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College major choice varies substantially by gender, race, and ethnicity among college graduates. This study investigates whether these differences are present at the start of the college career and whether these differences can be explained by differences in academic preparation. This study estimates a multinomial logit to evaluate whether students of similar academic backgrounds make similar college major choices at the start of their college career. The results demonstrate that there are differences in college major choice even after controlling for the SAT score of the student and the high school class rank of the student by gender, race, and ethnicity. The effects are much larger for gender than they are for race and ethnicity. In addition to differences in the initial choice of college major, large differences exist by race and gender in the likelihood of changing majors. Women are significantly more likely to switch away from an initial major in engineering than are white men.

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... Many educators and researchers have noted the importance of the relationship between students and faculty advisor to the success of the students (NACADA, 2016;Mohsen, 2013;Al Khateeb, 2012;Bartolj & Polanec, 2012;Anonymous, 2014Anonymous, , 2011Dickson, 2010;Johnson,;Pargett, 2011Lafy, 2010students"Supiano, 2011;Zafar, 201;Rochkind, Ott, & Dupont, 2009). Looking at academic advising as an educational process, advising plays a critical role in connecting students with learning opportunities to foster and support their engagement success and retention (Pargett, 2011). ...
... Looking at academic advising as an educational process, advising plays a critical role in connecting students with learning opportunities to foster and support their engagement success and retention (Pargett, 2011). College major choice and later major change related to academic advising issues has been the subject of research interest for quite some time (Al Khateeb, 2012;Bartolj & Polanec, 2012;Bayomi, 2011;Beffy, Fougere, & Maurel, 2012;Dickson, 2010;Dietz, 2010;Hajar, 2012;Ismael, 2012;Lafy, 2010;Malgwi et al., 2005;Mohsen, 2013;Scott-Clayton, 2011;Simoes & Soares, 2010;Simpson, 1987;John, 2000;Wilcoxson & Wynder, 2010;Zafar, 2011Zafar, , 2013. Many authors agreed that the difficulty of determining and choosing a major is related to the ambiguity some students have about college majors, their abilities and interests (Anonymous, 2014;Baker & Griffin, 2010;Keshishian, Brocavich, & Boone, 2010;Moore & Shulock, 2011;Wilcoxson & Wynder, 2010;Zafar, 2011Zafar, , 2013. ...
... Several researchers have documented that students lack the knowledge of how to choose majors and whether they are related to their personal preference or individual abilities (Arcidiacono, Hotz, & Kang, 2010; Bartolj & Polanec, 2012;García-Aracil et al., 2007), or according to potential job opportunities (Arcidiacono et al., 2010;Bartolj & Polanec, 2012;Carnevale & Melton, 2011), both of which contribute to their satisfaction, success and stability. The choice of a college major can be one of the most important decisions students can make for the rest of their lives ( (Bartolj & Polanec, 2012;Beggs, Bantham, & Taylor, 2008;Dickson, 2010;Korscheg & Hageseth, 1997;Lafy, 2010;Mohsen, 2013;Porter & Umbach, 2006;Simoes & Soares, 2010;St. John, 2000). ...
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The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of academic advising on changing or maintaining majors in university degrees. It is also a goal of the study to determine which semester of the course study is most likely or less likely witness the change of major and whether advising contributes to that change. Through this correlational study, the researchers explored students’ perceptions about the academic advising they received and the relationship of its absence on students’ major change. The participants were 1725 undergraduate students from all year levels. One survey is used to collect the data for this study: Influences on Choice of Major Survey. Based on the findings, it is found that university advisors have a very poor effect on students' decisions to select their majors as 45.6% of the 1725 participants indicate NO influence of advising in their survey answers. Whereas career advancement opportunities, students' interests, and job opportunities indicate a strong effect on their majors’ selections as they score the highest means of 3.76, 3.73, 3.64 respectively. In addition, findings show that students are most likely changing their majors in their second year and specifically in the second semester. Second year major change scored 36.9% in the second semester and 30.9% in the first semester. More importantly, results indicate that there is a positive significant correlation between college advisor and change major in the second year (p = 0.000). It is to researchers understanding based on the findings that when students receive enough academic advising in the first year of study and continues steadily to the next year, the possibilities of students changing their majors decreases greatly.
... Studies seeking to understand and promote gender balance in college provide some potential explanations for the gender imbalance between natural and social science. First, women have been found to select courses and majors that are predominantly communal, meaning friendly and facilitative, as these reflect the types of behaviors they observe of other women (Dickson, 2010;Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000). Social sciences courses are generally associated with communal behaviors. ...
... Social sciences courses are generally associated with communal behaviors. Men, on the other hand, often choose courses and majors that are predominantly agentic, meaning assertive and independent, and these behaviors are more reflective of natural science courses (Dickson, 2010;Eagly et al., 2000). Additionally, men are more likely to engage in courses that do not require them to ask for help, which is more representative of natural sciences, whereas women are more likely to engage in courses that encourage assisting others and receiving help from others, both of which are more representative of social science courses (Wimer & Levant, 2011). ...
... Future studies should examine the correlation between enrolling in family science courses and whether or not students change their major. Interestingly, one study has illustrated that women are more likely to change their major than men (Dickson, 2010). ...
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The majority of university family science courses are predominantly comprised of women. Because family science classes are centered on information and concepts relevant for both men and women, it is important to understand gendered experiences to promote healthy family and romantic relationships. Not only would men benefit from these classes, but increasing male enrollment in family sciences courses will help promote gender diversity in higher education. The current study used qualitative analyses to examine the perceptions of male undergraduate students concerning the benefits of taking family science courses. Male undergraduates from three midsize universities in the Midwestern and Western United States provided open-ended responses via an online survey (N = 64). Three themes emerged: the classes provided students with valuable information; they had a better understanding of themselves and others; and the classes related to their future career path. Results provide support to promote gender diversity in family science classrooms, which is crucial for the interpersonal and educational growth of both men and women. Further implications of participant responses are discussed.
... Demographic differences in major choice and major switching have been widely documented (Chen 2013;Dickson 2010). For example, women are found to be more likely to switch out of STEM programs, while men are likely to choose more lucrative majors (Trusty et al. 2000). ...
... Additionally, students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds seem to choose or switch into more lucrative majors (Ma 2009;Malgwi et al. 2005). Finally, the underrepresentation of minorities in STEM fields has been widely documented (Chen 2013), though studies on racial/ethnic differences in major persistence are less conclusive (Dickson 2010). ...
... 10 We find that women and in-district/in-state residents were more likely to switch majors (see Table 3). Previous research shows that women and men often make different majorrelated decisions in college (Dickson 2010;Zafar 2013). In-district/in-state students pay lower tuition than out-of-state students; if additional courses are anticipated as a result of switching majors, the cost of switching may be larger for non-residents. ...
