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Beyond Syncretism: Hybridization of Popular Religion in Contemporary Thailand
Abstract
This article challenges the dominant paradigm of 'inclusive syncretism' in the study of Thai religion. By taking the worship of multi-original deities in the popular spirit-medium cults in contemporary Thailand as a case study, it argues that practitioners and specialists working on Thai religious studies need to refresh and update their analytical paradigm to incorporate the concept of 'hybridization'. Syncretism is a proven analytical model, particularly in studies of Thai Buddhism, but it is neither a perennial nor a flawless one. It cannot be denied that Thai religion by and large has maintained its complex syncretic outlook. However, it is argued here that the focal point for students and specialists should be not the harmonious continu-ities and transformations of a syncretistic religious system, but rather the ruptures and breaks from its seemingly homogenous tradition. Based on a close consideration of the 'parade of supernaturals' flooding spirit-shrine altars in popular spirit-medium cults since the 1980s, I propose that Thailand's popular beliefs and religiosity in the past few decades have been undergoing a significant degree of 'subtle hybridization', where religious commodification and capitalist consumerism have been increasingly prominent. 1 Vineeta Sinha for their warm invitation and valuable academic guidance. My most sincere gratitude goes to the anonymous readers for JSEAS who painstakingly went through the draft and gave me very constructive comments. Any existing shortcomings in the article are solely my responsibility. 1 The phrase 'parade of supernaturals' is from Stanley J. Tambiah, Buddhism and the spirit cults in North-east Thailand (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 351–66. For studies of these develop-ments, see the following: Marlane Guelden, Thailand – into the spirit world (Singapore: Times Editions, 1995); Peter A. Jackson, 'The enchanting spirit of Thai capitalism: The cult of Luang Phor Khoon and the post-modernization of Thai Buddhism', South East Asia Research (henceforth SEAR), 7, 1 (1999): 5–60; Jackson, 'Royal spirits, Chinese gods, and magic monks: Thailand's boom-time religions of prosperity', SEAR, 7, 3 (1999): 245–320; Pattana Kitiarsa, 'You may not believe, but never offend the spirits: Spirit-medium cult discourses and the postmodernization of Thai religion' (Ph.D. diss., University of Washing-ton, 1999); and Pattana, 'You may not believe, but never offend the spirits: Spirit-medium cults and popular media in modern Thailand', in Global goes local: Popular culture in Asia, ed. Timothy J. Craig and Richard King (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2002), pp. 160–76.
... Also, scholars have often thought of Theravada Buddhism as a rigid set of doctrinal and canonical concepts that prevent to any alterations from what was promulgated by the Buddha regardless of time or context. However, recent research and studies noticed that certain practices in many local communities in Thailand and across Mainland Southeast Asia suggest another point of view on how Buddhism is understood and practiced (Bautista and Reid, 2012;Cassaniti, 2015;Eberhardt, 2006;Holt, 2009;Kitiarsa, 2005Kitiarsa, , 2012McDaniel, 2014;Strong, 2017;Swearer, 1995;Tambiah, 1970Tambiah, , 1976. Buddhist traditions in Mainland Southeast Asia tend to be integrated with communal practices, as seen from the popular practice of phi (spirit) as medium, magic, and other forms of spiritual activities and religions (Kitiarsa, 2005, McDaniel, 2014Tambiah, 1970). ...
... However, recent research and studies noticed that certain practices in many local communities in Thailand and across Mainland Southeast Asia suggest another point of view on how Buddhism is understood and practiced (Bautista and Reid, 2012;Cassaniti, 2015;Eberhardt, 2006;Holt, 2009;Kitiarsa, 2005Kitiarsa, , 2012McDaniel, 2014;Strong, 2017;Swearer, 1995;Tambiah, 1970Tambiah, , 1976. Buddhist traditions in Mainland Southeast Asia tend to be integrated with communal practices, as seen from the popular practice of phi (spirit) as medium, magic, and other forms of spiritual activities and religions (Kitiarsa, 2005, McDaniel, 2014Tambiah, 1970). For instance, the practice of spirit mediums is a significant part of annual harvest ceremonies to predict and forecast better weather or fortune for local farming (Moonkham, 2021). ...
... The hybridization of spirituality and Buddhism and the syncretic form of religious ideas has been strongly integrated to local communities' daily life. This trend of religious practice can be seen in many spirit shrines and houses in households and Buddhist temples, and in the belief of the naga (a mythical serpent) in the Chiang Saen Basin or the ideas of Phi in the Lao mural painting in the temple (Cassaniti and Luhrmann, 2011;Eberhardt, 2006;Holt, 2009;Kitiarsa, 2005Kitiarsa, , 2012Moonkham, 2021;Swearer et al., 2004;Tambiah, 1970;Tannenbaum, 2013). These hybrid ideologies are very much a part of everyday social life and religious belief, from individual rites of passage to communal well-being, especially within the temple spaces, creating unique sociopolitical organizations and interactions in the region (Moonkham, 2021;Swearer, 1995:46). ...
Social hierarchy is the most prominent framework scholars use to examine settlement structure and development in Southeast Asia's pre- and post-state eras. The concept of social heterarchy, an unfixed ranked and diversified form of social structure, is an alternative approach to examining the sociopolitical organization of early settlements in the region. However, applications of heterarchy are limited in archaeological research on the sociopolitical organization and social landscape in Southeast Asian state societies. This paper incorporates space syntax and GIS angular and viewshed analyses to understand how sociopolitical interactions were arranged through the spatial configurations of the historical Buddhist temples in Chiang Saen, Thailand. This paper explores the complex interactions between various historical Chiang Saen social and religious groups through their temple spaces across time. Temple spatial characteristics indicate heterarchical forms of organization—evidenced by the hybrid and nonhierarchical temple spatial patterns characterized by open accessibility and integrated and symmetrical organization of spaces—co-existed with hierarchical relationships from the 13th to 17th century. The approach discussed here provides a better understanding of the multiscale relationships and interactions among sociopolitical groups in the historical communities in Chiang Saen, enabling a broader view that can embrace the co-occurrence of hierarchical and heterarchical forms of governance.
... Before discussing how building patterns were formed in the Chiang Saen Basin, we must investigate these building patterns in relation to ideas and ideologies connected to Buddhist thought. Often, scholars have thought about Buddhism as a rigid set of doctrinal concepts, but recently it has been noted that certain practices in many local communities in Thailand and across Southeast Asia suggest another point of view for how Buddhism is understood and practiced (Bautista and Reid 2012;Cassaniti 2015;Eberhardt 2006;Holt 2009;McDaniel 2014;Pattana Kitiarsa 2005Swearer 1995;Tambiah 1970Tambiah , 1977. In Southeast Asia, Buddhist traditions tend to be mixed with animist practices, as can be seen from the popular practice of phi (spirit) as medium, magic, and other forms of spiritual activities and religions (McDaniel 2014;Pattana Kitiarsa 2005;Tambiah 1970). ...
