Article

'Willing Buyer, Willing Seller': South Africa's failed experiment in marketled agrarian reform

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Abstract

Since its transition to democracy, South Africa has implemented a multifaceted programme of land reform to address problems of historical dispossession and rural poverty, relying heavily on the concept of 'willing buyer, willing seller'. This version of market-led agrarian reform has been influenced by the World Bank but enjoys support from landowners and elements within the ruling African National Congress committed to maintaining the structure of large-scale, capital-intensive farming. Central to the South African approach is the voluntary acquisition of land, but also important have been the methods of beneficiary selection, of farm planning and of post-settlement support, all of which have been influenced by the market-led approach and serve to discriminate against the very poor. The rate of land transfer remains far below official targets and the limited available evidence suggests that, where land has been transferred, it has made little positive impact on livelihoods or on the wider rural economy. Key to understanding the slow pace of reform is the lack of mobilisation and militancy among the rural poor and landless, who to date have had minimal influence over the design and implementation of the land reform programme.

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... Through the 1913 Act, African land ownership was limited to 7 %, but was increased to 13% through the Native Trust and Land Act of South Africa of 1936 (South African Government 2022). At the end of apartheid in 1994, approximately 82 million hectares of commercial farmland were in the hands of white people (10.9% of the population) (Lahiff, 2007). More than 13 million people remained crowded in the former homelands, where tenure was insecure or contested and poverty was extreme (Lahiff, 2007). ...
... At the end of apartheid in 1994, approximately 82 million hectares of commercial farmland were in the hands of white people (10.9% of the population) (Lahiff, 2007). More than 13 million people remained crowded in the former homelands, where tenure was insecure or contested and poverty was extreme (Lahiff, 2007). Thus, in 1994 the anc government inherited a racially skewed land regime. ...
... Government will assist in the purchase of land but will in general not be the buyer or owner. (Lahiff, 2007) Early in its independence South Africa dropped the radicalisation of the land reform programme that had dominated its stance towards land during the fight against apartheid. One of the reasons for this departure was the incompatibility of radical land reform with a market-led economy, which regards property rights as sacrosanct. ...
Article
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The land question is an emotive issue across the world. At independence, erstwhile colonies adopted land reforms to address colonial imbalances in landholding. South Africa is one such country that has embarked on land reforms with the view to correcting economic imbalances created by the apartheid past. However, land reform in South Africa has not only been slow but has failed to deal with the twin challenges of poverty and inequality. Using qualitative research design and neoclassical theory, this paper investigates South Africa’s land reforms under the auspices of radical economic transformation. The paper argues that the wholesale expropriation of land without compensation does not fit into the obtaining (neoliberal) economic blueprint that has dominated the country over the years. The call for a radical transformation of landholding rights in the country without structural changes in macroeconomic management remains political rhetoric.
... The land reform programme is indeed way behind schedule. In 1994, the majority of farmlands in the country were controlled by the white minority; as such, the government set a target for the land reform program to transfer thirty per cent (30%) of white-owned agricultural land within five years (ANC, 1994& Lahiff, 2007. Unfortunately, the target was not met. ...
... We have only succeeded in redistributing four per cent (4%) of agricultural land since 1994, while more than eighty (80%) of agricultural land remains in the hands of fewer than fifty thousand (50 000 Adopted from countries such as Brazil and the Philippines, the pro-market land reform approach, also known as the willing buyer-willing seller concept or principle, is probably one of the most significant contributing reasons for the slow-paced land reform in South Africa (Lahiff, 2007). The willing buyer-willing seller approach that defined the redistribution model in South Africa was based on the World Bank's recommendation for a market-led reform. ...
... The programme is significantly behind schedule. The government set a target 1994 for the land reform program to transfer thirty per cent (30%) of white-owned agricultural land within five years (ANC, 1994& Lahiff, 2007. The target was not met. ...
Conference Paper
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The land question is pertinent in South Africa, dating from as early as 1652. Land issues revolve around race and space. Consequently, they manifest in socioeconomic and spatial inequality, exclusion, and spatial fragmentation twenty (20) years after independence. Therefore, it is a constant reminder of the need for reconciliation and socioeconomic and spatial redistribution in South Africa. Due to past legalisations such as the Natives Land Act No. 27 of 1913, which prohibited all natives from owning or renting any land in proclaimed white areas, the current land distribution is such that it prohibits or steepens the socio-economic growth of the previously, currently and probably future marginalised. Thus, there seems to be a repetition without difference as far as wealth and poverty are concerned. However, since the demise of apartheid and the transition to a democratic South Africa, land reform has been at the forefront of addressing past historical injustices partnering to land. Unfortunately, due to challenges such as the willing buyer-willing seller concept, the programme's progress has slowed. Amplifying the slow pace is the fact that the land reform programme in South Africa lacks a formal criterion tool that identifies strategically located land. Therefore, this study proposes an improved approach to agrarian land reform in South Africa. Furthermore, a criterion tool will be proposed to identify strategically located land for agrarian purposes in South Africa. As a result, the study will provide an improved land reform trajectory that will address the current slow-paced progress and the socioeconomic well-being of the country.
... Na África do Sul após 1994, na redemocratização do país, a RAM foi aplicada para tentar reparar injustiças históricas com negros e pobres, por meio da divisão de terras. Lahiff (2007) Este modelo de reforma agrária é visto por Akram-Lodhi (2007) como inadequado ao pequeno produtor, pois pressupõe uma troca justa e acordada entre comprador e vendedor, o que não ocorre, pois, um elo mais fraco da cadeia (pequenos produtores) pode não ter informações suficientes e assim concretizar uma negociação desvantajosa. Fortin (2005) reforça esta teoria ao analisar o processo em vários países africanos, pois não se pode deduzir que os indivíduos irão negociar no mercado com igualdade de informações. ...
... Deinlinger, Binswanger (1999); Deininger (1999); Gauster, Ryan (2007); Lahiff (2007). Acesso à educação, saúde, energia elétrica e água tratada. ...
... Além disso, não havia autonomia entre vendedores e compradores, com forte participação do estado nas negociações, que estipulava o preço dos imóveis. Estes motivos teriam levado ao fracasso do modelo na África do Sul(LAHIFF, 2007).Kepe (2009), analisou o relatório elaborado pelo BM em 2008 sobre a reforma agrária na África Subsaariana, com maior enfoque para a África do Sul e julgou o relatório um pouco otimista demais, desconsiderando vários fatores da realidade agrícola do país. ParaKepe (2009), o governo deveria envidar esforços em uma reforma agrária voltada para a correção de injustiças do apartheid, e isso não seria possível através da RAM. ...
... In fostering conditions to enable access to land, the government does not participate in the purchase of land for redistribution but rather adheres to the principles guiding the approach of willing buyer, willing seller, by providing the resources to finance market-led redistribution transactions, whilst not become a landowner (Lahiff, 2007). ...
... Implementation of LEWC will make it impossible to retrieve these loans (Ngubane, 2018). Lahiff (2007) argues that the willing buyer, willing seller approach has failed to meet the desired results anticipated by the government, as the government had hoped that farmers (predominately white) would be willing to sell their farms to emerging black farmers and government was willing to provide the funds. However, the process has not contributed significantly to land redistribution in the country. ...
... Post the 1994 democratic elections, the South African government has implemented intervention programmes aimed at addressing the inequalities and imbalances of the past through a number of land reform policies and programmes. This included the willing buyer, willing seller which many scholars and political analysts have argued failed dismally in fast-tracking radical land reform in a country with a history of apartheid (Lahiff, 2007). ...
Chapter
Increasing calls to amend Section 25 of the South African Constitution which promotes that land may be expropriated without compensation has drawn global attention. The driving factor behind the increasing rhetoric of land expropriation without compensation is the assumption that the majority of black South Africans are living below the poverty line, mainly because they do not have access to land. This chapter seeks to understand if the expropriation of land without compensation will lead to poverty alleviation within the black community or rather it will have an adverse effect by worsening of poverty and economic conditions of black South Africans. The findings of the study reveal that although implementing the strategy may give the poor access to land, in the long run‚ it will have a detrimental effect on economic growth‚ addtionally‚ commercial farmers are heavily indebted to commercial banks, owing them billions‚ hence expropriating land with compensation will significantly effect the balance sheet of commercial banks and the economy at large. The failure of Venezuela and Zimbabwe to alleviate poverty through land expropriation raises questions regarding the success rate for such a policy and its suitability to South Africa‚ especially considering the country’s current economic direction.
... Agrarian reform process in South Africa is based on a tri-component market-led approach consisting of land tenure reform, land restitution and land redistribution, a process which has been extensively reviewed (e.g., [27,[34][35][36][37]). Initial efforts in 1994-1999, based on the Settlement and Land Acquisition Grant (SLAG) model, focused primarily on the redistribution of private farms to enable historically disadvantaged poor people to secure access to land for their own production needs. ...
... However, since 2000, the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD), and subsequent Proactive Land Acquisition Strategy (PLAS) models of reform placed much greater emphasis on production, which shifted the redistribution of farmland towards better-off black entrepreneurs [18,36], effectively shifting policy away from the broad-based 'accumulation from below' approach aimed for under SLAG. LRAD offered larger grants and finance schemes to black entrepreneurs to purchase land, in the process distributing land to fewer beneficiaries on a freehold basis. ...