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A third of the 2- and 4-year undergraduates beginning college in 2011–2012 changed their major in the first 3 years of enrollment. Yet, few studies have examined the effects of major switching on student outcomes, particularly in community colleges. Major switching can delay or impede college completion through excess credit accumulation, or it can increase the probability of completion due to a better academic match. Using state administrative data and propensity score matching, we find that major switching increases certificate completion rates but moderately decreases the probability of bachelor’s degree completion in community colleges for students who started with a declared major. We suggest that instead of discouraging major switching, institutions should integrate switching into program planning. Policies like common course-sequencing, cross-discipline introductory courses and flexible application of credits can allow students to revise their interests and goals without losing much time, credits, or tuition dollars.
... Many theories and research studies have identified many factors that influenced students' decisions to change their selected majors. (Ismael, 2012;Dickson, 2010;Dietz, 2010;Zafar, 2010;Willcoxson & Wynder, 2010;MalGwi, Howe & Burnaby, 2005;John, 2000;Simpson, 1987). Ismael (2012) and Dickson (2010) noticed students may change majors between their first semester of study and graduation. ...
... (Ismael, 2012;Dickson, 2010;Dietz, 2010;Zafar, 2010;Willcoxson & Wynder, 2010;MalGwi, Howe & Burnaby, 2005;John, 2000;Simpson, 1987). Ismael (2012) and Dickson (2010) noticed students may change majors between their first semester of study and graduation. They shared students usually change majors in their second semester of their first year or in their second year. ...
... Higher education institutions are facing some challenges, which demand a deeper understanding of the reasons that influence students' decisions to change their majors (Dickson, 2010;Dietz, 2010;Ismael, 2012;Malgwi et al., 2005;Simpson, 1987;St. John, 2000;Wilcoxson & Wynder, 2010;Zafar, 2011). ...
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The purpose of the study was to understand why students decide to change their majors and the factors that influence their decisions in the Middle East universities. The three categories presented by the different researchers in the reviewed literature; (1) Personal & course preferences; (2) influential issues and (3) job issues were the lens used by the researcher in addressing the relationship between the factors and students' later major change. The researcher wanted to explore students' perceptions about the reasons that mostly affected their decisions to change their majors. The participants were 1725 undergraduate students in a Middle East university of which 494 students were changing their majors. One survey was used to collect the data for this study: Influences on Choice of Major Survey. The researcher found that 28% of the students in this university were changing majors. She also found that college change had significant correlations with the negative factors presented in the three categories. The analysis showed that students in their first year were changing majors because of the difficulty of their prior majors (r=-.207, p< .000). Students in their second year were changing majors because of their college instructors (r=-.019, p< .023). Students in their third year were changing majors because of their prior majors that were difficult (r=-.362. p<.046) or not challenging(r=-.227, p<.015) and some of the introductory courses they did not like or were difficult (r=.298, p<.001). Students in their fourth year were changing majors because of their parents' influence to choose other majors (r= .271, p< .009)
... Research on undergraduate major among medical school applicants has not previously focused on the relationship between applicants' undergraduate major and their individual characteristics such as race and sex. The representation of women (e.g., Dickson, 2010;Jacobs, 1986;Leslie et al., 1998;Reskin et al., 1996) and people of color (e.g., Barr, 2008;Dickson, 2010;Leslie et al., 1998;Oaxaca, 1998) in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields remain lower than their representation in the United States population at large. But do these same differences in race and sex exist in majors selected by students who aspire to enroll in medical school, and does this choice in major disadvantage some students over others? ...
... Research on undergraduate major among medical school applicants has not previously focused on the relationship between applicants' undergraduate major and their individual characteristics such as race and sex. The representation of women (e.g., Dickson, 2010;Jacobs, 1986;Leslie et al., 1998;Reskin et al., 1996) and people of color (e.g., Barr, 2008;Dickson, 2010;Leslie et al., 1998;Oaxaca, 1998) in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields remain lower than their representation in the United States population at large. But do these same differences in race and sex exist in majors selected by students who aspire to enroll in medical school, and does this choice in major disadvantage some students over others? ...
... These differences in experiences often influence minority students' decisions regarding their interactions with their undergraduate institution or even with other students (Ancis et al., 2000;Museus & Quaye, 2009;Nora, 2004). Considering these aforementioned differences, the number of underrepresented in medicine (URiM) students in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields remain lower than their representation in the population of the United States at large (Barr, 2008;Dickson, 2010;Leslie et al., 1998;Oaxaca, 1998). ...
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While the AAMC encourages applicants to choose any undergraduate major they wish, there is minimal peer-reviewed research or empirical evidence of the relationship between applicants' undergraduate major and their likelihood of admission to medical school. This dissertation sought to determine if applicants' undergraduate major is a statistically significant predictor of successful admission to medical school. To study how choice of major impacts admission to medical school, I conducted a quantitative study using a hierarchical binary logistic regression.
... Some studies find that academic preparation in math and science is crucial in choosing a quantitative college major, and women's low entry to STEM is mostly due to a lack of innate ability and less readiness in related subjects (Speer, 2017;Card and Payne, 2017;Aucejo et al., 2016;Eccles, 2007;Trusty, 2002;Ethington and Woffle, 1988;Hanson et al., 1996). Others argue that the small gender differences in preparation do not explain the large gender gap in STEM majors (Saltiel, 2019;Zafar, 2013;Kimmel et al., 2012;Dickson, 2010;Turner and Bowen, 1999;Xie et al., 2003), which aligns with the finding in my paper. ...
... Previous studies using test scores as direct measures of ability have controversial findings on how much ability explains the gender gap in college majors. Using SAT math and verbal scores or SAT composite and ACT composite scores as direct measures of ability or readiness, Turner and Bowen (1999) and Dickson (2010) find that the scores account for little of the gender gap in majors or in differential switching out of engineering majors by gender; while Ware et al. (1985) and Paglin and Rufolo (1990) find that the scores are significant predictors of gender differences in major choice. Speer (2017) uses a full set of ASVAB test scores from NLSY and finds those scores explain more than half of the gender gap in college major choice. ...
... Alternative potential explanations I consider: 1) Women are more critical about or have higher standard of their own ability, which aligns with a broad literature on gender difference in self-estimate or confidence in competitive environment (Barber and Odean, 2001;Furnham, 2001;Gneezy et al., 2003;Niederle and Vesterlund, 2010;Hardies et al., 2013). 2) Preference conditional on ability is more dominating for women's major choice, as suggested in the literature on gender specific preference on college majors (Turner and Bowen, 1999;Xie et al., 2003;Dickson, 2010;Kimmel et al., 2012). I further discuss how much ability explain the gender gap in STEM major choice in Section 5.4 by counterfactual analysis. ...