... Often, scholars have thought about Buddhism as a rigid set of doctrinal concepts, but recently it has been noted that certain practices in many local communities in Thailand and across Southeast Asia suggest another point of view for how Buddhism is understood and practiced (Bautista and Reid 2012;Cassaniti 2015;Eberhardt 2006;Holt 2009;McDaniel 2014;Pattana Kitiarsa 2005Swearer 1995;Tambiah 1970Tambiah , 1977. In Southeast Asia, Buddhist traditions tend to be mixed with animist practices, as can be seen from the popular practice of phi (spirit) as medium, magic, and other forms of spiritual activities and religions (McDaniel 2014;Pattana Kitiarsa 2005;Tambiah 1970). This article will be invoking what I call conventional Buddhist ideologies to refer to how states suggest Buddhism should be followed, or what one might call state-sponsored religion (Pattana Kitiarsa 2005: 462). ...
... Having been refused, the naga asked the Buddha to allow whoever wished to ordain as a monk to use the name 'nak', referring to the liminal period a person undergoes prior to the ordination ceremony (Mahachulalongkorn Rachawitthayalai 1997). The belief in naga is seen as an animistic and dynamic form of belief, like those held in many other areas, such as nat in Myanmar or phi (ghosts or spirits) in most Tai communities, which is a common belief still held today in mainland Southeast Asia (Cassaniti 2015;Cassaniti and Luhrmann 2011;Eberhardt 2006;Johnson 2019;Pattana Kitiarsa 2005;Swearer 1995;Van Esterik 1982). In fact, believing in phi is strongly embedded in all aspects of daily life in Southeast Asian communities. ...
There is a northern Thai story that tells how the naga—a mythical serpent—came and destroyed the town known as Yonok (c. thirteenth century) after its ruler became immoral. Despite this divine retribution, the people of the town chose to rebuild it. Many archaeological sites indicate resettlement during this early historical period. Although many temple sites were constructed in accordance with the Buddhist cosmology, the building patterns vary from location to location and illustrate what this paper calls ‘nonconventional patterns,’ distinct from Theravada Buddhist concepts. These nonconventional patterns of temples seem to have been widely practiced in many early historical settlements, e.g., Yonok (what is now Wiang Nong Lom). Many local written documents and practices today reflect the influence of the naga myth on building construction. This paper will demonstrate that local communities in the Chiang Saen basin not only believe in the naga myth but have also applied the myth as a tool to interact with the surrounding landscapes. The myth is seen as a crucial, communicated element used by the local people to modify and construct physical landscapes, meaning Theravada Buddhist cosmology alone cannot explain the nonconventional patterns. As such, comprehending the role of the naga myth enables us to understand how local people, past and present, have perceived the myth as a source of knowledge to convey their communal spaces within larger cosmological concepts in order to maintain local customs and legitimise their social space.
... Il montre également que les projets de restauration sont l'occasion d'un dialogue, voire de conflits, entre les conservateurs formés en Europe et les pratiques des habitants ancrées dans des conceptions coutumières 14 . Les recherches d'Alexandra Denes sur les sites archéologiques des sanctuaires khmers situés dans la région Nord-Est de la Thaïlande, se situent dans une perspective similaire : ils montrent la nature contestée des projets de conservation, à travers l'analyse de la démarche de restauration de l'agence étatique, cette dernière tentant de désacraliser et de réguler les activités et pratiques rituelles des populations locales 15 . ...
... BYRNE, Denis (2014), Counterheritage: Critical Perspectives on Heritage Conservation in Asia, New York & London : Routledge. 15 DENES, Alexandra (2013), « Mapping Living Heritage at the Phanom Rung Historical Park : Identifying and Safeguarding the Local Meanings of a National Heritage Site », In: BAKER, Chirs (ed.), Protecting Siam's Heritage, pp. 225-256, Chiang Mai : Silkworm Books. ...
... DÖHRING, Karl (2000), op.cit., p. 7. 10 GRISWOLD, Alexander B. (1973), « Introduction », In: Damrong Rajanuphab, prince (1973 14 . Il indique que, dans l'ancien temps, ces deux types du stupa sont à l'origine de la construction du monastère (wat) 15 . L'édification du stupa initialement destiné à vénérer des reliques est étendue pour rendre hommage à des laïcs méritants, tels que les dirigeants locaux, les profanes qui soutiennent le monastère et leurs ancêtres 16 . ...
Depuis les années 1990, les mutations urbaines et architecturales suscitent une sensibilité accrue à l'égard du patrimoine urbain et architectural ordinaire. Celle-ci conduit à élaborer des nouvelles démarches dans le sens de la participation citoyenne aux projets patrimoniaux, face aux menaces de destruction pesant sur les quartiers et édifices anciens et comme alternatives aux positions des institutions officielles en matière de sauvegarde. La démarche participative prend en considération les ensembles urbains ordinaires associés aux pratiques domestiques et coutumières des collectivités locales, qui ont été jusqu'alors négligés au profit d'une vision nationale du patrimoine. Ceci marque un tournant dans la façon de considérer le patrimoine et de concevoir le projet patrimonial. Cette recherche vise à mettre en évidence la place du patrimoine urbain ordinaire et celle de la participation citoyenne dans la constitution du champ patrimonial à Chiang Mai entre 1990 et 2014, période de transition du pouvoir de gestion patrimoniale. Chiang Mai constitue un terrain d'étude éclairant et cet égard, dans la mesure où il y existe des dynamiques locales et un engagement fort des citoyens dans l'action patrimoniale.La présente recherche s'inscrit dans le champ des études patrimoniales critiques qui entend déconstruire des discours patrimoniaux hégémoniques des institutions étatiques et des organisme internationaux tels l'UNESCO. Elle interroge la pluralité des pratiques patrimoniales, des significations attachées à l'objet valorisé et leurs dissonances. En combinant des approches architecturale et socio-anthropologique, cette recherche met en place une démarche croisant analyse des projets architecturaux à vocation patrimoniale et l'analyse du lexique associé à ces projets.Considérées ici comme « tiers-espace » (Bhabha, 2006), les situations conflictuelles – suscitées par des projets en décalage, voire en contradiction avec les manières de penser et de faire des habitants – sont examinées pour leur potentiel d'innovation et de renouvellement des conceptions et des pratiques du patrimoine. Les controverses sont, nous en faisons l'hypothèse, des temps forts de concertation et de négociation qui rendent possible le métissage de visions et référents patrimoniaux hétérogènes, et l'élaboration des propositions singulières. Elles témoignent de la capacité d'agir des acteurs locaux, celle-ci se traduisant par l'adaptation de pratiques et de conceptions locales et par l'appropriation de dispositifs internationaux et sont à l'origine de discours et d'approches hybrides relatifs au patrimoine, adaptés au contexte culturel spécifique.Cette recherche s'intéresse ainsi aux mots du patrimoine qui sont issus de l'assemblage entre références locales et références internationales. Ces mots sont considérés comme indicateurs de nouvelles notions et catégories patrimoniales. Dans ce cadre, nous étudions l'évolution du sens du patrimoine, du « monument ancien » (boransathan) au « patrimoine de la communauté » (moradok chumchon), évolution qui correspond au passage de la politique centralisatrice de l'État thaïlandais au principe de la décentralisation de la gestion patrimoniale. Les mots révélateurs de différences ou les « intraduisibles » du patrimoine (Cassin et Wosny, 2016) sont aussi examinés à travers la réinterprétation locale des notions internationales de « patrimoine culturel matériel et immatériel ». Celle-ci rend compte du décalage entre les visions du monde locales et les notions internationales fondées sur la perception européenne du patrimoine, et la façon dont les acteurs locaux instrumentalisent ces notions à leur profit pour revendiquer le droit à la gestion du patrimoine.