... Farmers who received land on a small group basis (four farmers in this case) eventually separated from one another leaving only a single family or smaller number of individuals on the farm, primarily due to challenges associated with production, benefit sharing, leadership conflicts and poor post-resettlement government support. Challenges with group dynamics have been extensively reported in previous studies of agrarian reform beneficiaries [27,36,72,73]. Within this group of subsistence farmers, two broad sub-groups were also apparent reflecting varying degrees of engagement with the private farmland that they had acquired and associated levels of petty-commodity production. ...
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In the context of current agrarian reform efforts in South Africa, this paper analyses the livelihood trajectories of ‘emergent’ farmers in Eastern Cape Province. We apply a rural livelihoods framework to 60 emergent cattle farmers to understand the different capitals they have drawn upon in transitioning to their current class positions and associated vulnerability. The analysis shows that, for the majority of farmers, no real ‘transition’ from subsistence farming has occurred. However, they draw limited resilience from increased livestock holdings, continued reliance on social grants and connections with communal villages. A transition into small-scale commercial farming is apparent for a small number of farmers through the deployment of financial, human and social capitals. However, in following these trajectories, most of these farmers have been made more vulnerable to shocks and stresses than previously. We suggest that key to mitigating this vulnerability will be access to low-risk financial capital, more targeted support, and strategies to support farmers that might not transition from subsistence production.
... The efforts to redistribute the land saw South Africa managing to distribute less than 7% (Sura, 2015: 36) of its targeted 30% of the total arable land that was in the hands of the white minority, initially in the first 5 years (1994-1999) (Lahiff, 2007(Lahiff, :1581, which was later revised to 2014 (Sura, 2015:36;Nyanto 2006;Lahiff, 2007Lahiff, :1581. Namibia managed to resettle 34,000 landless people leaving approximately 200,000 still without gaining access to land, and this translates to approximately 7.4% of commercial farmland of the land which had initially been targeted for redistribution (de Villiers, 2003:38). ...
... The efforts to redistribute the land saw South Africa managing to distribute less than 7% (Sura, 2015: 36) of its targeted 30% of the total arable land that was in the hands of the white minority, initially in the first 5 years (1994-1999) (Lahiff, 2007(Lahiff, :1581, which was later revised to 2014 (Sura, 2015:36;Nyanto 2006;Lahiff, 2007Lahiff, :1581. Namibia managed to resettle 34,000 landless people leaving approximately 200,000 still without gaining access to land, and this translates to approximately 7.4% of commercial farmland of the land which had initially been targeted for redistribution (de Villiers, 2003:38). ...
Thesis
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This study examined strategies of redressing colonial land imbalances in Southern Africa, paying particular attention to lessons from Zimbabwe’s “Fast Track Land Reform Programme” (FTLRP). The objectives of this study were: to identify critical areas of concern in the Zimbabwe’s land reform as a strategy for redressing colonial imbalances; to evaluate whether land reform is a panacea for poverty reduction in Zimbabwe; to assess the level of empowerment on resettled farmers brought by the land reform programme in Zimbabwe and to analyse lessons learnt from the FTLRP. The study was anchored on the self-determination, dependency, poverty alleviation and empowerment theoretical approaches as explained and explored by scholars such as Legault (2017), Ferraro (1996) and Kabeer (1999). Literature from various leading scholars such as Moyo (2005), Mashizha and Mapuva (2018) and Moyana (2002) was analysed in relation to the land question and colonial land imbalances. The study also made relevant references to some major Legislative Acts, policies related to land such as the Lancaster House Constitution, Communal Land Settlement Act (1982), the Land Acquisition Act 1985 and 1992, National Land Policy (1990), Constitutional Amendments No. 30 of 1990, No. 17 Act, 2005 and, No. 20 Act, 2013, Agricultural Land Settlement Act (Chapter 20:01) of 2004, the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act (2007) (Chapter 14:33), amongst others. In order to come up with a comprehensive examination of the subject matter, data was gathered from eight of Zimbabwe’s ten provinces and two districts from each of the identified provinces which were purposively chosen. Issues related to redressing colonial land imbalances through the FTLRP were thoroughly examined using predominantly qualitative research approach where key informant interviews, direct observation, documentary analysis and focus group discussions were used as the data generation techniques. Participants were selected using purposive and snowball sampling methods and these were drawn from beneficiaries of the FTLRP, officials from the Ministry of Agriculture, relevant local regional embassy officials, the academia, traditional leaders, Government officials, District Administrator’s office, War veterans, Civic organizations, local dominant political parties and policy formulators. The collected data was then analysed through content and thematic analyses. The study findings showed that several policies and strategies were coined by the GOZ in an attempt to redress colonial imbalances, however such efforts could not achieve the desired positive impact in a significant way. As a result, land reform, as a tool for redressing colonial imbalances in Zimbabwe and also in Southern Africa in general, remains an incomplete, yet important issue. Through accessing land, the majority of the beneficiaries from Zimbabwe’s FTLRP managed to escape poverty at household level and became better positioned in society as they gained the ability to be self-sufficient and better their lives through working on the land and/ utilisation of various opportunities brought about by having access to the land capital. Therefore, a number of lessons were drawn from Zimbabwe’s FTLRP. The land reform initiative resulted in a number of negative implications such as sanctions, decline in productivity, inequalities in the access to land, multiple farm ownership and a lack of agriculture financing. Nevertheless, there were also several positives that came with the FTLRP such as poverty reduction and economic empowerment. The negatives can be addressed by implementation of recommendations from the land audit, having a robust continuous land reform monitoring and evaluation mechanism in place.
... Under the riparian system, water rights were given per the ownership of land under the discriminatory land Act of 1913. Unfortunately, most of the land was in the hands of the white minority and about 13% of the land was reserved only for 70% of the majority poverty black population who were situated in segregated geographical areas (Lahiff, 2007). The arrival of democracy in 1994 led to the development of a new Constitution (Act 108 of 1996) and a huge law-reform process including thorough changes to the law governing the management of water resources (Kapfudzaruwa and Sowman, 2009). ...
... The transition to democracy in South Africa left the ownership of land and water rights in the hands of a great number of powerful and wealthy individuals of the white minority population (Lahiff, 2007;DWS, 2018). Integration among institutions has been affected by the historical overlaps of the roles and responsibilities of the institutions governing the former homelands and the central government of South Africa. ...
Article
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Water insecurity is one of the factors affecting agricultural production, espe-cially in the smallholder farming sector in South Africa. The review focusedon factors that influence water security in smallholder farming systems inSouth Africa and also proposed possible solutions to improve the watersecurity status for smallholder farmers. A search of published articles wasconducted on Scopus and Google Scholar databases using the keywords‘water access’, ‘water security’, ‘water scarcity’, ‘smallholder farmers’, ‘small-holder agriculture’ and ‘South Africa’. The study identified various factorsthat contribute to water insecurity for smallholder farmers, including lackof adequate infrastructure, the poor performance of water infrastructure,lack of farmer involvement in water-related management activities and landtenure insecurity. Smallholder farmers also failed to acquire water-use li-cences. During drought periods, they were unable to adopt strategies forimproving water security. Recommendations include addressing issues re-lated to infrastructure availability, water allocation and distribution, and thecapability to operate, manage and maintain the infrastructure. The study also recommends that policy and decision-makers be acknowledged andaddress the impacts of droughts on water resource availability.
... However, national policies inspired by global models can fail to lead to the achievement of the intended outcomes. It happens not only because of the faults in the implementation process but also because of faults in the policies themselves (Borras, 2003;Homedes & Ugalde, 2005;Lahiff, 2007). Largely, faults in policies can be attributed to a "means-ends problem" which implies "an inadequate statement of the ends or desired improvements" (Hammergren, 1998, p.15; see also Butler, 2003;Gauster & Isakson, 2007;). ...
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This study, taking Ukrainian universities as an example, aims, first, to contribute to the body of knowledge on the effects of QS Rankings and national policies inspired by it on universities’ research assessment policies and their research output in Scopus. Second, to explore the relationship between different publication and authorship patterns and the citation impact. Dataset includes publications of six Ukrainian universities assessed by QS Rankings 2025. The study findings highlight that QS Rankings has turned the means of universities into their ends. University performance is supposed to result in the quality of life, technological progress, economic and social well-being of the nation. Publications are just one of the means of achieving these ends. At the national level, the state sustains means-ends decoupling overloading universities with multiple demands without providing beneficial conditions. Universities’ managers also sustain means-ends decoupling, the degree of which varies among universities. Explored universities published extensively in Ukrainian Scopus-indexed, discontinued from Scopus and MDPI journals to increase output in Scopus rapidly. Conference papers constitute a large share of publications. They have a high impact only if the citations are normalised by document type but QS Rankings doesn’t do this. Thus, their impact is small. The citation impact of the articles falls from Q1 to Q4 quartile, while the share of articles authored by only national authors increases. Ukrainian case shows that means-ends decoupling at global, national and organisational levels results in diversion of critical resources, both financial and human.
... Unlike the more radical reforms of the 20 th century, the WBWS approach offers a seemingly easy 'fix' in the context of hostility by politically influential landlords, and is thoroughly wedded to neoliberalism. In South Africa, which piloted the approach it was found to have resulted in very limited transfers of property, with most land being poor quality (Lahiff, 2013). In Colombia, few larger landholders sold land through the reforms and redistribution was negligible, causing the World Bank to abandon the approach (Pereira, 2021). ...