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Women are underrepresented in both STEM college majors and STEM jobs. Even with a STEM college degree, women are significantly less likely to work in STEM occupations than their male counterparts. This paper studies the determinants of the gender gap in college major choice and job choice between STEM and non-STEM fields and quantifies how much the gender wage gap can be explained by these choices using an extended Roy Model. I find that mens ability sorting behavior is statistically stronger than womens in major choice, yet gender differences in ability and ability sorting together explain only a small portion of the gender gap in STEM majors. The gender gap in STEM occupations cannot be explained by the gender differences in ability or ability sorting. Instead, a part of the gender gap in STEM occupations can be explained by the fact that women are more represented in less Math-intensive STEM majors and graduates from those majors are more likely to be well-matched to and to take jobs in non-STEM occupations. The other part of the gender gap in STEM occupations can be explained by women’s preference over work-life balance and women’s home location. The counterfactual analysis shows that about 13.7% of the gender wage gap among college graduates can be explained by the returns to STEM careers among the non-STEM women in the top 6.7% of the ability distribution.
... Some studies find that academic preparation in math and science is crucial in choosing a quantitative college major, and women's low entry to STEM is mostly due to a lack of innate ability and less readiness in related subjects (Speer, 2017;Card and Payne, 2017;Aucejo et al., 2016;Eccles, 2007;Trusty, 2002;Ethington and Woffle, 1988;Hanson et al., 1996). Others argue that the small gender differences in preparation do not explain the large gender gap in STEM majors (Saltiel, 2019;Zafar, 2013;Kimmel et al., 2012;Dickson, 2010;Turner and Bowen, 1999;Xie et al., 2003), which aligns with the finding in my paper. ...
... Previous studies using test scores as direct measures of ability have controversial findings on how much ability explains the gender gap in college majors. Using SAT math and verbal scores or SAT composite and ACT composite scores as direct measures of ability or readiness, Turner and Bowen (1999) and Dickson (2010) find that the scores account for little of the gender gap in majors or in differential switching out of engineering majors by gender; while Ware et al. (1985) and Paglin and Rufolo (1990) find that the scores are significant predictors of gender differences in major choice. Speer (2017) uses a full set of ASVAB test scores from NLSY and finds those scores explain more than half of the gender gap in college major choice. ...
... Alternative potential explanations I consider: 1) Women are more critical about or have higher standard of their own ability, which aligns with a broad literature on gender difference in self-estimate or confidence in competitive environment (Barber and Odean, 2001;Furnham, 2001;Gneezy et al., 2003;Niederle and Vesterlund, 2010;Hardies et al., 2013). 2) Preference conditional on ability is more dominating for women's major choice, as suggested in the literature on gender specific preference on college majors (Turner and Bowen, 1999;Xie et al., 2003;Dickson, 2010;Kimmel et al., 2012). I further discuss how much ability explain the gender gap in STEM major choice in Section 5.4 by counterfactual analysis. ...
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Women are underrepresented in both STEM college majors and STEM jobs. Even with a STEM college degree, women are significantly less likely to work in STEM occupations than their male counterparts. This paper studies how much the gender gap in college major choice and job choice between STEM and non-STEM can be explained by gender differences in ability sorting and how much the gender wage gap can be explained by these choices using an extended Roy Model. I find that ability is a significantly weaker determinant of major choice for women than for men. High-ability women give up $13,000-$20,000 in annual salary by choosing non-STEM majors. Although non-STEM high-ability women make up only 5.6% of the female sample, their total gains-had they made the same decision as men-explain about 9.4% of the gender wage gap. Furthermore , the fact that female STEM graduates are less likely to stay in STEM is unrelated to the differences in ability sorting. Instead, women's home region is important in women's job decisions; female STEM graduates who return to their home state are more likely to opt out of STEM. Abstract Women are underrepresented in both STEM college majors and STEM jobs. Even with a STEM college degree, women are significantly less likely to work in STEM occupations than their male counterparts. This paper studies how much the gender gap in college major choice and job choice between STEM and non-STEM can be explained by gender differences in ability sorting and how much the gender wage gap can be explained by these choices using an extended Roy Model. I find that ability is a significantly weaker determinant of major choice for women than for men. High-ability women give up $13,000-$20,000 in annual salary by choosing non-STEM majors. Although non-STEM high-ability women make up only 5.6% of the female sample, their total gains-had they made the same decision as men-explain about 9.4% of the gender wage gap. Furthermore , the fact that female STEM graduates are less likely to stay in STEM is unrelated to the differences in ability sorting. Instead, women's home region is important in women's job decisions; female STEM graduates who return to their home state are more likely to opt out of STEM.
... A recent study found that engineering programs, on average, offered students only 4.3% of the total degree credit hours as open electives compared to 19.8% for non-engineering degrees [10]. Engineering Plus students will be able to select up to 28.8% of their electives, a variable that has been correlated with attracting more women and underrepresented minority students to engineering [15,16]. A signature component in this curriculum is the engineering design courses which endeavor to develop student capabilities in human-centered engineering design. ...
... The three autonomy questions in Fig. 3 seek to understand students' sense of their ability to make choices. This variable was a focus for the course design given our review of the scholarship [14][15][16][17] while planning the course. The autonomy scale questions included: a. ...
... The effects are not only seen in student learning but also on who enters teaching as a profession. The decreased number of college students declaring teacher education as a major, the decline in Black college student enrolments, as well as retention of female teachers of color in the profession are all outcomes of post Brown (Dickson, 2010;Farinde, Allen, & Lewis, 2016;Ingersoll & May, 2011;Rogers-Ard, Knaus, Epstein, & Mayfield, 2013). With decreasing numbers of available teachers of color (Dickson, 2010), researchers are interested in increasing this valuable group. ...
... The decreased number of college students declaring teacher education as a major, the decline in Black college student enrolments, as well as retention of female teachers of color in the profession are all outcomes of post Brown (Dickson, 2010;Farinde, Allen, & Lewis, 2016;Ingersoll & May, 2011;Rogers-Ard, Knaus, Epstein, & Mayfield, 2013). With decreasing numbers of available teachers of color (Dickson, 2010), researchers are interested in increasing this valuable group. For example, Villegas, Strom, and Lucas (2012) give two major reasons in the literature for increasing the representation of people of color in teaching. ...
Article
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This longitudinal case study utilizes critical race theory methodology to chronicle the journey of an African American female in science teacher education. The study looks at her educational history first as a young child and then how she navigates a contested, racialized predominantly White teacher education program, grows and develops in science education, and secures her first full-time teaching appointment as an elementary teacher. The implications for practice in both teacher education and science education show that educational and emotional support for teachers of color throughout their educational and professional journey is imperative to increasing and sustaining Black teachers. In addition, intersectionality foregrounds and adds to the complexity of understanding race, racism, and science in teacher education.
... The extant empirical literature, although limited, provides some evidence of racial/ethnic gaps in STEM degree persistence. Indeed, a handful of recent studies investigating patterns within a single university or several selected universities have found that White STEM majors are more likely to persist than their minority peers (Arcidiacono, Aucejo, & Hotz, 2016;Dickson, 2010;Price, 2010). For example, in an analysis of several public universities in Ohio, Price (2010) found that by the third year of college, 63% of White students who begin in STEM majors are still in their chosen field of study compared to only 48% of Black students. ...