... Nicht nur in Kambodscha, sondern auch in anderen regionalen Kontexten Südostasiens zeigen machtanalytische Untersuchungen, wie Geister in gesellschaftlichen Aushandlungsprozessen der ‚Moderne' bedeutende Rollen einnehmen (Jackson 2016(Jackson , 1999bÅrhem und Sprenger 2016;Bubandt 2014;Bräunlein 2014;Ladwig 2011;Endres und Lauser 2011;Pattana 2008Pattana , 2005aPattana , 2005bPlatenkamp 2007;Willford und George 2005;White 2005;Kendall 2001). Mit Blick auf diese Debatten einer Anthropologie Südostasiens befasse ich mich in dieser Arbeit eingehend mit der Bedeutung der spirituellen Ebene für weltliche Machtzuschreibungen. Dabei stelle ich fest, dass meine kambodschanische Fallstudie im südostasiatischen Vergleich auf eine bemerkenswert enge Verflechtung von Politik und Spiritualität hinweist und Geister einen erheblichen Einfluss auf die Aushandlung von weltlicher (das heißt, politischer und wirtschaftlicher) Macht ausüben. ...
... Ein Grund für die öffentliche Inklusion des brahmanistischen Erbes war das Handeln hochrangiger Politi-ker_innen und anderer öffentlichen Personen, die sich in brahmanistischen Ritualen engagieren und daher kein Interesse an der Reformation, Differenzierung oder Abgrenzung verschiedener Praxen zeigen. 37 Auch die Medienanstalten werden von diesen Eliten kontrolliert, so dass über diesen Weg keine kritischen Stimmen, wie beispielsweise bei Pattana (2002) aus Thailand beschrieben, an die Öffentlichkeit gelangen. Auch der einflussreiche Patriarch des größten Mönchsordens Mahānikāy, Tep Vong, betont die gemeinsamen Aspekte der Religionen. ...
... In anderen Ländern wie Thailand(Pattana 2012(Pattana , 2002, Vietnam(Sorrentino 2013;Endres 2011;Phạm 2009) oder Indonesien(Bubandt 2014; Christensen 2014) wurde die rituelle Praxis mit Geistern und besonders die praktizierte Medialität von staatlicher und religiös institutionalisierter Seite sanktioniert oder verboten, allerdings immer wieder auch mit ausgehandelten Ausnahmen(Dror 2016;Lauser 2018Lauser , 2008. ...
Ausgehend von der Frage nach der Relevanz von Geisterpraktiken untersucht Paul Christensen die bedeutsamen Rollen von Geistern in der kambodschanischen Gesellschaft. Die wichtigen thematischen Schwerpunkte legt er auf die Verarbeitung der traumatischen Vergangenheit, die religiöse Identifikation der Kambodschaner_innen, die politische Ermächtigung der Eliten durch spirituelle Legitimationsstrategien und die lebendige Ritualpraxis der Geistmedien in Kambodscha. Durch den ethnologischen Zugang einer 13-monatigen Feldforschung und eine innovative, an die Akteur-Netzwerk-Theorie angelehnte Methodik kann im Sinne einer (wieder-)‚verzauberten Moderne‘ ein emisches Verständnis dieser religiösen Phänomene gewonnen werden, die in ähnlicher Weise in ganz Südostasien auftreten. Die Arbeit liefert einen wegweisenden Beitrag zum wissenschaftlichen Verständnis von Geistern. Dabei überzeugt sie nicht nur mit der Anschlussfähigkeit der Methodik; die Ethnografie liefert Beschreibungen zu gesellschaftlichen Themen wie Macht, Existenz, Religion, Heilung, Liebe oder Trauer, die nicht nur das ‚Andere‘ plausibel machen, sondern auch das ‚Eigene‘ in Frage stellen.
... Nicht nur in Kambodscha, sondern auch in anderen regionalen Kontexten Südostasiens zeigen machtanalytische Untersuchungen, wie Geister in gesellschaftlichen Aushandlungsprozessen der ‚Moderne' bedeutende Rollen einnehmen (Jackson 2016(Jackson , 1999bÅrhem und Sprenger 2016;Bubandt 2014;Bräunlein 2014;Ladwig 2011;Endres und Lauser 2011;Pattana 2008Pattana , 2005aPattana , 2005bPlatenkamp 2007;Willford und George 2005;White 2005;Kendall 2001). Mit Blick auf diese Debatten einer Anthropologie Südostasiens befasse ich mich in dieser Arbeit eingehend mit der Bedeutung der spirituellen Ebene für weltliche Machtzuschreibungen. Dabei stelle ich fest, dass meine kambodschanische Fallstudie im südostasiatischen Vergleich auf eine bemerkenswert enge Verflechtung von Politik und Spiritualität hinweist und Geister einen erheblichen Einfluss auf die Aushandlung von weltlicher (das heißt, politischer und wirtschaftlicher) Macht ausüben. ...