Technical Report
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A working paper on land reform in Scotland published originally in Land Matters https://andywightman.scot/
... Deininger e Binswanger (1999); Deininger (1999); Gauster e Ryan (2007); Lahiff (2007). ...
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Resumo A luta dos trabalhadores rurais pelo acesso à terra é antiga, mas a partir da década de 1990 este tema ganhou maior evidência no Brasil. Entre as soluções apresentadas pelos governos de alguns países, inclusive do Brasil, estava a chamada Reforma Agrária Assistida de Mercado (RAAM), apoiada pelo Banco Mundial, que consistia em aquisição de lotes mediante financiamento subsidiado, em que o novo agricultor pagaria em prestações pela terra adquirida. Este trabalho busca identificar o estado da arte, na academia, sobre a implantação dessa política em diversos países. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de uma revisão sistemática de literatura, utilizando o Methodi Ordinatio. Os resultados apontam que a implantação do programa foi acompanhada de inúmeros problemas, tais como a forma de atuação dos agentes envolvidos, disputas com movimentos sociais, inadimplência nos contratos, entre outros, com resultados diversos nos diferentes países onde foi efetivado, além de não reparar as injustiças históricas na distribuição das terras.
... In other BEE partnership models, the farmer retains 100% ownership of the land but creates a trust/equity scheme that operates the farm; in that equity scheme, HDIs become 50% partner and the scheme can then acquire new water. Yet another BEE partnership model found in the area involves land distribution; white farmers sell their land to the Department of Land and Rural Development, which buys it under a 'willing seller, willing buyer' model (Lahiff, 2007). This land is then allocated to a pre-identified group of workers, often those working on the same farm but on a different piece of land. ...
Article
In the Republic of South Africa (RSA), reforms to existing and new water allocations have been aimed mainly at redressing the racial injustice of the past. Such reforms, however, have failed to materialise in the citrus-producing region of the Western Cape. This paper argues that the emergence of a strong Global Production Network (GPN) of citrus export at the time of rolling out of the water reforms has contributed, and continues to do so, to the failure of these reforms. The high quality and quantity requirements imposed by the GPN, we argue, necessitated the use of precision fertigation, which acted as an entry barrier to Western Cape citrus products. With access to specialised precision fertigation networks, the landed (white) commercial farmers were able to forge long-lasting relationships of trust and quality with the retailers of the citrus GPN and thus gain and maintain privileged access to it. Their strong position in the citrus GPN enabled three strategies of new water access to emerge, that are exclusively available to the established (white) commercial farmers, namely: (1) using water illicitly; (2) attaining a controlling stake in Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) partnerships; and (3) through access to the network of water consultants. New water access consolidates existing positions of growers in the GPN, making the position in the GPN and water expansion a mutually reinforcing phenomena. High GPN entry barriers have advantaged established commercial farmers and effectively impeded the intended introduction of more equitable water reforms in the region.
... Some of the fundamental causes of the failure of these programmes were the lack of a "willing seller" and a "willing buyer". Most whites were not willing to sell the land to willing buyers, and those who were willing to sell did so at a high price to make it expensive for some buyers (Lahiff, 2007;Dlamini, 2014). Land protests and riots became a common feature of postapartheid South African politics, posing an important source of tension in the country between settlers and black natives (Akinola, 2020). ...
... Such 'distribution from above', 2 however, either disregarded or inadequately addressed these problems (Lund, 2000;Mackenzie, 1993;Peters, 2009;Shipton, 1988) with new land conflicts emerging between first settler 3 claimants and the state-settled groups in states like Kenya. These realities became increasingly apparent at the introduction of multiparty politics in the 1990s, as SoS linked conflicts proliferated in certain African elections, e.g., Kenya, Rwanda and Cote d'Ivoire (Lahiff, 2007;N. H. Thomas, 2003;Thwala, 2006;Kanyinga, 2009;Dunn, 2009;Straus, 2011;Klaus & Mitchell, 2015;Klaus, 2020). ...
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... The literature has attributed the failure to achieve progressive land redistribution to the ineffectiveness of government legislation and policies such as the 'willing buyer-willing seller' policy for land reform (Olubode-Awosola, 2010), which entails limiting land redistribution to voluntary market exchange (Lahiff, 2007). This is regarded as unfavourable to the poor black population who have no resources to acquire land (Chikozho et al., 2020), thereby making fair land redistribution unrealistic. ...
Chapter
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... While there is a need to redress apartheid injustices, including land redistribution and reform, this is expected through the willing consent of the minority population that benefited from the apartheid loot. Essentially, the system adopted a willing-buyer willing-seller approach which does not advantage the majority of the impoverished population (Lahiff, 2007). Several scholars (Pienaar, 2009;Bond, 2014;Modise & Mtshiselwa, 2013) have identified that city governance ignores very critical aspects of historic dispossession that impact on neighbourhoods and cities (Bond, 2014: 236). ...
Article
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Urban development in South Africa has generally sustained and reproduced spatially unequal and exclusionary trends and outcomes particularly for the majority of the poor non-White populace. This article re-examines the urban redevelopment processes and ecosystems of South Africa to identify why this might be the case. Atuahene's 'dignity' concept and framework is adopted for this inquiry. Her framework posits the combination of systematic property deprivation, dehumanisation and infantilisation of poor non-White South Africans as evidence to theorise that the urban land situation in post-apartheid South Africa constitutes 'dignity takings' (DT) and demands a 'dignity restoration' (DR) response. This article explores the applicability and usefulness of this DT/DR framework in advancing more spatially just and inclusive frameworks and futures for South Africa. It does this by applying the framework to the dynamics of urban socio-spatial change in post-apartheid South Africa, with a focus on the phenomenon of gentrification and its exclusionary effects in four urban case vignettes. The lived experiences of these cases are used to demonstrate that there are both material and non-material aspects to unjust urban development, and that both types of deprivation require attention. The article proposes that gentrification can be viewed as 'dignity takings', as it strips residents of their sense of place, ownership, and access to a better quality of life. It is thus argued that policymakers could consider the DR/DT framework as an urban development lens through which to understand the unsuccessful attempts to merely accept, resettle, or compensate displaced residents, proposing DR as a means to fully redress - rather than reproduce - the injustices of the past. The DR/DT framework could contribute towards achieving South Africa's Integrated Urban Development Framework's transformation goal of having development policies and approaches that move towards systematic DR that includes spatial justice, sustainability, efficiency, resilience, and good administration.
... In some cases the situation was so dire that many were quoting the former Director General of the Land Affairs Department when describing redistributed land as: "assets dying in the hands of the poor" (Sisonke District Municipality Land Reform Programme Presentation to the Minister of Land Affairs, September 2012). To this extent, various studies have shown that beneficiaries experienced severe problems accessing services such as credit, training, extension advice, transport and ploughing services, veterinary services, and access to input and produce markets (Matlala 2014;Lahiff 2007;Bradstock 2005;Hall 2004b;HSRC 2003). Of late, attention also focused on the lack of support to institutions such as CPAs (Communal Property Associations) and trusts charged with managing the affairs of group inspired agricultural projects. ...
... Kenyon, pers. communication, October 2017), albeit with varying degrees of success (Lahiff, 2007(Lahiff, , 2011. The redistribution of land has given way to a programme that "extended market participation (to acquire the land) to expectations of commercial production (to use the land) in ways that militate against secured land access for the poor" (Hall and Kepe (2017, p. 129). ...
Article
Drawing on longitudinal research engagement with villages and government projects in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, we argue the case for a strong revamp of government policies on rural development. Thereby we suggest that the legitimacy of ascribing to policy a notion of “post-apartheid” is largely redundant as current development policies in rural South Africa have not changed sufficiently. Notably the underlying rationale behind government interventions and associated governance mechanisms remains highly technocratic. This represents a strong continuity in the role of the state and its quest to restructure and modernise the rural economy. We question the efficacy of such a technocratic approach when it seems so disconnected from the socio-economically fluid and spatially heterogeneous spaces created by rural populations who, in the process of defining and pursuing their livelihood goals in relation to particular identities, and ideals around notions of modernity, produce livelihood constructions and identities that are seldom confined to the village or the agricultural sector alone.
... In the South African context, this transaction takes the form of negotiations between landowners who wish to sell their land and government officials acting on behalf of the intended beneficiaries of the land (Dlamini 2007, 9). Edward Lahiff (2007) has demonstrated that the willing buyer-willing seller policy that was adopted at the end of Apartheid was not nearly as successful in redressing the underprivileged position of the peasantry in South Africa. He posits that the country's market-led agrarian reform was influenced by the World Bank and enjoyed the support of landowners and elements within the ruling ANC committed to maintaining the structure of largescale, capital-intensive farming. ...
Chapter
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... For our purpose in this discussion, we will focus on two fundamental ones. First, prior to the 2019 election, the ANC had faced a number of criticisms (from within its ranks, from political foes and from ordinary citizens) on its failure to redistribute land since 1994 (Lahiff, 2017). This "failure" to act on land redistribution was interpreted in some circles as amounting to a betrayal of the promise of liberation. ...
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South Africa’s 2019 elections, like others before, will be remembered for the historical significancearound the ANC ruling party’s sharp decline in polls, the surging and re-emergence of theideologically extreme parties, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the Freedom Front Plus(VF+). This election, for the first time since the rebranding of the main opposition, the DemocraticAlliance, saw that party losing its momentum, culminating in the eventual resignation of the party’sfirst black leader, Mmusi Maimane. This study examines how the three dominant parties in SouthAfrica contest with each other in the race to attract potential voters through poster advertising andcampaigns. Going into the 2019 election, the three dominant political parties were – the AfricanNational Congress (ANC), the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF).Specifically, the paper examines messages on the posters, the parties’ manifestos and speechesat different rallies before the elections. Drawing on our analysis, we make a claim in this paperthat the 2019 election in South Africa for the ANC, DA and EFF was largely about “unresolvedquestions”.