... Chen's (2013) analyses does include "leavers"; however, it also combines all students who ever declared a STEM major into an omnibus category and does not focus on the pathways of students based on their first chosen major. Other research on this topic is further limited in its implications due to combining Black, Latina/o, and students from other backgrounds into an omnibus "underrepresented minority" category (e.g., Arcidiacono et al., 2016;Griffith, 2010), focusing only on Black/White differences (e.g., Price, 2010), or considering race differences unadjusted for measures of social class (e.g., Dickson, 2010). 3 Weighted Ns for STEM majors are as follows: N = 1,247 for White students; N = 171 for Black students; N = 181 for Latino/a students. ...
Article
Informed by the theoretical lens of opportunity hoarding, this study considers whether STEM postsecondary fields stand apart via the disproportionate exclusion of Black and Latina/o youth. Utilizing national data from the Beginning Postsecondary Study (BPS), the authors investigate whether Black and Latina/o youth who begin college as STEM majors are more likely to depart than their White peers, either by switching fields or by leaving college without a degree, and whether patterns of departure in STEM fields differ from those in non-STEM fields. Results reveal evidence of persistent racial/ethnic inequality in STEM degree attainment not found in other fields.
... Changing majors also correlates to higher graduation rates [13], suggesting that students that switch majors are not unprepared for the academic rigor of postsecondary education. Students tend to switch into majors with people who "look like them" [2] with women, in particular, more likely to leave STEM majors [4,7,10]. Switching, therefore, is not undesirable in and of itself, but differential switching (between gender, race, etc.) can be an indicator of hostile environment. ...
... When students leave STEM fields, there is a high probability that they subsequently declare a business (or business-related) major [2,4]. An exception is engineering; original engineering majors preferentially switch into computer science fields [7]. Because switching studies require significant longitudinal data most (e.g., 6,8,11,14,17,18), even extremely recent ones (e.g. 2), involve students that have graduated before 2010. ...
... For example, studies have shown that female students were more likely than their male peers to choose education and humanities majors and less likely to choose lucrative fields of study, including science, engineering, and business science majors (Davies & Guppy, 1997;Polachek, 1978). Studies have also shown that female students were less likely than their male peers to persist in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) majors (Cohoon, 2001;Dickson, 2010;National Science Board, 2007). Asian men were more likely than their White peers to enter and persist in science and engineering majors, while Black and Hispanic students were less likely than Whites to persist in science and engineering majors (Dickson, 2010). ...
... Studies have also shown that female students were less likely than their male peers to persist in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) majors (Cohoon, 2001;Dickson, 2010;National Science Board, 2007). Asian men were more likely than their White peers to enter and persist in science and engineering majors, while Black and Hispanic students were less likely than Whites to persist in science and engineering majors (Dickson, 2010). Students from low-socioeconomic families were more likely to enter lucrative majors (Davies & Guppy, 1997). ...
Article
In this study, dormitory room and social group assignment data from a college are used to investigate peer effects on college students’ decisions to switch majors. Results reveal strong evidence of such peer effects at both the room and the social group level. Most notably, at the room level, the dense concentration of same-major roommates deters students from switching majors; having one or two same-major roommates has no significant effect on major switching, indicating strong nonlinearity of peer effects at the room level. Such nonlinearity is not observed among social group members. Results also reveal evidence that students’ choices of new majors are affected by peers’ majors. Peers are more likely to choose the same destination majors than nonpeers. In choosing their new majors, students do not necessarily follow their peers indiscriminately. Their decisions seem to be influenced more by short-term academic requirements than by long-term job prospects. Finally, peer effects on major switching and major choices are stronger at the dormitory room level than at the social group level in most cases.
... Most of this research has focused on gender as the strongest demographic predictor. It consistently shows women lagging in STEM degrees earned overall (Dickson, 2010;Hanson, 2013;Riegle-Crumb & Morton, 2017;Speer, 2017), though some fields are female-dominated (see Weeden et al., 2017). Additionally, research on racial disparities has typically found that Asians are overrepresented, while African Americans and Latino/as are underrepresented in STEM fields (Crisp et al., 2009;Espinosa, 2011;Fox et al., 2009;Glass et al., 2013;May & Chubin, 2003;Min & Jang, 2015;Song & Glick, 2004;Xie & Shauman, 2003). ...
... Like their female counterparts, men of color report experiencing a "chilly climate," characterized by racism and social isolation (Strayhorn, 2015). Furthermore, research confirms that the size of gender gaps varies across racial groups: The gender gap in STEM degree attainment is largest among Latino groups and smallest among African Americans (Dickson, 2010;Hanson, 2013). Asian women are much more likely to obtain STEM and health care-related degrees compared to white women, a difference significantly larger than that between Asian and white men (Min & Jang, 2015;Song & Glick, 2004). ...
Article
Given that the U.S. military uses science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) exposure as a key recruitment tool, one should expect that military service is associated with STEM outcomes. While research demonstrates this pattern for women veterans, we know little about racialized and intersectional patterns. This article uses the American Community Survey data (2014–2018) to examine the association between military service, race/ethnicity, and gender to STEM degrees earned. We find that military service operates contingently: White men’s plus white, Hispanic, and multiracial/other women’s predicted probability of earning a STEM degree increases with military service. In contrast, for other minority groups, military service is not associated with a higher predicted probability of earning a STEM degree. Indeed, for groups typically overrepresented in STEM fields (i.e., Asian veterans), a negative association exists. These findings inform extant research on the long-term impact of military service on civilian reintegration, including educational and occupational outcomes.
... Because male-dominated majors are often associated with higher earning careers, the difference in major choice represents a key contributor to the gender wage gap (Brown and Corcoran 1997). While race and ethnicity pattern college major choice as well, such variation is small compared to gender differences (Dickson 2010). ...
... By treating the choice of major as a one-time or binary decision (e.g., with a focus on the first or last major selected in college, or on whether a student selects a STEM major), the extant research has paid less attention to the choices many students make to change their field of study over time. According to recent estimates, about 30 percent of undergraduates in associate's and bachelor's degree programs change their majors at least once between their initial enrollment and exit from college (Dickson 2010;Leu 2017). ...
Article
Much prior research has examined the individual-level, major-specific, and institutional correlates of college students’ choice of major, as well as the variation in labor market outcomes associated with this important choice. Extant accounts, however, largely overlook the process by which individuals change their major throughout college. This study provides a comprehensive description of major switching, and considers its relevance to concerns about stratification in postsecondary education. Drawing on survey and transcript data from students at three large universities in the United States, I find that switching is widespread, and that many students change their majors multiple times. Students appear to change majors in an effort to better fit their interests and abilities, as students seek out majors that are generally less competitive and easier. Major change further contributes to gender segregation, particularly as women leave science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields after initially selecting these at lower rates than men.
... Theoretically, demographic characteristics, such as gender and race (Dickson, 2010) have been demonstrated to have a significant influence on the choice of majors. A set of variables of interests about student's demographic characteristics and academic characteristics were used in descriptive analysis and predictive analytics: gender, race, first-generation, high school GPAs, SAT/ACT scores, age, and first-year GPAs. ...