... Ein Grund für die öffentliche Inklusion des brahmanistischen Erbes war das Handeln hochrangiger Politi-ker_innen und anderer öffentlichen Personen, die sich in brahmanistischen Ritualen engagieren und daher kein Interesse an der Reformation, Differenzierung oder Abgrenzung verschiedener Praxen zeigen. 37 Auch die Medienanstalten werden von diesen Eliten kontrolliert, so dass über diesen Weg keine kritischen Stimmen, wie beispielsweise bei Pattana (2002) aus Thailand beschrieben, an die Öffentlichkeit gelangen. Auch der einflussreiche Patriarch des größten Mönchsordens Mahānikāy, Tep Vong, betont die gemeinsamen Aspekte der Religionen. ...
... In anderen Ländern wie Thailand(Pattana 2012(Pattana , 2002, Vietnam(Sorrentino 2013;Endres 2011;Phạm 2009) oder Indonesien(Bubandt 2014; Christensen 2014) wurde die rituelle Praxis mit Geistern und besonders die praktizierte Medialität von staatlicher und religiös institutionalisierter Seite sanktioniert oder verboten, allerdings immer wieder auch mit ausgehandelten Ausnahmen(Dror 2016;Lauser 2018Lauser , 2008. ...
... The sample population was drawn from religious icon vendors who provided personal insights into various meanings and their own personal interpretations of their products in relation to Ganesa. 123 The Thai religious market is comprised of the production, consumption and exchange of charisma (Tambiah 1984;Jackson 1999;McDaniel 2011), merits (Kitiarsa 2008), Buddhist and non-Buddhist goods (Kitiarsa 2005;Kitiarsa 2012;Jackson 1999) and religious tourism. Huntington and Shaw (1951: 18) suggest, "every religion is at least modified by its surroundings, especially those of its birthplace." ...
... The sample population was drawn from religious icon vendors who provided personal insights into various meanings and their own personal interpretations of their products in relation to Ganesa. 123 The Thai religious market is comprised of the production, consumption and exchange of charisma (Tambiah 1984;Jackson 1999;McDaniel 2011), merits (Kitiarsa 2008), Buddhist and non-Buddhist goods (Kitiarsa 2005;Kitiarsa 2012;Jackson 1999) and religious tourism. Huntington and Shaw (1951: 18) suggest, "every religion is at least modified by its surroundings, especially those of its birthplace." ...
... The sample population was drawn from religious icon vendors who provided personal insights into various meanings and their own personal interpretations of their products in relation to Ganesa. 123 The Thai religious market is comprised of the production, consumption and exchange of charisma (Tambiah 1984;Jackson 1999;McDaniel 2011), merits (Kitiarsa 2008), Buddhist and non-Buddhist goods (Kitiarsa 2005;Kitiarsa 2012;Jackson 1999) and religious tourism. Huntington and Shaw (1951: 18) suggest, "every religion is at least modified by its surroundings, especially those of its birthplace." ...
Ganesa has long been familiar to the people of Thailand but increasingly evident are the Ganesa cults flourishing in Bangkok. In the process, the deity appears to be acquiring new roles and functions. Ganesa now serves in a number of capacities for some; he is a ‘fixer’, a deity of last resort that can help devotees to overcome obstacles in their lives. Not surprisingly, the growing popularity of the deity is reflected in a rapidly expanding trade in Ganesa images and icons, displayed in shopping mall exhibitions in a variety of forms, colors, shapes, and sizes. Readily available at most of Bangkok’s major retail outlets, Ganesa icons are traded online via social media. This research attempts to explore this phenomenon, both by examining shifting belief practices associated with Ganesa locally and by looking at how these shifts are reflected in the evolving trade in Ganesa iconography. Considering both together, the author will demonstrate that Ganesa cult is presently the focal point for a number of people, each with its own unique approach to the deity, powers and representation.
... Thus, the ways in which people perform or act through the myth still significantly pervades all communal life. One might argue that the belief of naga is an animistic form of belief like those held in many other areas, such as nat in Myanmar, or phi (ghosts or Chumdee 2006:115) spirits) in most Tai communities, which is a belief still seen today in mainland Southeast Asia (Van Esterik 1982, Kitiarsa 2005, Eberhardt 2006, Swearer 2010. However, although most temple sites in the Chiang Saen basin tend to illustrate the Buddhist cosmology, the appearances of the naga myth still strongly prevails. ...
... Before I discuss how the unconventional and conventional building patterns were formed in the Chiang Saen basin, it should be asked how we can understand these building patterns in relation to ideas and ideologies connected to Buddhist thoughts. Often, scholars have thought about Buddhism as a rigid set of doctrinal concepts, but recently it has been noted that certain practices in many local communities in Thailand and across Southeast Asia suggest another point of view for how Buddhism is understood and practiced (Tambiah 1970, Swearer 1995, McDaniel 2011, Kitiarsa 2005, Cassaniti 2015a2015b). In Southeast Asia, Buddhist traditions tend to be mixed with practices that have been called animist, or supernaturalism, as can be seen from the popular practice of spirit medium, magic, and other forms of spiritual activities and religions (Kitiarsa 2005, McDaniel 2011. ...
... Often, scholars have thought about Buddhism as a rigid set of doctrinal concepts, but recently it has been noted that certain practices in many local communities in Thailand and across Southeast Asia suggest another point of view for how Buddhism is understood and practiced (Tambiah 1970, Swearer 1995, McDaniel 2011, Kitiarsa 2005, Cassaniti 2015a2015b). In Southeast Asia, Buddhist traditions tend to be mixed with practices that have been called animist, or supernaturalism, as can be seen from the popular practice of spirit medium, magic, and other forms of spiritual activities and religions (Kitiarsa 2005, McDaniel 2011. In this thesis, I will be invoking what I call conventional ...
A powerful myth in Chiang Saen basin, states that the naga came and destroyed the town known as yonok after its ruler became immoral and offended this mythical creature. Despite this divine retribution, the people of the town chose to rebuild it. Many archeological sites found within the region confirm and indicate people’s resettlement. While many scholars understand that this region has always been devoted to Theravada Buddhism, and although many temple sites were constructed in the Buddhist concept, the building patterns seem to vary from location to location and illustrate what this thesis calls an unconventional pattern separate from Buddhist cosmology. In addition to the building pattern, many local written documents and practices today also appear to reflect influences of the naga myth on building construction. From both ethnographic data and archaeological evidence, this thesis argues that people not only believe in the myth, but have also applied the myth as a tool to interact with the surrounding landscapes and environment. Most significantly, the naga myth is also seen by the people as a part of the larger cosmological concept, and the ways in which they understand the changing landscapes. This process I call mythscape: the process that the naga myth is used as a communicated element by the local people to modify, construct, and create the space and their cultural landscape, i.e. settlement patterns. It is the process by which the naga myth becomes a part of their communal space and landscape.