... 45 In their legal form, these treaties implied that, unlike many traditional interstate agreements, their normative force rested less on the mutual performance of duties, but more on the universally acknowledged moral principles, or upon each state's declaration of commitment before the international community. 46 Whatever the differences between the aforementioned views, theoretical viewpoints drawn from both traditional or colonial and post-colonial schools of thought share a state-centric conceptualisation of the international human rights regime. 47 The dynamics of this view revolve around the ever-present struggle for political hegemony among self-proclaimed political communities acting on wellreceived Machiavellian ideology and principles. ...
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The current global human rights order, eminently propagated in international legal instruments and statements, is to a great extent state-centric in character, bestowing obligations on states, whilst largely ignoring the conduct of non-state actors in the form of transnational corporations (TNCs) and trade governance institutions whose record of human rights adherence is scarcely convincing. This inability to aptly govern the conduct of transnational entities, even when it is evident that their power now eclipses that of states, raises the concern that the extant human rights regime is a neoliberal construct advancing market fundamentalism and widening the economic disparities between developed and developing countries. This article unsettles the doctrinal foundations underlying state centrism in international human rights law, arguing that such a version of human rights is exposing developing countries to neoliberal oligarchs, and market deficiencies, which if not reformed, may entrench underdevelopment. It calls for a decolonised human rights regime which impose human rights obligations on the conduct of transnational entities in pursuit of human dignity, equality and freedom.
... Many, especially poorer, farmers were willing to sell their property, because they could barely survive without their grants which they used to receive during apartheid. Also, those who owned land bordering the former Bantustans wanted to sell their land, since they experienced difficulties with the bordering black communities, such as stock theft and broken fences (Lahiff, 2007). ...
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South Africa’s history of colonialism and apartheid has left the country in conflict over land. Especially politicians are accused of exploiting the land issue and stigmatising white landowners. Beside farmers being at risk of becoming a victim of a farm attack, landowners also fear that their land will be expropriated without compensation due to new legislation. The occurrence of farm attacks against white farmers and the hate speech by politicians directed at the white population have given rise to the ‘white genocide’ narrative. Besides the ‘white genocide’ narrative, narratives on farm attacks, especially in the context of the land issue, are lacking in criminological research. This qualitative research aimed at filling the gap through describing and exploring the narratives of social interest groups on farm attacks and its link to expropriation without compensation. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted and the Twitter API was used to gather tweets, which resulted in a large dataset. A narrative analysis was employed and insight was obtained in the formation, spread and possible consequences of narratives on the land issue and farm attacks. Although the social interest groups shared the same goal, the narratives were heterogenous. The research indicated that especially the behaviour of radical politicians surrounding the land issue influenced the forming of narratives on farm attacks. In addition, the perceived threats resulting from that behaviour form a risk in maintaining and fuelling the ethnic tensions in South Africa. However, friction was not only found between different ethnicities, but also between the social interest groups with different narratives. Hence, in order to maintain peace in South Africa and improve the situation for South African landowners, farmers and farm dwellers, social interest groups must come together and actively include organisations and people from other ethnicities to shift the situation from conflict to cooperation.
... Opinions on land redistribution in South Africa are highly divided by race: Research shows that while only about a third of White South Africans support land redistribution, it is supported by more than 80% of Black South Africans (Gibson, 2010). Furthermore, the pace of land reform has been much slower than anticipated (Lahiff, 2007), and in recent years, land expropriation without compensation has been proposed as a solution to speeding up this process (Makhado, 2012). This possibility is currently being discussed in the South African parliament (news24, 2021), and it has been quite controversial. ...
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Collective psychological ownership as a sense that a territory belongs to a group might explain attitudes of the White majority toward territorial compensation for Indigenous Peoples in settler societies. Ownership can be inferred from different general principles and we considered three key principles: autochthony (entitlements from first arrival), investment (entitlements from working the land), and formation (primacy of the territory in forming the collective identity). In two studies, among White Australians (Study 1, N = 475), and White South Africans (Study 2, N = 879), we investigated how support for these general principles was related to perceived ingroup (Anglo-Celtic/White South African) and outgroup (Indigenous Australian/Black South African) territorial ownership, and indirectly, to attitudes toward territorial compensation for the Indigenous outgroup. Endorsement of autochthony was related to stronger support for territorial compensation through higher perceived outgroup ownership, whereas investment was related to lower support through higher perceived ingroup ownership. Agreement with the formation principle was related to stronger support for compensation through higher outgroup ownership, and simultaneously to lower support through higher ingroup ownership.
... The interplay between mechanisms (shaped by societal resources) may help to explain why attempts to develop smallholder commercial farming have faced considerable difficulty in South Africa (Cousins & Scoones, 2010;Illius & O'Connor, 1999). The intersection of structural factors (our 'Resources' category) such as the scarcity of good quality land and an agricultural sector dominated by meat production and fruit for export (Lahiff, 2007) perspective, the root cause is poverty and population pressure (Hoffman & Todd, 2000). Two schools of thought about land dynamics can be seen to influence these debates. ...
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Land degradation is a global problem impacting biodiversity and livelihoods, with profound effects on resource‐based livelihoods. As such, it impedes progress towards sustainable development goals (SDGs) and overcoming climate‐related poverty. Interrelated biophysical and social factors are driving further land degradation, and, internationally, there is a range of policies and initiatives designed to address these. In this paper, we argue that analysis of land degradation must encompass three key dimensions: firstly, that the causes are both physical and social; secondly, that they are shaped by historically unjust land tenure and resource allocations; and thirdly, that outcomes are the result of entwined processes at the global, national and local levels. To do this, we modify an analytical framework derived from structuration theory and populate it with illustrative material from the case of rangeland management in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. In this way, we show how understanding land degradation requires an analytical approach that is simultaneously bio‐social, historically informed and multiscalar. Land degradation caused by woody encroachment is a major bio‐social issue for the rangelands of South Africa, exacerbated by intersecting factors including climate change, historical land tenure policies and post‐apartheid reforms. However, contemporary land use policies in South Africa designed to redress historic land injustices and enhance rural livelihoods are not directly connected with those which prioritise the protection of ecosystems and biodiversity, or climate mitigation. Finally, South African policymakers face the challenge of reconciling political commitments to improve the lives of local populations whilst meeting international targets to address degradation, carbon emissions and SDGs. Whilst the South African case is unique, many countries face the simultaneous challenges of trying to prevent ecological degradation whilst mitigating historical patterns of unjust access to land and natural resources. More broadly, this talks of the global challenge of reconciling goals of poverty alleviation with climate mitigation. A free Plain Language Summary can be found within the Supporting Information of this article.
... Although the constitution allows for expropriation without compensation, the government has been reluctant to use this principle in its land reform programmes (see Borras, 2003;Hall, 2004). Instead, it has often paid exorbitant prices for agricultural land, the redistribution of which has been slow, and seems to favour applicants who want to engage in commercial farming (Lahiff, 2007). This approach to land reform has also complicated urban housing delivery, as Faeza Meyer's story ...
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The sovereign credit ratings issued by the ‘Big Three’ credit rating agencies (CRAs) – Standard & Poor’s (S&P), Moody’s, and Fitch – significantly influence how emerging market governments structure their economies. This is despite several rating failures that have cast doubt on the accuracy and transparency of ratings and revealed problems such as conflict of interest in the business model of CRAs. Existing critiques about the political economy of sovereign credit ratings, however, fail to explain how their authority remains intact amidst these contestations. This thesis shows how the authoritative agency of CRAs and sovereign credit ratings are produced by an epistemic culture that places a high value on numerical data as a transparent reflection of reality and therefore the most rational basis for decision making. While acknowledging that ratings can be improved, the assumption is that under certain conditions, CRAs can unearth the objective ‘truth’ about a government’s fiscal profligacy. This thesis reveals the historical, discursive, and geopolitical framework that informs this assumption and how it fits into global power relationships. As such, the thesis shows how modern credit arrangements are embedded in long-term colonial histories and the continued relevance of these histories in the reproduction of the global political economy. The goal is to re-politicise the discourse of sovereign credit ratings by exposing the historical ambiguities, ideological contestations, and methodological compromises that underpin their production. This analysis is divided into two themes. The first two chapters of this project examine the historical processes through which financial markets and the economy became de-politicised, and conceived as a natural, self-regulatory mechanism that can be scientifically ‘known’ and the macro-economic policies this assumption made possible. The two chapters after that reveal the myriad subjective assessments, political considerations, and methodological compromises that go into the production of ratings. These include deciding what type of data to collect, model specifications, as well as how to interpret flawed or missing data. The final two chapters of this thesis consider how sovereign credit ratings are entangled in the political economy of South Africa. These chapters reveal the post-colonial nature of modern financial markets by showing how South Africa’s political economy has profoundly been shaped by colonial regimes of power and knowledge. Sovereign credit ratings are entangled in the reproduction of these power structures in two ways. First, the assessment of creditworthiness necessitates a forgetting of not only these violent histories and how they have come to shape asymmetrical power relations around the globe, but also their own complicity in the reproduction of these hierarchies. Secondly, their authoritative position in financial markets contributes significantly to the normalisation and sedimentation of macroeconomic policies which similarly require a ‘forgetting’ of these histories by disciplining unorthodox fiscal and monetary measures to address them. By exposing the political processes inherent in ratings, this thesis emphasises the necessity of broadening their content to enable modalities of economic policy making that aligns with the social welfare and democratic needs of society. Keywords: sovereign credit ratings, global South, South Africa, governmentality, post-colonial finance
... State-led land reforms have been criticised for their costliness, bureaucracy, and complexity with regards to planning. It is argued that state-led land reform is "considered to have a negative effect on the administrative capacity of the state, and of promoting corruption in the sense of officials benefiting people who do not qualify" (Lahiff, 2007(Lahiff, :1411(Lahiff, -1423. ...