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Higher education institutions have prioritized supporting undecided students with their major and career decisions for decades. This study used a U.S. public research-focused university’s large-scale institutional data set and undecided student’s retention and graduation rate predictors to demonstrate how to couple student and institutional data with predictive analytics to understand the different demographics, academic characteristics, and the number of major changes between undecided and decided students. This study helps practitioners take the first step in using data analytics to inform decision-making in academic advising and supporting undecided students’ academic success.
... Similar patterns in gender differences have been observed elsewhere in the world (e.g. Turner and Bowen 1999;Chanana 2006;Dickson 2010). This difference partly reflects gender patterns in subject enrolment and achievement in schools (Ayalon 2003;Crawford and Greaves 2015;Codiroli Mcmaster 2017;Davies and Ercolani 2019;Delaney and Devereux 2019). ...
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We examine relationships between motivations towards higher education choices, gender and beliefs about the financial consequences of these choices. We control for home background, school type and students’ expectations of grades they will achieve at age 16. We use a unique individual-level UK data set from a random sample of schools with a student sample size of 5012. These motivations are coded on six-point Likert scales so our modelling approach is by means of ‘multivariate ordered logit’ regressions. Boys express a much stronger motivation towards private financial gain whilst girls express stronger motivation towards occupational status and contributions towards society. We also find strong positive associations between motivation towards personal financial gain and beliefs about the financial value of a higher education. Our results support a multi-stranded theory of motivation towards higher education that takes account of beliefs about the external environment as well as self-beliefs about future academic achievement.
... Likewise, (Favara, 2012) finds that the belief that men are naturally more skilled at technical/quantitative domains is empirically unfounded, and attainments such as performance and grades are not able to explain subject choices. Turner and Bowen (1999) and Dickson (2009) find that SAT scores play a small role in major gap; also, (Justman & Méndez, 2018) find that female students require stronger prior signals of mathematical ability to choose maledominated subjects. Thus, girls and boys performing equally in the same subjects choose majors differently and according to their own gender stereotype. ...
Article
This paper studies gender differences in college applications in Chile. We use the revealed preferences of students for college major choice by taking advantage of Chile’s Centralized Admission System, and estimate a nested logit model to predict the first preference of applicants. We find that males apply to selective programs even when they are marginal candidates, while equally qualified female candidates tend to apply less often to these programs. Using counterfactual exercises, we conclude that to successfully address the gender gap, along with promoting females’ participation in STEM careers, we must increase males’ willingness to consider nonSTEM fields. Closing the gender gap does not imply a loss in terms of talent distribution by area of knowledge.
... Prior research has been conducted on students' persistence in a major and decision to change majors (Astorne-Fiagari and Speer 2017;Dickson 2010;Kugler et al. 2017;Luppino and Sander 2015;Ohland et al. 2004;Ost 2010;Riegle-Crumb et al. 2016;Solnick 1995;Turner and Bowen 1999). Many of these studies, however, analyzed the choices made by students in general or by students who initially selected a STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) field. ...
Chapter
Although nationwide a small percentage of students complete an economics degree, many students who initially select another major switch into economics or add it as a second major. Prior research has found that women are less likely to earn an economics degree and that students may consider degrees in business and economics to be substitutes. The purpose of this study is to assess gender disparities in students’ economics degree attainment based on differences in students’ initial major selections and grades received in their introductory microeconomics course. Findings indicate that both male and female students who initially choose to major in economics have a high probability of graduating with an economics major. Students who complete an economics major or minor come from a large selection of initial majors. Male and female students also are found to respond differently to introductory microeconomics grades.
... And, in contrast to some measures of college major (e.g., a STEM versus non-STEM dichotomy), we measure college major using six categories of academic fields. In keeping with prior research, we control for sociodemographic factors that have been associated with college major selection, including raceethnicity (e.g., [6,35,42,49]) and socioeconomic background (e.g., [17,35,50]). ...
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We investigate whether adherence to dominant masculine norms and choice of college major are related among undergraduate men in the United States. Our results indicate that men’s level of conformity to certain masculine norms is associated with their postsecondary field of study. In particular, we find men’s adherence to the masculine norm of emotional control is associated negatively with selecting majors from such academic fields as clinical and health sciences or arts and humanities compared to science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) and doctoral-track medicine (e.g., pre-medicine and pre-dentistry). Conformity to the masculine norm to focus on work is related negatively to choosing a major in arts and humanities or communication and media fields compared to STEM and doctoral-track medicine fields. These results suggest ways that dominant social norms about masculinity may contribute to gender segregation of postsecondary fields of study.
... The analytical portion of the study used multinomial logit analysis in order to infer which factors related to choices into each school. Multinomial logits are well suited for our research questions as they are frequently used to analyze characteristics of choosers in scenarios with multiple choices such as college majors (Dickson, 2010), transportation types to school (Wilson, Marshall, Wilson, & Krizek, 2010), and school choice (Ford, 2011). ...
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Background/Context A primary argument that supports charter school policy assumes students favor schools with high academic performance ratings, leading to systemic school improvement. Previous research challenges this assumption but has limited generalizability because geographic and enrollment constraints limit student choice sets. Purpose/Objective This study examines student enrollment patterns within cyber charter schools in Pennsylvania, a state where elected policymakers tend to view choice as a means for school improvement. Cyber charter schools are advantageous to study in this context because they have fewer enrollment barriers, helping researchers account for constraints found in previous studies. Research Design Using consecutive years of student-level enrollment data, we use descriptive statistics and multinomial logistic regression analyses to answer the following questions: Is a particular cyber charter school more popular if it displays relatively higher performance on academic indicators? To what extent do enrollments in the highest performing cyber charter school relate to the demographics of students and school environments that they left? Findings/Results The findings suggest that despite the more accessible choice sets inherent in the cyber charter school sector, academic performance indicators still are not linked to popularity within the sector. Enrollment clustering persists along student demographics and feeder district traits. Conclusions/Recommendations These findings suggest that even in the cyber charter school sector where key enrollment restrictions are removed, inequitable enrollment patterns persist. These findings continue to challenge basic assumptions used in school choice policy framing. Policymakers should consider this evidence when and if they design and implement charter school policy, creating policy that accounts for inequitable enrollments that occur under current policy logic.
... New strategies that attract a more diverse student body are essential. Recent studies have indicated that offering more choice and flexibility will attract women [3], [4]. Variables such as quality of instruction and curriculum, particularly in the lower division years, reduce the likelihood of women leaving engineering programs [5]. ...
Conference Paper
This paper reports on one institution's work-in-progress to build innovation and creativity into a flexible, ABET accredited undergraduate Engineering B.S. degree that provides a variety of choices to undergraduate engineering students. The new Engineering Plus degree has a core set of required foundational courses in engineering, a multi-year design sequence, and allows for self-defined pathways. The new curriculum also offers three defined degree pathways that have been chosen based on an examination of student "fate" data: secondary education, pre-medical, and environmental studies, with additional pathways planned for the near future. The fate analysis examined the paths of students who were enrolled in an engineering or STEM major in one year and samples their major choice in the following year. This analysis maps the flow of students into and out of the major with demographic slicers to more closely understand these in-migration and out-migration choices. This paper will detail the development of the program and its related research inquiry which includes a qualitative comparison of the students who are drawn to this new approach to engineering.