... Ethnicity, on the other hand, is defined here as a marker of otherness used to describe differences among socio-cultural groups (Pieterse, 2003). In heterogeneous countries like Thailand with several regions, languages, and religions (Cohen, 1991;Kitiarsa, 2005;Luangthongkum, 2007), the term "internal ethnicity" (Light et al., 1993) appears useful for this paper to make sense of Thai migrants' enactment of belonging at the local level. The term "global ethnicity" (Light et al., 1992) refers to national belonging and appears effective in identifying Thai migrant women's link to the Thai nation. ...
... Women with good economic resources like Mai most often engage in such a transnational practice, in which social class belonging intersects with their religiosity. Visits and offerings in a Thai Buddhist temple in another country appear here as an enactment of multiple belonging to a privileged social class and to a complex Theravada Buddhist transnational community in which religious hybridization is taking place as in Thailand (Jackson, 2020;Kitiarsa, 2005): for example, occult practices such as using fortune sticks to get a hint of the future (see the section on transcendental transmission). ...
The Thai migration to Belgium is numerically a woman-led phenomenon, which has captured social attention for the last decades. This attention entails stereotypes about Thai migrant women as ‘workers’ in the intimate industry and/or ‘exotic wives’ of Belgian men. To challenge these stereotypes, the present paper explores the often-ignored dimension of Thai women’s sociality. Specifically, it examines the transmission dynamics occurring in their Buddhist social spaces, which shape and reinforce their sense of belonging. To do so, it draws from ethnographic fieldwork with Thai migrant women and key social actors within the Thai population in the country. Data analysis unveils that these women engage in multiform modes of transmission in their Buddhist social spaces. First, they transmit good deeds from the material world to the spiritual realm through merit-making practices and by seeking spiritual guidance in the temple. Second, they pass their socio-cultural ways of belonging to their children by engaging in different socializing activities. And third, they involve themselves in sharing religious faith, material symbols, and tastes described as part of Thai culture. Through this multiform transmission, Thai migrant women confront in subtle ways the common-held views about them at the intersection of their various identities as spouses, mothers, citizens, and Buddhist devotees.
... eleventh-twelfth centuries CE), open space in temples housed both Buddhist and non-Buddhist social activities, such as harvest and renewal ceremonies and temple festivals. Like spirit houses, the temple emerged as the place for many forms of knowledge, including local folklore, myths, and oral histories, which were critical to maintaining a sense of community identity (Kitiarsa 2005;McDaniel 2008). A wat or temple is commonly located at the center of the village, or in the case of a town, there will be multiple "villages" and temples clustered within the city walls. ...
... Both kinds of spatial transformation also reflect the social and religious lived practices of a diversity of people from many social groups, throughout the history of the region (Chumdee 2006;Eberhardt 2006;FAD 1991FAD , 2009FAD , 2010Laungaramsri 2003;Ongsakul 2009;Raunthong 2013;Wyatt 2003). We suggest the transformations we see in some temples in Chiang Saen reflect a series of negotiations, resulting in a syncretic, or what one might call "hybrid," combination of the previous religious practices and statesponsored religious ideologies that emerged during the Buddhist reform (Kitiarsa 2005;Moonkham 2021). In terms of social structures, we suggest the combination and transformation also reflect the negotiation between heterarchical and hierarchical forms of social relationships, resulting in a mixture of diversity and uniformity of relationships among many groups of people over time. ...
This article applies space syntax analysis as an experimental tool to assess the spatial organization and social landscape among the Chiang Saen community in Northern Thailand. This article aims to highlight concepts and interpretations of social spaces that have both ritual and domestic components, providing insights into similarities and differences in the use of space. Space syntax research elsewhere has shed light on issues of social behavior through spatial accessibility. Application of the method to the spatial arrangements in sites in Northern Thailand that span the Buddhist reform period of the fourteenth century CE enhances our understanding of similar issues. The space syntax analysis demonstrates common systems found among six archaeological sites: the first is an asymmetrical and hierarchical pattern, which reflects elements of a strongly conventional temple pattern characteristic of the post-reform period, and the second identified the symmetrical and “openness” qualities of social spaces, a less regimented spatial pattern more aligned with local religious practices. The results demonstrate that the spatial arrangement in most temples is a combination of both spatial and social systems which also indicates negotiation and change between the two, suggesting diverse social activities and religious ideas were practiced and performed at the temples.
... Here I argue that Cambodian Buddhism is also defined by processes of 'Brahmanisation'. In order to stress the mutual influence of Buddhism and Brahmanism, I prefer the term 'hybridisation' (Pattana 2005). ...
... This desire to be better off now -without having to 'wait' for the consequences of merit-making (which can happen after rebirth as well) -has been sparked by economic growth and the new atmosphere of optimism which has developed with it. This situation corresponds to what Jackson has described as "prosperity religion" (1999) and reflects the intertwined correspondence between economic liberalisation, societal modernisation and religious re-enchantment, which has been documented in many Southeast Asian contexts recently (Pattana 2008;Endres and Lauser 2011;Foxeus 2017). In the following section, I illustrate the connection between prosperity and re-enchantment by looking at the example of Bun Ly, a spirit medium from Southwest Cambodia. ...
This paper explores the growing demand for spirit rituals in Cambodia over the last two decades. Beginning with the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979, the author focuses on the revitalisation of “Brahmanism” (brahmaṇya-sāsanā), a term that in Cambodia describes religious practices involving spirits. Brahmanist practices have grown in popularity in parallel with the rapid revitalisation of Buddhism that has taken place since the end of the post-Khmer Rouge Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia in 1989. The author argues that the influence of ideas of pāramī, or spiritual power, is a significant reason for the popularity of Brahmanist rituals. In contrast to Buddhist practice which places emphasis on the accumulation of merit (puṇya), spirits and their human mediums may provide immediate cures, or help in the accumulation of power and money. Hence Brahmanism is appealing to many Cambodians – as the title of the paper suggests – because their offerings are traded for more immediate benefits than Buddhist merit-making. Because of their flexibility, Brahmanist rituals have been easily adapted to the new capitalist market, which was ‘liberalized’ in the 1990s. Unlike the well-documented development of Buddhism, the revitalization of Brahmanism has gone rather unnoticed by scholars of Cambodia. Nonetheless, it has become a modern phenomenon that provides revealing insights into a society that finds itself in politically troubled times.
