussion
We believe that the correlation of .917 between measured
IQ and EA, attenuation corrected to 1.0, establishes without a
reasonable doubt that national IQ is a valid measure for
cognitive attainment at the country level. The correlation
between these two variables is higher than the correlations
that are commonly found between other development
indicators.For example, among the 86 countries with both
IQ and EA, the correlation of log-transformed GDP is .753 with
IQ and .734 with EA. For a composite measure of schooling
that combines data about average length of schooling and
school enrolment rates, these correlations are .768 and .738.
For Vanhanen's democracy index, the correlations are .659
and .619, respectively.
The high correlation between IQ and EA shows that these
two measures are not merely two otherwise unrelated
development indicators.It rather shows that intelligence
tests and scholastic achievement tests measure the same or
nearly the same construct. To the extent that educational
attainment is important for a country's economic or cultural
destiny, IQ is important as well. We suggest that both can be
used interchangeably as measures of human capital.
It is nevertheless instructive to investigate the reasons for
discrepancies between IQ and EA. One of the most unexpect-
ed results is that a measure for the quality of the IQ data has
no independent effect on the discrepancy between IQ and EA.
However, the quality of the EA data does have a substantial
effect. Possibly our measure for the quality of the available IQ
data is defective, but we can nevertheless conclude that an
important contribution to IQEA discrepancies comes from
the inaccuracy of the scholastic assessments, rather than the
inaccuracy of IQ studies. It suggests a need to improve the
representativeness of the samples that are tested in TIMSS,
PISA and other international scholastic assessment programs.
A second reason for IQEA discrepancies is the widespread
use of tests of uid intelligence, especially the Progressive
Matrices tests, as measures of intelligence. These tests appear
to produce larger IQEA discrepancies than tests that also
measure crystallized intelligence, such as the Wechsler. This
nding, if it proves consistent in future studies, is not a aw
that needs to be remedied but a genuine difference in the
abilities that are measured by scholastic achievement tests as
opposed to IQ tests.
The non-relationship of the IQEA discrepancy with the
date of the IQ study is puzzling. With few exceptions, the
scholastic assessments that were computed into the EA date
from 1995 and later. Therefore the EA should be more closely
related to the results of recent IQ studies than to the results of
older IQ studies. Failure to nd this predicted relationship
suggests that the Flynn effect has proceeded at a similar pace
in most countries of the world, or at least in most of those
countries for which both IQ and EA are available. The
implication that the Flynn effect, which is well established
in economically developed nations, has proceeded at a similar
pace in most countries of the world has been conrmed in the
economically developing nations of Brazil, Dominica and
Sudan (Meisenberg, Lawless, Lambert, & Newton, 2005;
Colom, Flores-Mendoza, & Abad, 2007; Khaleefa, Sulman, &
Lynn, 2009).
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T. A. (1996). Mathematics achie vement in the middle school years.
Chestnut Hill, MA: Boston College, TIMSS International Study Center.
Husen, T. (1967). International achievement in mathematics: A comparison of
twelve countries. New York: John Wiley.
360 R. Lynn, G. Meisenberg / Intelligence 38 (2010) 353360

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In this chapter, I cover several topics related to evolutionary explanations of the processes emerging in human families. Sex differences in parental care as a part of sex roles are analyzed from a viewpoint of sexual selection. I explain the origins of markedly heightened parental care in humans and the conditions influencing parental investment—ecological conditions, parental characteristics, and offspring traits. I describe the importance of grandparental care for offspring and grandoffspring fitness, the conditions that may bias grandparental investment, and the role of this investment in the evolution of human longevity. Various parent-offspring interactions are described including the parent-offspring conflict (highlighting the parental control in offspring’s mating), the cooperation between parents and offspring, and parental effects in general. Afterwards, I describe reproductive motivation, its importance in exploring the evolution of behavioral traits, and provide examples of how we can empirically measure reproductive motivation. This chapter ends with the more detailed descriptions of the demographic transition’s roots and evolutionary explanations of demographic transition by comparing alternative hypotheses regarding this complex phenomenon.KeywordsParental careGrandparental careParent-offspring conflictReproductive motivationDemographic transition
... The first one refers to the widely known national IQ data that facilitated between-countries comparisons in general intelligence despite the fact that the data itself is problematic in various ways (Ebbesen, 2020;Volken, 2003;Wicherts, Borsboom, & Dolan, 2010). In fact, Richard Lynn, who was the leading figure in assembling this dataset published several books and manuscripts with his coauthors where they claimed that genetic potential for lower intelligence directly causes decreased economic development (Lynn & Vanhanen, 2002), that race and skin color are related to lower intellectual abilities in Black populations (Lynn & Meisenberg, 2010) and explicitly stated that these findings should be used in eugenics agenda (Lynn, & Becker, 2019) 7 . Despite of all flaws of the national IQ dataset and the publications associated with it, many other researchers continued to publish scientific reports based on these data (Sear, 2021). ...