... however, the government has been slow to implement these frameworks, which benefit some members of the middle class who have been mandated by the government to become farmers. 45 The consequences are that the poor and landless are still neglected, and many still live in shacks. Currently, there is some discussion, especially around the Land Reform document, 46 that "land reform is not just another social transfer where benefitting citizens receive government largesse. ...
... This paper focuses on the land redistribution prong.Much has been written about the slow progress of the South African land reform process, particularly land redistribution. Over a decade ago,Lahiff (2007) reported that land transfers remained far behind official targets and that, where land had been transferred, it made little impact on the livelihoods of the rural poor. Almost ten years later,Cousins (2016) came to an equally negative verdict about the past effect of government initiatives. ...
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This dissertation investigates how land redistribution can be achieved and how its main prospective beneficiaries, emerging farmers, can be integrated effectively in commercial farming in South Africa. A survey of 833 potential emerging farmers in three provinces with dense populations of smallholders is used together with a survey of 605 commercial farmers across the country. The dissertation first provides an overview of the prominent reasons why land redistribution has achieved little success. It then identifies five main reasons (insufficient post-transfer support, poor beneficiary selection, large farm size coupled with lacking or incompetent farming skills, and the reluctance of the state to give freehold titles to beneficiaries along with limited programme budget) often ascribed to the failure of land redistribution projects. The presented research study addresses two of these reasons directly and others partially as sub-questions through an array of methodologies. The study begins (first phase) by explaining the emerging farmer concept, showing how it is inappropriately used in the South African context and pointing out the dangers associated with this use. It then takes a multifaceted approach and finds that no single measure should be used alone in defining emerging farmers in the South African context. In the second phase, the study deepens this discussion by analysing attributes of the potential emerging farmers through a multivariate analysis and finds five distinct cluster groups of farmers who share similar attributes. It then gives relevant policy recommendations for each cluster. In the third phase, the study delves into land redistribution beneficiary-selection criteria based on the relevant literature, legislative and policy documents, and the profile of potential land redistribution beneficiaries. A suggestion for using a vacancy farm-advertising format for the selection of land reform beneficiaries is then proposed. Inspired by the outcome of the third phase, the study applies a stepwise binary logistic regression in the fourth phase to explore the determinants of the willingness to relocate among potential land redistribution beneficiaries and finds that proxy variables for aspirations and cultural innovation influence this decision among the study participants. Responding to the recommendations of the Advisory Panel on Land Reform and Agriculture appointed by the presidency and a wide array of researchers, the fifth and sixth phases explore the hypothesis of subdividing commercial farms intended for redistribution to emerging farmers. In the fifth phase, a viable farm size is determined based on viable farm household income. Viable farm sizes for the land reform farms were explored in a novel agent-based model. These farm sizes were validated in the sixth phase. The study finds that it is possible to subdivide commercial farms in a manner that satisfies the aspirations of the emerging farmers. It also finds a clear difference between number of farms created when redistribution farms are subdivided and when they are not. This difference are also visible per farm type (enterprise) and have profound implications for land redistribution. Several other policy implications and how the results of the study can be used are discussed.
... The two approaches used to implement land reform in South Africa are: (a) rights/restoration based, in which those who can prove previous ownership or access to land could get those rights restored, and (b) discretion based/broad entitlement, in which the state had decided to correct inequalities in ownership and access to land by partially funding the transfer of land from the white minority ('whites') to the natives (DLA 1997(DLA , 2006MALA 2001;Lahiff 2007b;Binswanger-Mkhize et al. 2009). The rights-based approach comprises the land reform subprogrammes restitution and tenure reform, whereas the broad entitlement approach comprises the subprogramme redistribution. ...
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This article critically explores the political economy of genetically modifi ed (GM) maize adoption in South Africa, focusing on its impact on smallholder farmers using the whole-of-systems approach. While South Africa has become a leader in GM maize production, the benefi ts have been unevenly distributed, particularly disadvantaging smallholders. Government eff orts to integrate smallholders into the GM maize value chain have faced signifi cant challenges, including structural inequalities, high input costs, inadequate infrastructure, and limited access to education and resources. The article analyzes the broader political, economic, and environmental contexts, revealing how global trade policies, foreign investments, and domestic regulatory frameworks infl uence smallholder integration into the global maize value chain. A case study of the Eastern Cape province underscores the additional challenges smallholders face, such as climate change, labor shortages, and barriers to market access. Despite GM maize’s potential to improve food security and smallholder incomes, the article argues that current policies and institutional frameworks need substantial reforms to ensure equitable benefi ts. The research highlights the need for a multidimensional approach that addresses the socioeconomic, political, and environmental factors constraining smallholder participation in the GM maize sector, calling for targeted interventions to bridge the gap between large-scale commercial farms and smallholders.
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This article reviews equitable justice and the land question in South Africa from a reformation perspective. Land as the source of individual and corporate group identity and livelihood is one of the most sensitive, contentious and controversial of all debatable issues in South Africa. As such, the question is: what counts as the criteria for an amicable and lasting solution for the land question? What type of justice helpful in correcting the past injustice? An underlying precept is on restoring the broken relationship between the victims and offenders using equitable Justice, as we live together in a diverse context in South Africa. This article is designed to examine three aspects related to fair justice from the perspective of reformation: firstly, the basic conception of equitable justice; secondly, the critical application of the types of justice in handling land questions in South Africa; and thirdly, the ultimate reception of the equitable justice that the victims and offenders could acknowledge and appreciate about the land question based on the 1996 South African Constitution.Contribution: This article is meant to add value not only to how justice was and is conceived (perceived) but what is critical is the application of the types of justice as far as land in South Africa is concerned and the underlying misconceptions that go with it. Above all, the ultimate reception of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights and the South African Constitution as an incentive to address land questions in the South African context.
Article
This article examines white settler colonialism and racial capitalism as the primary mechanisms for the historical and ongoing land dispossession of Afrikan people in South Africa. It argues that by addressing land dispossession through land restitution, South Africa could begin to meaningfully address the ongoing impacts of settler colonial displacement of Afrikan people. It contends that land reparations are central not only to restorative physical and spatial justice but also to physical healing. The aim of this contribution is to historicize and herstoricize the South African land question; situate this within the context of racial capitalism and settler colonialism; provide a framing of the racialization and feminization of the land economy; and expound on the particularities of misogynoir and critical feminist theory in theorizing the acute land dispossession of Afrikan women. Situated within the Azanian School of thought, its essential contribution is the suggestion that land restoration is a necessary and meaningful reparative measure for South Africans.
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‘Expropriation without compensation’ has crystallised in South African discourse into a symbolic rejection of inherited privilege, with calls for a constitutional amendment that presupposes a legal constraint on the property regime. The intentions of the lawmakers in the ‘property clause’ debates of the 1990s were to craft what I term a ‘mandate for transformation’. Yet the state has failed to override property owner interests in favour of the landless. Second, the battle over ‘expropriation without compensation’ since 2018 has not been about what is written in the Constitution. Third, the counterpoint to the fixation on state power to acquire property is the right of citizens to gain access to land on an equitable basis. This under-developed idea languishing within the property clause offers the basis for constitutional claims for a right to land. Inverting attention from state powers to enact reform to citizens’ powers to claim rights, it could serve as a focal point for emancipatory politics grounded in real struggles.
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The transition from an apartheid state to one whose foundation is universal suffrage saw South Africa adopt multiple methods to signify transition from the one form of rule to the other. Such a transition involved, among others, the creation of truth commissions, the amendment of legislation and the promulgation of new legislation – a process collectively referred to as transitional justice. Despite the protections against the arbitrary deprivation of property, provided for in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and other pieces of legislation born of transitional justice, there continues to exist a disparity in respect of who South African property law caters for and protects. Against this background, the South African Constitution and case law, this chapter engages the principle of transformative justice to interrogate the conceptions of ownership and property under South African property law. This chapter argues that the current conception of property and ownership serve to, inter alia, economically exclude a large number of South Africans whose property custodianship exists outside of the current conceptions of ‘ownership’ and consequently outside of the recognition of private ownership of land or property.
Article
This article contributes to the wider debates on the impacts and outcomes of state efforts to create agrarian capitalists in land reform and agriculture in most countries of the global South. Specifically, this article presents empirical evidence on South Africa's State Land Lease and Disposal Policy (SLLDP) and analyses emerging accumulation dynamics in land redistribution. The evidence presented demonstrates that most of the SLLDP farm beneficiaries are capitalists from non‐agrarian sectors who increasingly see land reform as the new frontier for accumulation with significant opportunities to access state land and production support. Other agrarian capitalists leverage political influence and accumulate through privileged access to public resources. In contrast, accumulation from below through the reinvestment of farming proceeds remains constrained. Promoting a small segment of already wealthy capitalists greatly limits the potential of land reform to transform social relations in property in favour of historically marginalised social classes.