... This research aimed to provide evidence of Hindu hybrids within the Thai community and the role played by a Hindu temple in formalizing this hybridity in contemporary Thailand. Evidence of religious diversity with the presence of Buddhist, Chinese, and Hindu religious practices in Thailand has been presented by Bun and Kiong (1993) and Kitiarsa (2005) showing Chinese assimilation and hybridization of popular religions in Thailand. ...
Hinduism in Southeast Asia, specifically in Thailand, and its influences on culture, society and politics is not a new area of study in the field of social sciences. A number of studies in the past have focused on Hinduism and its influences in Southeast Asia. These studies however have been focusing specifically on cultural and religious influences but only from a historical perspective. Far less attention has been paid to contemporary Hinduism, especially in Thailand, and how the younger generation of Thais has adopted aspects of Hinduism in their daily lives. This research paper is an attempt to fill this gap by focusing on modern aspects of Hinduism within the Thai context. In particular, this research paper examines how a contemporary Hindu temple, known as Dev Mandir, in Bangkok has come to serve as a center of religious faith for two separate communities: one Hindu and one Thai. Dev Mandir is an important diasporic Hindu temple located in the heart of Bangkok and acts as an important bridge between the Hindu and the Thai communities within the capital. The methodology utilized within this research involved the use of semi-structured interviews with practitioners and devotees as well as personal observations done closely during important religious ceremonies and events at the Dev Mandir. The results from the interviews and observations show evidence of acculturation and counter acculturation among the Hindu and self-defined Thai Buddhist visiting Dev Mandir on a regular basis.
... Yet, as Comaroff and Comaroff (2001) argue, the increased influence of so-called market forces over people's lives has sparked a renewed appeal for religion as an instrument to manage economic fears and desires. In Thailand, religious masters offer services aimed at easing financial hardship and fulfilling consumer-driven fantasies -usually in exchange for a fee (see Pattana Kitiarsa 2005). Increasingly visible among such service providers are spirit mediums (rang song or khon song jao), who provide divination and related rituals ( Jackson 2014). ...
... Ainsi, le village (ban) signifie un groupe de familles qui réside dans l'aire d'influence d'un monastère bouddhique (wat) et dans le territoire de protection des génies tutélaires (phi ผี ). La croyance dans le génie protecteur est liée au culte des ancêtres, fonds de croyance animiste qui coexiste avec le bouddhisme (Kitiarsa 2005). ...
The accelerated urbanisation of Chiang Mai, the economic capital and tourist centre of the Northern region of Thailand, has been erasing the material traces of its urban and architectural past since the 1990s. As a reaction to the fear of a loss of local identity due to major urban restructuring, particularly in the residential areas of the former royal city, non-governmental associations are taking into consideration the ordinary heritage of the local communities which, until then, had been excluded from the heritage programmes of the national authorities. The article presents the results of our study of the pilot and experimental Fuen Ban Yan Wiang programme conducted by a collective of local associations, led by the group Little People in Conservation (LPC), which played a leading role in the reactivation of the expression moradok chumchon, understood as Heritage of the Community, in the 2000s. By comparing the words of heritage and their iconographic representations, in particular those of the “cultural mapping”, a critical analysis of the participatory approach of LPC is presented. In order to situate the strategy and action of its leaders in regard to national and international developments on the issue of the role of communities and the consideration of ordinary heritage, we explore the constitution and expansion of the heritage categories “Ancient Monument” (boransathan โบราณสถาน) and “Heritage of the Community” (moradok chumchon มรดกชุมชน) in Thailand and in Chiang Mai in particular.
... Ainsi, le village (ban) signifie un groupe de familles qui réside dans l'aire d'influence d'un monastère bouddhique (wat) et dans le territoire de protection des génies tutélaires (phi ผี ). La croyance dans le génie protecteur est liée au culte des ancêtres, fonds de croyance animiste qui coexiste avec le bouddhisme (Kitiarsa 2005). ...
L’urbanisation accélérée de Chiang Mai, capitale économique et pôle touristique de la région Nord de la Thaïlande, provoque un effacement des traces matérielles de son passé urbain et architectural depuis les années 1990. En réaction à la crainte d’une perte de l’identité locale consécutive aux importantes recompositions urbaines, particulièrement dans les quartiers d’habitat de l’ancienne ville royale, des associations non gouvernementales prennent en considération les patrimoines ordinaires des communautés locales qui, jusqu’alors, avaient été exclues des programmes patrimoniaux des instances nationales. L’article présente les résultats de notre étude du programme pilote et expérimental Fuen Ban Yan Wiang conduit par un collectif d’associations locales, dirigé par le groupe Little People in Conservation (LPC) qui joue un rôle moteur dans la réactivation de l’expression moradok chumchon, entendue comme patrimoine de la communauté, dans les années 2000. Mettant en regard les mots du patrimoine et leurs représentations iconographiques, en particulier celles des « cartes culturelles », une analyse critique de la démarche participative de LPC est présentée. Afin de situer la stratégie et l’action de ses leaders concerannt l’élaboration nationale et internationale sur la question du rôle des communautés et de la prise en compte du patrimoine ordinaire, nous explorons la constitution et l’élargissement des catégories patrimoniales « monument ancien » (boransathan โบราณสถาน) et « patrimoine de la communauté » (moradok chumchon มรดกชุมชน) en Thaïlande et à Chiang Mai en particulier.
... 7 Among other things, they study how its practices transform to respond to the needs of a changing society. 8 These needs, of course, intrinsically relate to power. Contemporary ethnographies portray Buddhist monks, spirit mediums and astrologers as coexisting as they engage in practices, ranging from the sale (chao) of amulets (phra khrueang) to the divination of lottery numbers and lucky dates, which address the most pressing concerns of laypeople in the era of neoliberalism. ...
This essay explores intimate relationships between Buddhism and power in contemporary Thailand. Considering practices like divination and spirit mediumship as well as more orthodox contexts like kingship and the monkhood, it argues that Thai Buddhism cannot be divorced from the race for political influence and material wealth. The essay ultimately investigates the role of religion in legitimizing social hierarchy and economic inequality in the kingdom. It also illustrates how Thai Buddhism offers opportunities for resistance, as people from the periphery appropriate idioms of morality to challenge the status quo.
... "These three movements all make serious attempts to communicate and to answer the spiritual needs of the Thai people, particularly the urban middle class in the modern context" (Satha-Anand, 1990, p. 397). The fourth movement is followers of Kuan Im bodhisattva (Chinese Kuan Yin), sometimes inaccurately considered a "(spirit cult)" from popular religion (Kitiarsa, 2005;Luo, 2016). All four movements aim for high ethical standards. ...