... The first one refers to the widely known national IQ data that facilitated between-countries comparisons in general intelligence despite the fact that the data itself is problematic in various ways (Ebbesen, 2020;Volken, 2003;Wicherts, Borsboom, & Dolan, 2010). In fact, Richard Lynn, who was the leading figure in assembling this dataset published several books and manuscripts with his coauthors where they claimed that genetic potential for lower intelligence directly causes decreased economic development (Lynn & Vanhanen, 2002), that race and skin color are related to lower intellectual abilities in Black populations (Lynn & Meisenberg, 2010) and explicitly stated that these findings should be used in eugenics agenda (Lynn, & Becker, 2019) 7 . Despite of all flaws of the national IQ dataset and the publications associated with it, many other researchers continued to publish scientific reports based on these data (Sear, 2021). ...
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Life History Theory (LHT) represents one of the most prominent conceptual frameworks in evolutionary social sciences—its basic assumptions are described in this chapter with an emphasis on the hypothesized fast-slow continuum. LHT has somewhat different usage in evolutionary psychology, compared to evolutionary biology and HBE; thus, evolutionary psychological view of LHT and its criticisms are presented afterwards. I provide detailed analysis of the covariations between various life history traits (body mass, maturation age, onset of sexual behavior, age of first reproduction, fertility, and parental investment) and the level of their congruence with the continuum. Furthermore, I explore the existing data on the associations between ecological context and life history in light of a hypothesis that harsher environments trigger fast life history trajectory. I present my own approach to life history, namely the network approach, where life history traits and their covariations are viewed as the dynamic systems on a population level. Finally, I address LHT criticisms and unresolved questions—problems of transferring assumptions from the between-species to between-individual level, unsuitability of fast-slow continuum to adequately describe empirical data, and the problem of measurement of life histories in humans.KeywordsLife History TheoryFast-slow continuumHarsh environmentNetwork analysis
... The first one refers to the widely known national IQ data that facilitated between-countries comparisons in general intelligence despite the fact that the data itself is problematic in various ways (Ebbesen, 2020;Volken, 2003;Wicherts, Borsboom, & Dolan, 2010). In fact, Richard Lynn, who was the leading figure in assembling this dataset published several books and manuscripts with his coauthors where they claimed that genetic potential for lower intelligence directly causes decreased economic development (Lynn & Vanhanen, 2002), that race and skin color are related to lower intellectual abilities in Black populations (Lynn & Meisenberg, 2010) and explicitly stated that these findings should be used in eugenics agenda (Lynn, & Becker, 2019) 7 . Despite of all flaws of the national IQ dataset and the publications associated with it, many other researchers continued to publish scientific reports based on these data (Sear, 2021). ...
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This chapter covers evolutionary behavioral sciences in general, both animal and human disciplines. Firstly I briefly sketch the historical development and basic research tenets of (animal) behavioral ecology. Afterward, I depict human behavioral ecology (HBE) and its conceptual foundations; I use The Tsimane Health and Life History Project as the example of ethnographic research in HBE and provide arguments for the existence of natural selection in contemporary human populations. I present critiques of HBE and major unresolved questions including the accusations of a rigid view on human nature, the lack of connection with animal BE and cultural evolution research, a potential problem with fertility estimates, and an issue of phenotypic gambit. Afterwards, the conceptual foundations of Evolutionary Psychology (EP) are presented (the view of brain as a computer, massive modularity principle, Environment of Evolutionary Adaptiveness, adaptive lag and evolutionary mismatch, search for human universals) followed by the major criticisms of this discipline (the problem of declaring a trait as an adaptation, problem of inferring evolutionary processes on available data, and problem of Environment of Evolutionary Adaptiveness). Finally, I compare HBE and EP and highlight both the differences between the fields and their complementarity in the exploration of behavioral evolution.KeywordsEvolutionary social sciencesBehavioral ecologyEvolutionary psychology
... It is challenging to measure human intelligence as it is subject to numerous interdependent variables (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7), some of which are as follows: ...
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Mental ability, as assessed by standardized tests, is not fixed in time. Large IQ gains have been recorded in many industrialized countries during the 20 th century, but very little is known about IQ trends in the less developed countries. The present study investigates generational changes in mental test performance on the Caribbean island of Dominica. In a cross-sectional design, Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices were administered to two age groups: young adults between the ages of 18 and 25 years, and older adults between the ages of 51 and 62 years. Raw scores were 23.3 ± 11.4 points for the older generation and 36.1 ± 10.9 points for the younger generation. Compared to the current British norms for their respective age groups, the average IQs of these two cohorts were estimated as 61 and 73, respectively. Since the age-specific British norms reflect a rising IQ trend in Britain already, the real gain in Dominica is not 12 points but approximately 17 to 19 points. The results on a vocabulary test suggest similar cohort gains in word knowledge. Differences between the Afro-Caribbean majority and the native Caribs were small. Data are presented to show that the difference between the two age groups represents a cohort effect rather than an aging effect. The implications of the Flynn effect for economic development and cultural evolution are discussed.
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