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We are witnessing a worldwide resurgence of reactionary ideologies and movements, combined with an escalating assault on democratic institutions and structures. Nevertheless, most studies of these phenomena remain anchored in a methodological nationalism, while comparative research is almost entirely limited to the Global North. Yet, authoritarian transformations in the South — and the struggles against them — have not only been just as dramatic as those in the North but also preceded them, and consequently have been studied by Southern scholars for many years. This volume brings together the work of more than 15 scholar-activists from across the Global South, combining in-depth studies of regional processes of authoritarian transformation with a global perspective on authoritarian capitalism. With a foreword by Verónica Gago.
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This paper examines the role of democracy on poverty and intergenerational inequality in South Africa. The authors used secondary data and published literature to unpack the nexus of the problem, and to further broaden understanding of democracy, intergenerational inequality, and poverty in South Africa. The authors establish that unemployment, lack of property ownership and a poor educational system are the main contributors to poverty and intergenerational inequality in South Africa. However, we found that the government's pro-poor policies have not adequately addressed the problems. As recommendations, this paper submits that it is essential to increase the redistribution of assets, especially land, to allow land ownership by the poor, which will open many other economic opportunities, such as access to capital. Also, government policies need to be revisited for quality job creation, closing the unemployment gap in the market.
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This study examines Indonesia’s sinking of illegal fishing ships influencing its relationship with countries in Southeast Asia region. Considering that the loss of and damages to national resources due to illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing in Indonesia are so huge, President Joko Widodo has a commitment to no longer tolerate such a crime. The approach of his Minister of Maritime and Fishing Affairs has been to sink IUU Fishing ships which mostly flagged foreign flags. As a result, Indonesia’s relation with neighboring countries is affected. However, the assertive policy of Indonesia did not lead to a commotion among the states in the region. Hence, this study attempts to discover why Indonesia does not find significant obstacles to continuously carry out sinking foreign IUU fishing ships from its counterparts in Southeast Asia region namely Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. Statements of the statesmen around the countries and other related documents on the matter are used to examine their response to Indonesia’s policy. In line with the method, this study capitalizes neoclassical realism by Gideon Rose in which foreign policies are considered a reflection of systemic pressure, domestic political demands (innenpolitik), and state power.
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Food sovereignty implies a comprehensive agrarian reform adapted to local conditions in each country in order to have equal access to productive resources, especially land. As the main pillar of food sovereignty and an instrument of economic democratization, agrarian reform is not an easy mechanism to protect farmers. This paper will specifically discuss the practice of agrarian reform in achieving the vision of food sovereignty. This research is included into a library research with a semi-systematic approach. Data analysis for this paper was accomplished qualitatively. The results show that there are two main prerequisites that are difficult to fulfill in order to realize the vision of food sovereignty through agrarian reform, including the lack of government political commitment and incomplete agrarian data. This situation ultimately has an impact on not achieving the vision of food sovereignty. This problem is triggered not only from internal implementing agencies but also from external implementing agencies. Internal triggers occur because of the capacity of implementing agencies and the placement of policy priorities which lead to policy overlaps. Meanwhile, externally, the trigger is the rejection of subjects outside of agrarian reform. Kedaulatan pangan mengisyaratkan dijalankannya pembaruan agraria secara komprehensif yang disesuaikan dengan kondisi-kondisi lokal di setiap negara agar memiliki akses yang sama terhadap sumber-sumber produktif terutama tanah. Sebagai pilar utama kedaulatan pangan dan instrumen demokratisasi ekonomi, reforma agraria bukanlah mekanisme melindungi petani yang mudah untuk dijalankan. Tulisan ini secara khusus akan membahas praktik reforma agraria dalam mencapai visi kedaulatan pangan. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kepustakaan dengan pendekatan semi-sistematis. Analisis data untuk tulisan ini dilakukan secara kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat dua prasyarat utama yang ternyata sulit terpenuhi untuk mewujudkan visi kedaulatan pangan melalui reforma agraria yaitu kurangnya komitmen politik pemerintah dan data agraria yang kurang lengkap. Situasi ini pada akhirnya berdampak pada tidak tercapainya visi kedaulatan pangan. Problem ini dipicu tidak hanya dari internal tetapi juga dari eksternal lembaga pelaksana. Pemicu internal terjadi karena kapasitas lembaga pelaksana dan penempatan prioritas kebijakan yang berujung pada terjadinya tumpang tindih kebijakan. Sementara itu dari eksternal, pemicunya adalah penolakan dari subjek di luar reforma agraria.
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The notion of ‘neoliberalism’ has been widely deployed to describe the resurgence of market-orientated institutional shifts and policy realignments across the world economy since the 1980s. Following the initial analysis of these trends, much attention has been devoted to their conceptualisation. While the meaning and tractability of ‘neoliberalism’ continue to be topics of intense debate, recent theoretical work in the field has produced several important insights that have significant implications for empirical research on regulatory restructuring at all spatial scales. Against the monolithic conceptualisations that prevail in popular and academic accounts, the notion of ‘variegated neoliberalisation’ emphasises the uneven, hybrid, and unstable character of neoliberalising forms of regulatory transformation. By substituting an end-state view of neoliberalism with emergent and tendential processes of neoliberalisation, the dramatic changes in South Africa’s agricultural policy and practice that have unfolded since the 1980s may be cast in a new light. In particular, we explore the apparent paradox between extensively liberalised product markets and highly regulated labour markets in post-apartheid commercial agriculture.KeywordsNeoliberalisationRegulatory restructuringAgri-food value chainsSouth African commercial agricultureAgrarian minimum wages
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The past four years have seen fierce debates over a radical proposal aimed at speeding up the redistribution of land in South Africa—the expropriation of privately-owned land without the payment of compensation. The proposal and its reception must be located within the complex politics of land in the post-apartheid era, in a context where land reform is widely seen as failing to live up to its promise. The notion that ‘expropriation without compensation’ (EWC) offers a simple solution to the many problems facing land reform in South Africa is critically assessed and found wanting. To address the wider problems of land reform and ensure that it’s potential is realized, the state must address other key aspects of policy—beyond simply land acquisition and its cost. These include specifying the socio-political purposes of land reform, intended beneficiaries, anticipated impacts on livelihoods, the nature of land rights to be held by beneficiaries, and building capacity for effective implementation. But government is unlikely to do so on its own accord; sustained pressure ‘from below’, exerted by potential beneficiaries themselves as well as their allies in civil society and the state, will be required. Popular politics is thus key to the prospects for appropriate and effective land policy in South Africa.
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Land tenure remains one of the most contentious issues in policy and academic circles. Zimbabwe’s implementation of a radical Fast-Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) illustrates the contentious nature of land tenure reform in Africa. Prior to the FTLRP, the tenure system was bi-modal, consisting of customary tenure which governed tenure relations for the majority of smallholder farmers and the freehold tenure which governed land tenure relations in the former Large-Scale Commercial Farms (LSCF). The FTLRP reconfigured this bimodal tenure structure by extending state land ownership to the bulk of Zimbabwe’s land through leasehold and permissory forms of tenure. Utilising mixed methods, this study examines security of tenure dynamics under state-based tenure focusing on resettlement areas (A1 and A2). This is done by analysing incidents of evictions, threats of evictions, transferability of land, women land rights and the response of private capital to state mediated tenure. The study shows that the state-based land tenure poses a great danger to the tenure security of the peasantry as it facilitates large-scale agricultural and mining ‘investments’.
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Through actors-oriented lenses and using land conflict as an analysis entry point, the paper looks into the various tensions opposing between the state and populations whose livelihoods are directly impacted by airports’ building. Several land conflicts are linked to the airport of the city of Bouaké, located in the center of Côte d'Ivoire. Built on a parcel of common law belonging to several village communities, the land rights of this public equipment are today subject to various disputes. Our analysis reveals that the main causes of the land disputes are articulated around the shortcomings of the negotiations for the acquisition of parcels from village communities, coupled with urban expansion of the city of Bouaké. The Blaise Diagne International Airport in Senegal on the other hand is a stake of a massive urban explosion of the capital city Dakar. Based on ethnographical fieldwork data, we analyze the action of the different stakeholders that are struggling with different interests and perspectives for access to land in the area of Keur Moussa. This case study is an appropriate issue of reflection on what is empirically going on in terms of bureaucratic practices used by the state and how local people respond to them.
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Recent changes (2019) in the legal framework governing collectively owned land in Morocco follow neoliberal economic policies that emphasize market-driven land reform. The new collective land tenure regime also responds to rural unrest and anti-government opposition resulting from state repression, lack of economic opportunity, and land ownership inequality. This chapter assesses these changes as a conjuncture of contemporary contestations over land and the legacy of colonial land governance. A historical overview of land tenure during the colonial era and after independence provides the context for three case studies that illustrate how land tenure policies play out differently depending on the agro-ecological, economic, and political circumstances. We argue that even though international development organizations recognize different ways of organizing rights in land, extractivist forms of capitalism prevalent in Morocco still work to prioritize commoditization, and other measures that dispossess historically marginalized land owners and managers in favor of capital interests.