... A rendelkezésre álló kisszámú hazai és számottevő nemzetközi kutatási eredmény a STEM képzésekkel kapcsolatos kulcsfontosságú kérdések körüljárása során témák széles pelattáját fedte le. A STEM képzések elférfiasodásáról és az ezekre a területekre jellemző magas lemorzsolódásról mind hazai, mind nemzetközi eredmények beszámoltak már (lásd pl.: Alter 2021a, 2021b, Pusztai és Szigeti 2021, Maltese és Tai 2011, Dickson 2010, Chen 2013, Paksi 2013. A jelentkezők szocio-demográfiai jellemzőiről és akadémiai felkészültségéről azonban keveset tudunk. ...
Article
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Különleges Bánásmód folyóirat, 2022. 8. (2.) - teljes szám
... Saks and Shore (2005) linked variation in selected major income streams with family wealth while Monaghan and Jang (2017) associated that variation with gender and identified other factors that could explain the wealth link. Intrinsic interest, prestige, ethnicity, gender, student beliefs, personality traits, math interest, perceived quantitative skill needs, course or major attributes, desire to earn an advanced degree, parental income, concern about skill obsolescence, and job characteristics can play roles in major selection (Beggs, Bantham, & Taylor, 2008;Blakemore & Low, 1984;Dickson, 2010;Duffy & Sedlacek, 2007;Eide & Waehrer, 1998;Johnson & Muse, 2017;Lounsbury, Smith, Levy, Leong, & Gibson, 2009;Malgwi, Howe, & Burnaby, 2005;Musu-Gillette, Wigfield, Harring, & Eccles, 2015). Wiswall and Zafar (2015) asked about salary expectations for different majors. ...
Article
Changes in the mix of business majors could result from perception shifts or from changes in the factors students consider when choosing majors. Two student surveys, distributed six years apart at a large US business school, were analysed to understand student choices. First- and second-year students were asked about their perceptions of all the business majors available and what major they were most likely to pursue. Models could explain some major choices (e.g., management) better than others (e.g., marketing). Over time, students appeared to place less emphasis on employment prospects and more emphasis on how exciting classes were and how interesting careers will be. Results may explain some changes in the mix of majors, help attract more students to some majors, and improve communications about majors.
... Some of the reasons for fallout of women in sciences are, family decisions, economic issues, gender stereotypes, social differences, social expectations, male domination, lack of role models (Gupta, 2019;Wang and Degol 2017). The prevalence of the gender gap, especially in sciences, humanities, and engineering is well known (Dickson 2010). In several developed nations, there are a greater number of women enrolled for medicine (Smith, 2011;Mayorova et al., 2005). ...
Article
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Gender gap in Engineering streams is not new. More number of males are seen enrolling for these streams compared to females. In a developing country like India, the population is predominately young and this gap can make a large impact. Interestingly, a noticeable gender gap is also witnessed in students opting for medicine in India. The number of females opting to study medicine is higher compared to males. The large population also creates a surging demand for admissions into reputed institutes and these institutes are few in number, to make it an even ground for students to enter these institutes, National level examinations are conducted every year like the NEET and the AIEE. This present study looks at the statistical data from past five years of these National-level exams conducted for students interested to pursue medicine or engineering. These exams determine student’s admission into IIT’s and other reputed institutes. A significant and a constant gap was observed in gender. In a large democratic country, professional courses like engineering and medicine should not be exclusive for a single gender. Policies and further studies should be made to create these exams and courses gender inclusive
... La integración de las mujeres a equipos de trabajo en áreas STEM, responde a una necesidad de fomentar el trabajo en grupos, el cual ha demostrado que con una mayor diversidad se logra más calidad y mejora la productividad. De esta forma, la elección de carreras STEM apunta directamente a mejorar la integración y participación en la educación, ya que esta formación es vista como uno de los motores en las economías que han logrado un mayor avance en el mundo (Dickson, 2010;Joy, 2000;Turner y Bowen, 1999). (2012) En los últimos años, se ha visto un aumento en la cantidad de mujeres que finalizan carreras STEM, con relación a la década anterior (Seymour, 1995). ...
Article
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El presente artículo busca poner en valor los aportes de las Ciencias Humanas a la construcción interdisciplinar de conocimientos relacionados con problemáticas que exigen la aplicación urgente de nuevas estrategias de comprensión y acción como las siguientes: comportamientos sociales disfuncionales en las redes sociales, adicciones, trastornos de la alimentación, manipulación de la información en las redes y crisis de angustia existencial. Se argumenta que la inclusión o potenciación de la injerencia de las Humanidades en los estudios interdisciplinares orientados a prevenir la aparición o el agravamiento de dichas problemáticas y otras afines tiene como consecuencia mejores resultados. En primer lugar, se discute el significado de la interdisciplina y el papel de las Humanidades en ella. Luego, se presenta como ejemplo de inclusión de las Humanidades en los proyectos de intervención socio-cultural interdisciplinares un proyecto que se llevó a cabo en General Alvear (Mendoza, Argentina), cuya implementación se basó principalmente en una serie de talleres de reflexión en torno a diversos objetos culturales (publicidades, propagandas, humor gráfico, videos, etc.) dictados por investigadores de las diversas áreas del conocimiento. El trabajo se cierra con una conclusión.
... Así entonces, las manifestaciones de la juventud al elegir sus estudios reflejan su gusto o vocación, sin embargo, estas elecciones continúan reforzando los estereotipos de género (Rodríguez et al., 2016;Caldera, Reynoso, González & Zamora, 2018). Incluso permanecen con un peso mayor comparando el género contra otros factores por ejemplo como los aspectos raciales o étnicos (Dickson, 2010). De igual manera, conforme a las teorías de la elección de carrera (Ginzberg, 1951;Osipow, 1990;Sánchez & Valdés, 2003), las mujeres consideran en sus reflexiones acerca de sus intereses vocacionales el contexto social, cultural e histórico (Vondracek & Porfelli, 2008;Macías, Caldera & Salán, 2019) es decir, las situaciones que enmarcan su presente y pasado, así como sus perspectivas futuras, considerando en ellas sus recursos, oportunidades y aquellas interacciones que pueden vislumbrar. ...
Article
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The objective of this study was to analyse if male and female high school students present different motives for choosing academic careers. The study comprises a sample of 3,152 students, from Altos Sur Region of Jalisco, in Mexico, belonging to eight different schools. 58% of the sample were women and 42% men. The survey included questions concerning the interest in pursuing an academic career, and the reasons for that. University degree and the reasons that drive their choice were identified. The results indicate there are significant differences between man and women as regards the reasons for choosing a university degree. While women say that vocation was the most important motive leading them to higher education, men presented economic reasons and social recognition as the main justifications for that. It is concluded that gender stereotypes still influence the choice for a university career among high school students. Therefore, it is recommended to promote counseling and vocational guidance activities that integrate a gender perspective for overcoming the cultural beliefs that prevent women from having an academic career.