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine “(Buddhist economics)” in urban reform Buddhism in Thailand. In the West, Buddhist economics is often perceived as a specific economic system, but understanding the sustainable development debate in Buddhist countries requires recognition that there are many versions.
Design/methodology/approach
The authors organize the discussion about Buddhist economics into a framework used in the sustainability debate. Current literature, largely from Thai writers, is analyzed to understand their positions on economy and environment.
Findings
Four representative movements are discussed which show substantial differences. Status quo Wat Dhammakaya feels that Buddhist economics is mainly about improving individual moral behavior within the current capitalist system, and needs little systemic change. Santi Asoke is explicitly anti-capitalist, and its most serious adherents live simple lifestyles in collectivist agricultural communities. “(Reform-from-within)” seeks a mixed economy containing both capitalist and socialist elements. Kuan Im is also between the extremes, largely small business capitalist and wanting some restraints on perceived predatory big business.
Originality/value
Buddhist perspectives are just beginning to enter mainstream western discussion on sustainability. The most common understanding of Buddhist economics in the west is incomplete, assuming only one form of Buddhist economics. In fact, Buddhist societies, represented here by Thailand, cover the whole range of thinking on sustainability.
... Similar appropriation is explored in this paper with the emphasis of the appropriation and incorporation of a Hindu God, Siva, into the Theravada Buddhist practices. Additionally Kitiarsa (2005) argues that the hybridization, a concept pioneered by Bhabha (1994) 1 , of Thai popular religion has become more visible since 1990s. This visibility as he sees has been made possible by the mass media and the marketplaces helping religions to expand beyond their conventional spaces, the temples. ...
In this paper, I present the argument that Buddhism in Thailand has not been successful in satisfying the religious desires of the Buddhist population. This has attracted the Buddhist devotees to other religions, giving rise to the commodification of religious beliefs in contemporary Thailand. This paper aims to bring the commodification of Hindu religious beliefs to light by examining the growing popularity of a 'Hindu' shrine in a commercial district of Bangkok, Siva's Shrine in the Pinklao District. Run by a charity organization, the shrine reveals both syncretism and commodification of religious Hindu beliefs. A descriptive approach utilizing interviews and observations has been adopted. The findings show how the local Thai population has modified Hindu belief systems, especially in the capital city of Bangkok. The paper is divided into mainly two parts: the first section explores the concept of commodification and the later section details findings from the chosen shrine.
... Notwithstanding the importance of this compartmentalist approach, 'inclusive syncretism' as proposed bySwearer (1995: 5-7) attempted to resolve the 'seemingly contradictions' between the highest ideals and goals of Theravada Buddhism and the living popular traditions by viewing them as 'necessarily intertwined'.However, this approach has limitations which can be seen in the way it explains the consequential developments in Thai religious scape upon the advent of Globalization and market influences. While pointing out these limitations of the syncretic approach,Kitiarsa (2005) proposed a kind of 'subtle hybridization' to be an appropriate model for depicting the picture of religious-scape of Thailand. Focusing on the increased prominence of religious commodification and capitalist consumerism in Thailand since 1980s, Kitiarsa argues that Thailand's popular beliefs and religiosity in the past few decades have been undergoing a significant degree of hybridization. ...
My endeavor in this paper is to explore the presences and absences of Hinduism in contemporary Thailand. After addressing the methodological and conceptual difficulties in understanding ‘Hinduism’, I provide a brief glance of the history to give a bird’s eye view of the place of Hinduism in Thailand. Subsequently, I discuss the dynamics of the religious scape of Thailand as it is available in the form of heuristic models presented as ‘syncretic, compartmentalist and hybrid’ in the recent academic debates which have enriched the discourse. We understand that the discourse is thereby indirectly limiting any possibility of making a generalization about the presence or absence of any particular religion. Finally, I provide the dynamics of Hinduism in contemporary Thailand while interrogating the proclamation of Justin McDaniel that “there is no Hinduism in Thailand” by pointing out the conceptual limitations of his approach. The study limits itself to the contemporary academic landscape of Thai religions.
... This is why, although Asia remains a resource providing relevant models for theories of diversity, established on the compari son with diversification theories in the West, these models are far from being unified, either according to a single theory or a global and allembracing concep tual framework. Issues in diversity are still addressed in different terminologies depending on the context: syncretism in Java (Geertz 1960), Nepal (Gellner 1997), hybridization in SouthEast Asia (Kitiarsa 2005), religious pluralism in India (Chatterjee 1994), or simply diversity in China (Weller 2014) epitomize only a few examples of the extended lexicon of the diverse expressions of religion in the Asian context. This special issue is, in a certain way, an attempt to track notions of diversity, but also to prolong the debate and discuss the relevance of the issue. ...
This paper aims at reopening the debate regarding ‘religious diversity’ in religious studies. A review of (recent or ancient) literature demonstrates that we have not finished with the complexity of the issue of ‘diversity’, whether in academic or social debates. Furthermore, diversity must not only be taken seriously, but impels us towards a comparative methodology in order to highlight the variations of the forms, dynamics, effects and contexts of diversity. As such, Asian countries represent a very interesting location for an epistemological deconstruction of the Western-style and monotheistic-centred concept of ‘religious diversity’, as it is often used in religious studies and the social sciences.
... In the first instance, 'religion' often has a more flexible and inclusivist meaning when interpreted outside of Western and/or Christian traditions and contexts. In Singapore and Malaysia, for example, Chinese forms of Buddhism are often referred to as a 'syncretic religion' that has expanded in definitional size and scope as it has been carried and settled across borders (Goh, 2009; see also Kitiarsa, 2005). In the second instance, second-generation migrants have been shown to be born into an inherently more flexible way of shaping their religious identities than their parents. ...
This article advances a new understanding of the outcomes that arise from the movement and settlement of religion. These outcomes can range from religious accord to discord; or, from the full integration of migrant religions to inter-religious conflict. It identifies two axes that determine such outcomes. The first relates to the interplay between transnational religious agency and the strength of local religious structures. Harder structures are more likely to require migrant religious groups to make greater compromises to bring about situations of religious accord, while softer structures are less likely to do so. The second relates to the interplay between religion and other aspects of a migrant's identity. Just as religion plays a more prominent role for some migrants, for others it is more subordinate. Combined, these two axes provide a framework to help understand the negotiations and compromises that arise as a result of religious pluralism in a globalised world.