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Land governance and reform in Southern Africa is premised on a shared historical legacy of colonialism, inequality, tenure diversity and fragmentation. The persistence of tenure inequity, decades after independence and despite significant and repeated investments in land reform initiatives, raises questions regarding these interventions. More recently, investigations into land reform efforts have shifted from more legal technical/technical approaches to embracing land governance perspectives, including the aspects of governance, social legitimacy and the democratic nature of these land reform processes. Developing an assessment framework for democratic land governance enabled assessment of land reforms according to land governance principles. It was found that the aspects of democratic land governance are generally lacking and that reforms did not always prioritise the inclusion of the rural and urban poor. Public participation and adherence to the rule of law are critical to the success of land reforms, even when processes are considered to be slow and bureaucratic. Successful land reforms are predicated upon the democratic interaction of the state and the citizen; and land reform processes, therefore, become inherently part of the broader strategic challenge of democratising the state and society.
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In 1994, as soon as South Africa became a democratic country, the first step taken by the new democratic government was to introduce various transformative constitutional and legislative interventions that sought to redress all the past apartheid discriminatory laws. This paper looks at these interventions by critically showcasing how they are being used to transform and reform land by ensuring inclusivity and equity in South Africa where the previously denied, disposed and segregated Black majority have access and are benefitting broadly.
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Feminism has always altered predominant perspectives in a wide range of areas within Western society, ranging from culture to law. Feminist activists have campaigned for women's legal rights to be recognised in society, rights such as rights of contract, property rights, and voting rights. Inclusive were women's rights to bodily integrity and autonomy, objectives such as the right for abortion, and reproductive rights (including access to contraception and quality prenatal care) which were also key. Moreover, there has been a call for the protection of women and girls from domestic violence, sexual harassment, and rape; for workplace rights, including maternity leave and equal pay; against misogyny; and gender-based discrimination against women. Looking at all the rights it has advocated for, Feminism seems to have overlooked seeking rights for believing in and respecting the abilities and talents of women as well as acknowledging women's contributions to society. This oversight has led to women not trusting each other and seeing each other from a racial social lens as feminism on its own never seemed to affect all areas. From this point, the study seeks to find the difference between feminism and womanism and what the position of a black female in the scenario is. From the findings, the study will conclude by coming up with an African philosophical model that can promote unison amongst women irrespective of their ideologies. KeyWords: Feminism, African Womanism, liberalism, and gender-based roles, ubuntu
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This article theoretically establishes the interconnections between justice and democracy, and empirically explores the case of land reform in South Africa in the light of these interconnections. Firstly, it argues that democracy must ensure the realisation of social justice in order to create the conditions for human freedom and a truly inclusive and legitimate democracy. Secondly, the article argues that justice must also be subject to democratisation, i.e. public participation and deliberation on what should be distributed, how and to whom, termed democratic justice. In South Africa, there are significant concerns about the lack of redistribution and the continued exclusion of the poor, meaning that democratic justice is some way from being achieved.
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This article offers a critique of the presuppositions of the recommendations put forward in the World Bank's ‘Options for Land Reform and Rural Restructuring in South Africa’ 1993. It examines the documents which informed the proposals; the adequacy of their accounts of the experiences, notably of land reforms in Kenya, on which they draw; the strength of their evidence and arguments, particularly regarding agricultural performance and policies; and the feasibility and purposes of their proposals for land redistribution. It argues that the World Bank proposals rest on misleading intellectual foundations. The World Bank's analyses regarding the relative (in)efficiency of large‐scale farming in South Africa with respect to scale of production, factor productivity and prices are not supported by much of the evidence they cite. Their proposals revived aspects of the thinking behind the Swynnerton and Tomlinson reports of the 1950s. Government programmes to develop black farmers in South Africa in the late 1980s followed the approach of the World Bank's unsuccessful agricultural development projects elsewhere in Africa. The ‘surprisingly small’ cost of the World Bank's land reform proposals depend on unrealistic assumptions ‐and proved to be well beyond the resources available to the new government.
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In South Africa land is presently not only one of the most defining political and development issues, but also perhaps the most intractable. The continuing racial maldistribution of land will either be resolved through a fundamental restructuring of the government's land reform programme, or it will be resolved by a fundamental restructuring of property relations by the people themselves. Which direction the country follows depends to a large degree on the urgent and immediate responsiveness of the government to the needs and demands of the country's 19-million mostly poor, black and landless rural people. The past few years have given some disturbing indications of the government's intentions in this regard, from the narrowing of the redistribution programme - the main vehicle for reversing the racially-skewed landscape inherited from apartheid - to targeting the creation of a small African commercial farmer elite instead of the large population of poor landless Africans, to the laissez-faire attitude towards the growing demands of landless people and their civil society allies for a Land Summit to address the country's land crisis. Not only is land reform critical in terms of providing historical redress for centuries of settler dispossession, but is also to resolving the national democratic revolution in South Africa. This is so, because it is through land reform that social and economic relations (embodied in property relations) in rural areas are to be transformed. This is a central to the national democratic struggle to transform the colonial class formation in South Africa that combines capitalist development with national oppression.
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This thesis is a study of the implementation of the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD) programme in the Limpopo Province of South Africa. The LRAD programme is assessed as the South African interpretation of a market-based land redistribution programme, situated within both the current debates on market-based land reform and the demands of a post liberation South Africa. The study includes a review of international and local literature on land reform, in particular market-based land reform, and a study of South African government land reform policy documents. Thesis (M. Phil. Land and Agrarian Studies (Faculty of Economic and Management Science))--University of the Western Cape, 2004. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-96).
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The programme of land reform laws introduced in South Africa since 1991 is often seen and discussed as nothing more than a highly technical, black-letter aspect of South African law. In this article, the author directs attention to the policies that underly the land reform laws, and discusses the transformative potential and effect of land reform laws in view of these policies. The main question is whether the land reform programme has succeeded in breaking away from or undermining the hierarchies of power that were inherent in traditional common-law property relationships and, particularly, in the politically sanctioned and statutorily entrenched system of apartheid land law. Through the analysis of the most important land reform laws the author concludes that the land reform programme is only partially successful in this regard, since many of the new laws still uphold or entrench the underlying hierarchies o f power that characterised apartheid land law.
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The land question is fundamental to understanding the possibilities and limits of change in the South African context. It can legitimately be argued that the measurement of transforming South African society from its colonial and apartheid past to a more democratic dispensation directly correlates with the extent of land redistribution to blacks. Measures to deal with land and agrarian transformation in South Africa have been reluctant and ineffectual, to say the least. This article will trace the historical origins of the weaknesses of both government and civil society interventions. The author argues that the dominant theoretical and ideological forces which took centre stage at the height of the anti-apartheid struggle had no thorough-going understanding of what a liberation would entail for the majority, and were trapped by ‘liberal instrumentalist’ conceptions of power. This article will analyse the National Land Committee (NLC), one of South Africa's key land non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and will pose the question, can NGOs be consistent counter-hegemonic forces to capital and racism?
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This introductory essay first sketches the context of the agrarian question in the trajectory of capitalist development in South Africa since the mining revolution of over a century ago. This provides a framework for a review of the contributions to this volume and the issues they illuminate. A third section addresses the question of the title. On one hand, the agrarian question in the sense of a transition to capitalist agriculture and industry has been completed, thereby resolved for agrarian and industrial/urban capital. On the other hand, it has not been resolved for those who long struggled against extreme national oppression. The legacy of massive dispossession is central to post-apartheid South Africa and democratic transition as 'unfinished business', as are widespread poverty and insecurity inherited from the structural crisis of the economy shaped by apartheid.
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“We the people of South Africa declare that … there is a need to create a new order in which all South Africans will be entitled to … enjoy and exercise their fundamental rights and freedoms.” (Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa)
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This article examines the disjuncture between high–level commitments to gender equity and practice in South Africa's land reform programme. Weaknesses in implementing the gender policy of the Department of Land Affairs stem largely from limitations within the broader programme, compounded by the inadequate conceptualization and management of the task and an absence of political accountability around women's land rights by the Department and Ministry. The low political priority accorded gender policy is itself a reflection of weak levels of organization among rural women. However, rural women show an interest in strengthening their rights in land and the small number of women whose households have secured land through the programme regard this as a positive achievement.
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The paper describes background, initial experience, and future challenges associated with a new “negotiated” approach to land reform. This approach has emerged as, following the end of the Cold War and broad macroeconomic adjustment, many countries face a “second generation” of reforms to address deep-rooted structural problems and provide the basis for sustainable poverty reduction and economic growth. It reviews possible theoretical links—through credit market or political channels—between asset ownership and economic performance. Program characteristics in each country, as well as lessons for implementation, and implications for monitoring and impact assessment are discussed.
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Land redistribution is being characterized as poverty alleviation for rural South Africa. This paper argues that the poor have less inclination to move the distances demanded by the redistribution, have less labor available for farming, are less able to afford the program’s up-front costs, have fewer farming-specific skills, and have less capacity to cope with agricultural risk. Therefore, the poor are likely to be rationed out of participation in the program, and the land redistribution will have little effect on rural poverty, unless demand-led targeting is dropped and ancillary programs are employed to make land redistribution attractive for the poor.
Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape
  • Support Jacobs
  • Cape Development
  • Town
Jacobs, Support for Agricultural Development, Cape Town: Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape, 2003, p 7. See also R Hall, M Isaacs & M Saruchera, Land and Agrarian Reform in Integrated Development Plans: Case Studies from Selected District and Local
Struggling for a life in dignity', in Ntsebeza & Hall, The Land Question in South Africa
  • M Andrews
M Andrews, 'Struggling for a life in dignity', in Ntsebeza & Hall, The Land Question in South Africa.