... Así entonces, las manifestaciones de la juventud al elegir sus estudios reflejan su gusto o vocación, sin embargo, estas elecciones continúan reforzando los estereotipos de género (Rodríguez et al., 2016;Caldera, Reynoso, González & Zamora, 2018). Incluso permanecen con un peso mayor comparando el género contra otros factores por ejemplo como los aspectos raciales o étnicos (Dickson, 2010). De igual manera, conforme a las teorías de la elección de carrera (Ginzberg, 1951;Osipow, 1990;Sánchez & Valdés, 2003), las mujeres consideran en sus reflexiones acerca de sus intereses vocacionales el contexto social, cultural e histórico (Vondracek & Porfelli, 2008;Macías, Caldera & Salán, 2019) es decir, las situaciones que enmarcan su presente y pasado, así como sus perspectivas futuras, considerando en ellas sus recursos, oportunidades y aquellas interacciones que pueden vislumbrar. ...
Article
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El objetivo del presente trabajo fue identificar si existen diferencias significativas en los motivos de elección de carrera universitaria entre hombres y mujeres estudiantes de bachillerato de la Región Altos Sur de Jalisco, México. La muestra se conformó por 3,152 estudiantes inscritos en 8 planteles educativos, de los cuales 58% fueron mujeres y 42% hombres, quienes contestaron un cuestionario ad hoc que permitió identificar su grado de interés por estudiar una carrera universitaria y los motivos que las y los impulsan a ello. Los resultados indican la presencia de diferencias significativas en los motivos de elección de la carrera universitaria, mientras ellas se decantan por la vocación en ellos influyen más los aspectos económicos y de reconocimiento social. Se concluye que los estereotipos de género aún influyen en la elección de la carrera universitaria entre el estudiantado de bachillerato por lo que se recomienda fomentar actividades de asesoría y orientación vocacional con perspectiva de género que permitan superar las creencias que limitan las decisiones de las y los jóvenes estudiantes. The objective of this study was to analyse if male and female high school students present different motives for choosing academic careers. The study comprises a sample of 3,152 students, from Altos Sur Region of Jalisco, in Mexico, belonging to eight different schools. 58% of the sample were women and 42% men. The survey included questions concerning the interest in pursuing an academic career, and the reasons for that. University degree and the reasons that drive their choice were identified. The results indicate there are significant differences between man and women as regards the reasons for choosing a university degree. While women say that vocation was the most important motive leading them to higher education, men presented economic reasons and social recognition as the main justifications for that. It is concluded that gender stereotypes still influence the choice for a university career among high school students. Therefore, it is recommended to promote counseling and vocational guidance activities that integrate a gender perspective for overcoming the cultural beliefs that prevent women from having an academic career.
... To date engineering remains one of the most sex-segregated professional occupations (Mann & DiPrete, 2013). Countless research and intervention projects have been developed to promote women's entry in to engineering, the rather consistent findings are that, first, lack of competence is an invalid argument for the low presence of women in STEM majors because evidence support that female and male students exhibit equal performance in sciences at the undergraduate level (Dickson, 2010;Glynn, Taasoobshirazi, & Brickman, 2007) and there is no innate gender difference in technical ability between women and men (Faulkner, 2000). Second, engineering is primarily a male dominated profession. ...
Article
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Women are severely underrepresented in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education and the related work force. One of the reasons for the low presence of women in engineering is a lack of connection between engineering-related values and women’s personal values and beliefs, in particular the difference in empathy value. This study examined how empathy may have contributed to the low enrollment of women in engineering majors. An online survey was used to collect data from undergraduate students in an urban university in the United States. Statistical procedures were carefully selected to analyze the survey data and answer the four research questions. The results indicate that 1) students with a stronger empathizing trait reported lower likelihood of majoring in engineering; and 2) the perceived empathy level of a given academic discipline was a significant factor in students’ major choice. The lower likelihood of majoring in engineering was associated with its low empathy level perceived by the students. The major findings of the study call for reformulation of the engineering education so that human-centered values can be emphasized as critical components to the existing curricula.
... Prior studies provide evidence that demographic variables such as age (Kinsler & Pavan, 2015), gender (Dickson, 2010), English is the second language (Kinsler & Pavan, 2015), and marital status (Yess, 1981) are often correlated with major choice. Following many prior studies (e.g., Beggs et al., 2008;Francisco et al., 2003;Pappu, 2004;Soria & Stebleton, 2013), we include the following control variables (see Table 1 for detailed definitions): ...
Article
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In this study, we identify factors associated with the choice to seek admission into a limited-enrollment undergraduate finance program. Using a sample of 796 students at a large university, we assess the impact of potential explanatory factors on the likelihood students will seek admission to a finance major. The data are gathered prior to the admissions decision. Thus, we avoid the selection/treatment endogeneity of most previous studies. In univariate and pairwise difference tests, we find positive correlation between a student's desire to study finance and their level of motivation, work ethic, quantitative strength, and pro-finance social support. In a multivariate specification which adds demographic control variables, the data show motivation, work ethic, age, gender, and marital status to be statistically significant determinants. Our findings suggest that the main attributes of students who seek to become finance majors follow a workhorse paradigm: motivated and hard working.
... A STEM képzések elférfiasodásáról és az ezekre a területekre jellemző magas lemorzsolódásról mind hazai, mind nemzetközi eredmények beszámoltak már (lásd pl. : Alter 2021a, 2021b, Pusztai és Szigeti 2021, Maltese és Tai 2011, Dickson 2010, Chen 2013, Paksi 2013. A jelentkezők szocio-demográfiai jellemzőiről és akadémiai felkészültségéről azonban keveset tudunk. ...
Article
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Bár a STEM (természettudományos, technológiai, mérnöki, matematikai képzésben részvevő) hallgatók lemorzsolódását, munkaerő-piaci kilátásait és a szakok elférfiasodását számos hazai és nemzetközi kutatás vizsgálta már, a STEM képzésekre felvételt nyert hallgatók szocio-demográfiai jellemzőivel és akadémiai felkészültségével kapcsolatban nemzetközi szinten is kevés szakirodalom áll rendelkezésre. Kutatásunk során az informatikai, műszaki és természettudományos szakok hallgatóit hasonlítottuk össze a nem-STEM szakos hallgatókkal az állandó lakhely településtípusa, a középiskolai osztályuk típusa, a hátrányos helyzetűek aránya, valamint a tanulmányi teljesítményért kapott többletpontok és felvételi összpontszám tekintetében. A STEM szakra való bekerülést magyarázó változókat bináris logisztikus regresszióval vizsgáltuk. Kutatásunk során 2017-es felvételi adatbázisból dolgoztunk, s kizárólag a nappali tagozatos munkarendű alap- és osztatlan képzésre bekerült hallgatók adatait elemeztük (N = 41324 fő). Eredményeink szerint a STEM hallgatók sem a szocio-demográfiai háttér, sem az akadémiai felkészültség tekintetében nem tekinthetők egyértelműen hátrányos helyzetű csoportnak a nem-STEM szakra felvettekhez képest. A létrehozott regressziós modell alapján elmondható, hogy a STEM képzésre való bejutás legjelentősebb prediktorai a nem (férfi), valamint a nyelvvizsgával és OKJ végzettséggel való rendelkezés. Kutatásunk fő kérdései arra vonatkoztak, hogy indokolhatja-e a STEM hallgatók alacsony státusa és hiányos akadémiai felkészültsége az ezeken a területeken megfigyelt kimagasló lemorzsolódási arányokat. Eredményeink alapján azonban ez nem jelenthető ki, így feltételezhetjük, hogy elsősorban intézményi tényezők (hűvös intézményi klíma, szelektív oktatói szemlélet, magas elvárások) állhatnak a lemorzsolódás mögött.
... The main goal of STEM education is to encourage students to take an interest in STEM subjects at an early age to prepare them for the job market, and in turn, benefit the greater economy (Batdi, Talan, & Semerci, 2019;Gonzalez & Kuenzi, 2012;Marick Group, 2016;Rodger, 2010). Some studies that have focused on STEM education investigated the role of gender on students' choices of STEM careers and the interest of female students in these careers (Aswad et al., 2011;Beede et al., 2011;Christensen et al., 2014;Dickson, 2010;Forgasz et al., 2014;Gnilka & Novakovic, 2017;Hebebci, Rainey et al., 2018;Riegle-Crumb & King, 2010;Vu et al., 2019). ...
Conference Paper
This study investigated middle school students' interests and perceptions of the importance of developing their knowledge and skills in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In addition, the study also investigated the effect of gender on students' interests and perceptions. One hundred fifty-four students participated in the study. Data were collected using a survey consisting of 48 questions divided into four major categories: demographics, students' knowledge about the job market in relation to STEM, students' interest in STEM subjects, and students' perceptions of the importance of a solid knowledge of STEM on their future careers. The results indicated that all students believed that having good scientific knowledge and skills are important to get a decent job in today's market. In addition, the results of the study showed that gender was not a significant factor on students' interests in STEM; female students were more interested in learning Chemistry and Biology, while male students were more interested in learning Mathematics.
... Based on some early life studies which find gender gap in Mathematics scores favoring boys 10 , this difference is often cited as the explanation for the observed gender divide in stream choice. This claim has been falsified in multiple studies in the context of developed countries (Dickson 2010;Riegle-Crumb and King 2010;Riegle-Crumb et al. 2012;Rapoport and Thibout 2018;Friedman-Sokuler and Justman 2016;Justman and Méndez 2018). We test this in the context of a developing country using a student's class X score as a proxy for her ability. ...
... La integración de las mujeres a equipos de trabajo en áreas STEM, responde a una necesidad de fomentar el trabajo en grupos, el cual ha demostrado que con una mayor diversidad se logra más calidad y mejora la productividad. De esta forma, la elección de carreras STEM apunta directamente a mejorar la integración y participación en la educación, ya que esta formación es vista como uno de los motores en las economías que han logrado un mayor avance en el mundo (Dickson, 2010;Joy, 2000;Turner y Bowen, 1999). ...
Article
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En este trabajo se describen los principales resultados de analizar los juguetes con potencialidad de desarrollar habilidades STEM, presente en revistas publicadas previamente a la celebración de las fiestas navideñas en el 2019. Para ello, se realizó un análisis exhaustivo de seis revistas publicitarias de grandes tiendas españolas, identificando un total de 4209 juguetes, de los cuales sólo 160 cumplen con alguno de los criterios para ser considerado un juguete que promueve la Educación STEM. El estudio ha seguido una metodología cualitativa, de nivel descriptivo, por medio de un análisis de contenido, para identificar los Juguetes STEM, su área predominante, las características de los juguetes, su influencia en el género, y el fomento educación STEM. Dentro de los principales hallazgos se destaca la promoción deficiente de juguetes que fomenten la educación STEM, diversos elementos que promueven estereotipos de género entre el público receptor del mensaje, marcando diferencias entre niños/as. Finalmente encontramos las disciplinas de ingeniería y ciencias como las más trabajadas en el logro de los objetivos formulados por los juguetes seleccionados.
... There was no significant gender difference in the level of interest in a career in chemistry. This supports previous research, which suggests that men and women are equally likely to be interested in chemistry and that other mechanisms are responsible for the male dominance seen in undergraduate chemistry programmes (Ayalon, 2003;Dickson, 2010;Hango, 2013;Lips, 1992). ...
Article
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Gender issues, and specifically the lack of women in the physical sciences, has been a subject of intense debate for decades. The problem is so acute, that national initiatives have been developed to analyse and address the issues, with some success in STEM, particularly in higher education and also in industry. However, despite this progress, there is little understanding as to why women are less likely to study the chemical sciences in particular. In this research, a survey and interviews were used to find out why female A-level chemistry students choose, or do not choose, to study chemistry at higher education level. Two distinct phases were identified. Firstly, intelligence gathering to understand the location, content, entry requirements, and career options for potential course and institution combinations. Secondly, self-reflection to establish whether, knowing themselves, students feel as though they would be successful on a particular course at a particular institution. These findings align with research into gender imbalance in STEM and Higher Education more broadly, but go beyond this to broaden current debates with a focus on chemistry in particular.
Article
In this article, we compare how racial inequalities are shaped by school-to-work transitions among bachelor’s degree (BA) holders in Brazil and the United States. Our findings reveal how distinct paths linking higher education and the job market can drive similar patterns of Black–White earnings gaps. While the distribution across fields of study matters more for racial earnings inequality in Brazil, differential returns to the same field and occupations are a stronger determinant in the United States. We also find that linked closure, that is, the exclusion of Black BA holders from occupations with high levels of linkage to the labor market, is the predominant mechanism in the United States, while a mix between linked closure and what we term unlinked closure, that is, the exclusion of Black BA holders from occupations that have weak linkages to fields of study, is more important in Brazil. By identifying variations in mechanisms leading to racial inequality, this article contributes to debates in comparative race relations and stratification.
Article
We investigate whether white women, black women, and black men earn less than white men because of 1) lower educational attainment and/or 2) lower wage returns to the same levels and academic fields of attainment. Using the 1979–2012 waves of the American National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79), we examine how educational attainment and academic fields of study impact pay. Regression decompositions show that differences in attainment and in academic fields explain 13 to 23 percent of the racial pay gaps, but none of the gender pay gaps. Random effects models test for race and gender differences in the wage returns to education. Men of both races receive higher wage returns relative to women, while black women receive lower returns relative to all groups for master's degrees. Our intersectional approach reveals that equalizing educational attainment would reduce racial pay gaps, whereas equalizing wage returns to education would reduce gender pay disparities. Moreover, black women's earnings are multiply disadvantaged, both by their lower attainment relative to white women, and their lower returns to education relative to all groups studied.
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