The impact of land reform policy'; Human Sciences Research Council, 'Land redistribution for agricultural development
  • Lahiff
Lahiff, 'The impact of land reform policy'; Human Sciences Research Council, 'Land redistribution for agricultural development'.
Limits to Change-The Political-Economy of Transition
  • H Marais
  • South Africa
H Marais, South Africa: Limits to Change-The Political-Economy of Transition, London: Zed Books, 1998.
9% (13.3 million ha) for dryland cropping and just 1.2% (1.5 million ha) for irrigated cropping
In 1994 -95, 81.9% of the territory (85 million hectares) was used for grazing, 10.9% (13.3 million ha) for dryland cropping and just 1.2% (1.5 million ha) for irrigated cropping. Statistics South Africa, Land Accounts-Including Land-use and Land-cover-for South Africa, 1994/1995, Pretoria: Statistics South Africa, 2004.
Agrarian Reform in South Africa: A Status Report Cape Town: Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies
  • Land Hall
Hall, Land and Agrarian Reform in South Africa: A Status Report 2004, Cape Town: Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape, 2004.
The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry, London: Heinemann, 1979. 13 Republic of South Africa, Constitution of the Republic of South Africa
  • Bundy
Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry, London: Heinemann, 1979. 13 Republic of South Africa, Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996), Pretoria: Government Printer, 1996.
Livestock production and common property struggles in South Africa's agrarian reform
  • F See
  • Hendricks
See F Hendricks, The Pillars of Apartheid: Land Tenure, Rural Planning and the Chieftaincy, Uppsala: University of Uppsala, 1990; B Cousins, 'Livestock production and common property struggles in South Africa's agrarian reform', Journal of Peasant Studies, 23 (2 -3), 1996; and E Lahiff, An Apartheid Oasis: Agriculture and Rural Livelihoods in Venda, London: Frank Cass, 2000.
Why do the Landless Remain Landless? An examination of land acquisition and the extent to which the land market and land redistribution mechanisms serve the needs of land-seeking people, Cape Town: Surplus People Project
  • S Tilley
S Tilley, Why do the Landless Remain Landless? An examination of land acquisition and the extent to which the land market and land redistribution mechanisms serve the needs of land-seeking people, Cape Town: Surplus People Project, 2004, p 10.
26 Centre for Development and Enterprise, Land Reform in South Africa: A 21st Century Perspective
26 Centre for Development and Enterprise, Land Reform in South Africa: A 21st Century Perspective, Johannesburg: CDE Research report 14, 2005, p 22.
The landless people's movement and the failure of post-apartheid South Africa Voices of Protest: Social Movements in Post-apartheid South AfricaThe taming of land resistance
  • Greenberg
Greenberg, 'The landless people's movement and the failure of post-apartheid South Africa', in R Ballard et al (eds), Voices of Protest: Social Movements in Post-apartheid South Africa, Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2006; and Mngxitama, 'The taming of land resistance'.
vice-chair of AgriLimpopo quoted in the Mail and Guardian 38 Tilley, Why do the Landless Remain Landless?
  • Raal
Raal, vice-chair of AgriLimpopo quoted in the Mail and Guardian, 22 April 2005. 38 Tilley, Why do the Landless Remain Landless?, 2004, p 38.
Statistics South Africa, The People of South Africa: Population Census 1996-Census in Brief
Unspecified/Other ¼ 0.9%. Statistics South Africa, The People of South Africa: Population Census 1996-Census in Brief, Pretoria: Statistics South Africa, 1998.
Agriculture accounted for 10% of formal employment in 2002
Agriculture accounted for 10% of formal employment in 2002. Its share of GDP fell from 9.12% in 1965 to just 3.2% in 2002. N Vink & J Kirsten, 'Agriculture in the national economy', in L Niewoudt & J Groenwald (eds), The Challenge of Change: Agriculture, Land and South African Economy, Scottsville: University of Natal Press, 2003.
Summary of Key Findings from the National Evictions Survey, Polokwane: Nkuzi Development Association
  • M Wegerif
  • Grundling
M Wegerif, B Russell & I Grundling, Summary of Key Findings from the National Evictions Survey, Polokwane: Nkuzi Development Association, 2005.
Land redistribution in South Africa: the property clause revisited', in Ntsebeza & Hall, The Land Question in South Africa; and C Walker
  • A See
  • Mngxitama
See A Mngxitama, 'The taming of land resistance: lessons from the National Land Committee', Journal of Asian and African Studies, 41(1-2), 2006, pp 39-69; WD Thwala, 'Land and agrarian reform in South Africa', in Peter M Rosset, Raj Patel & Michael Courville (eds), Promised Land: Competing Visions of Agrarian Reform, Oakland, CA: Food First/Institute for Food and Development Policy, 2006; L Ntsebeza, 'Land redistribution in South Africa: the property clause revisited', in Ntsebeza & Hall, The Land Question in South Africa; and C Walker, 'Redistributive land reform: for what and for whom?', in Ntsebeza & Hall, The Land Question in South Africa.
Redistributive land reform
  • C Walker
and C Walker, 'Redistributive land reform'.
Insufficient budgets to fund approved projects have been a recurring problem since about 2003, leading to additional (post-approval) delays in transactions. R Hall & E Lahiff, Budgeting for Land Reform
Insufficient budgets to fund approved projects have been a recurring problem since about 2003, leading to additional (post-approval) delays in transactions. R Hall & E Lahiff, Budgeting for Land Reform, Policy Brief 13, Cape Town: Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape, 2004, p 2.
Why do the Landless Remain Landless?
  • Tilley
Tilley, Why do the Landless Remain Landless?, 2004, p 38.
The impact of land reform policy in the Northern Province
  • E Lahiff
E Lahiff, 'The impact of land reform policy in the Northern Province';
LRAD Rapid Systematic Assessment Survey: nine case studies in the Eastern Cape', unpublished paper, Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape
  • M Wegerif
M Wegerif, A Critical Appraisal of South Africa's Market-based Land Reform Policy; Jacobs et al, Land Redistribution; R Hall, 'LRAD Rapid Systematic Assessment Survey: nine case studies in the Eastern Cape', unpublished paper, Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape, 2004; Human Sciences Research Council, 'Land redistribution for agricultural development: case studies in three provinces', unpublished report, Integrated Rural and Regional Development division, HSRC, Pretoria, 2003.
Cape Town: Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies
  • R Hall
  • Agrarian Land
  • Reform
R Hall, Land and Agrarian Reform in South Africa: A Status Report 2004, Cape Town: Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape, 2004.
Land redistribution for agricultural development'; Jacobs et al, Land Redistribution; Wegerif, A Critical Appraisal of South Africa's Market-based Land Reform Policy; Hall, 'LRAD Rapid Systematic Assessment Survey'; and A Bradstock
  • See Lahiff
See Lahiff, 'The impact of land reform policy in the Northern Province'; Human Sciences Research Council, 'Land redistribution for agricultural development'; Jacobs et al, Land Redistribution; Wegerif, A Critical Appraisal of South Africa's Market-based Land Reform Policy; Hall, 'LRAD Rapid Systematic Assessment Survey'; and A Bradstock, Key Experiences of Land Reform in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa, London: FARM-Africa, 2005.
Piety in the sky? Gender policy and land reform in South Africa
  • Jacobs
Jacobs et al, Land Redistribution; C Walker, 'Piety in the sky? Gender policy and land reform in South Africa', Journal of Agrarian Change, 3 (1 -2), 2003, pp 113 -148; and Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, Review of Communal Property Institutions, Pretoria: CSIR, 2005.
A Critical Appraisal of South Africa's Market-based Land Reform Policy; and Bradstock, Key Experiences of Land Reform in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa
  • Wegerif
Wegerif, A Critical Appraisal of South Africa's Market-based Land Reform Policy; and Bradstock, Key Experiences of Land Reform in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa.
Land redistribution in South Africa: the property clause revisited', in Ntsebeza & Hall, The Land Question in South Africa; and C Walker
  • Wd Thwala
WD Thwala, 'Land and agrarian reform in South Africa', in Peter M Rosset, Raj Patel & Michael Courville (eds), Promised Land: Competing Visions of Agrarian Reform, Oakland, CA: Food First/Institute for Food and Development Policy, 2006; L Ntsebeza, 'Land redistribution in South Africa: the property clause revisited', in Ntsebeza & Hall, The Land Question in South Africa; and C Walker, 'Redistributive land reform: for what and for whom?', in Ntsebeza & Hall, The Land Question in South Africa.
The impact of land reform policy in the Northern Province'; Human Sciences Research Council, 'Land redistribution for agricultural development
  • See Lahiff
See Lahiff, 'The impact of land reform policy in the Northern Province'; Human Sciences Research Council, 'Land redistribution for agricultural development';
Land Redistribution; Wegerif, A Critical Appraisal of South Africa's Market-based Land Reform Policy; Hall, 'LRAD Rapid Systematic Assessment Survey'; and A Bradstock, Key Experiences of Land Reform in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa
  • Jacobs
Jacobs et al, Land Redistribution; Wegerif, A Critical Appraisal of South Africa's Market-based Land Reform Policy; Hall, 'LRAD Rapid Systematic Assessment Survey'; and A Bradstock, Key Experiences of Land Reform in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa, London: FARM-Africa, 2005.