... In the Thai context, however, Hindu gods are very popular among the spirit mediums. 9 This provides evidence that spirit mediums have incorporated Hinduism into their spiritual lives in Thailand but this is still not accepted in Hinduism. ...
... Since 2008, Thai artist Jakkai Siributr's (Bangkok, 1969) work has become increasingly critical toward Thais and their relation to a Buddhism that he envisions tending toward a post-Buddhist era. 78 His sarcasm has targeted monks, the military and government officials alike-these latter works, included in the exhibitions Plunder (2013) and Transient Shelter (2014) have been exhibited "in exile", as he believes Thailand's ultra-conservative Buddhist government would most probably have censored his work. In 2014, Siributr conceived 78 (2014) (Figure 13), one of his most explicitly political works. ...
The Third Avant-garde: messages of discontent proposes and defines the occurrence of an avant-garde event in 1990s Southeast Asia. This occurrence primarily focuses on art’s social functions and is characterized by the inclusion of fragments of traditional arts within contemporary expressions. I argue that in this unorthodox employment of the traditional resides the avant-garde stance of these artworks, which defy established notions of art and the avant-garde. Third Avant-garde manifestations not only do not comply with the status quo promoted by local intelligentsia, they simultaneously combat the inherited taxonomical division that divided the fields of art and culture as two separate entities. The essay proposes examples of Southeast Asian artists that have contributed for the establishment of Third Avant-garde works while it equally indicates curators and at historians involved in the process of their institutionalization.
... Jackson, 2010 Asia, Issue 22, 'Thai Cosmic Politics', ed. by Edoardo Siani, September 2017. https://kyotoreview.org/issue-22/catholicism-in-post-bhumibol-thailand/ showing that even Catholic items and symbols have been absorbed into an amalgam of hybrid, decentralized supernatural beliefs, economies, and expressions resembling what some scholars have referred to as "marketized religiosity" or "commercialized religion" (Jackson, 1999;Suwanna, 1994;Pattana, 2005 'Thai-fication' of Catholicism (Bressan 2005;Bressan and Smithies 2006). ...
Informed by postcolonial theories, this research presented critical investigations on Chakri Maha Prasat Throne Hall, the ordination hall at Niwet Thammaprawat Temple, and Munthatu Rattanaroj Villa. Aside from examining the three hybrid Siamese-European buildings beyond stylistic analyses and antiquarian mode of historiography, the upcoming discussions unveiled that the case studies – which were commissioned at the height of Western colonial expansions in Southeast Asia – testified for the Siamese’s: (1) reinterpretations, reappropriations, and recreations of European cultural artifacts; (2) active and authoritative roles in generating, combining, and projecting their versions of contested meanings upon the immediate world and beyond; (3) assertions of a newly acquired self-image by conspicuous consumptions of Western material culture; and (4) long established tradition of mediating power through built forms. In addition, by utilizing the politics of representations as a mode of problematization, these eclectic palatial structures were perceived as representational tools to create a civilized identity and discursive devices for power mediation, as opposed to unskilled or kitschy copies of Western precedents. In conclusion, the inquiries essentially argued that although Siam was among few places in Asia that did not succumb to a direct colonial rule by any Western power, the kingdom was a de facto crypto-colony.
Beginning in 2020, young people in Thailand have led rallies to protest the interference of the military and the monarchy in politics. They have also condemned the role played by Buddhist discourse and court ritual in celebrating kings as divine. ‘No God, No King, Only Human’ reads a protest sign. Simultaneously, however, some groups of protesters have used the same ‘religious’ repertoire, such as the astrological tradition of the court, in their activism, turning it into an instrument of resistance. This article explores this apparent ambivalence via an ethnographic focus on divination, a long-standing central feature of Thai politics. Drawing from a decade of fieldwork conducted with diviners ( mo du ) and their clients from both pro-regime and pro-democracy camps, including prominent young activists, I argue that progressive individuals do not necessarily need to reject cosmological ideas and rituals deemed conservative in order to resist. Rather, many proactively co-opt them to enhance their own position in the polity, further demonstrating the inability of those in power to live up to accepted moral standards. This strategy, which builds on a Southeast Asian tradition of millenarianism, mobilises dogmatic notions including karma in support of narratives and practices of resistance.
“Intercultural performance” elicits complicated power dimensions in an exchange between center and periphery. To address these power dimensions, this paper focuses on dance pieces Behalf (2018) and the Rama's House opening performance (2019), co-choreographed and performed by Taiwanese artist Wu-Kang Chen and Thai artist Pichet Klunchun. By using a comparative approach to uncover the other’s traditional dance training system, they cooperate to rewrite the conflicting history of performance in Southeast Asia—crossing several intricate borders. Their collaboration(s) can be viewed as a resistant imaginary in line with the “South-South” coalition scheme. That is, artists who share similar marginalized experiences under the hegemony of intercultural performance collaborate to create works based on equality and reciprocity, with respect for and curiosity regarding each other. This research explores how experiments in contemporary dance can liberate the body from the discipline of traditional cultural codes as well as colonial imperatives, and help reconstruct a new, tangible corporeality through South-South intercultural exchange.
Bronislaw Malinowski suggested nearly a century ago that a key purpose of religious engagement is to provide a sense of stability in the face of uncertainty. This close relationship between religion and stability is often presumed by scholars today, but, we argue, it is not as universal as is often supposed. Drawing on over 15 years of ethnographic research in Northern Thailand, we show how Thai Buddhists actively and strategically remind themselves of the inherent precarity of the future, rather than seek to minimize it. Analyzing rhetoric that draws on shared understandings of the uncertain in day‐to‐day religious practice, we show how Thai Buddhists strive for what we call “aimless agency”: a psychological acceptance of future unknowability. We use this ethnographic example to suggest further work on the social implications of impermanence and the importance of paying greater attention to cultural variability in religious approaches to an uncertain world.
Most studies on Chinese religions in Southeast Asia focus on their relationship with Chinese communities, but little attention has been paid to their social interactions outside these communities. At the same time, most studies on Thai religion have concentrated on the issue of syncretism and especially the dominance of Theravada Buddhism. Rather than focusing on either Chinese ethnicity or Theravada Buddhism-dominated syncretism, this article adopts a competitive view of religion to comprehend the relationship between religious practitioners in Thailand. It draws on the example of Yiguan Dao, a religious group that originated in China. The article argues that although the group is not formally recognised as a ‘religion’ (sasana) by the Thai state, it is subject to little government regulation. Instead, it faces attacks and criticism from its Buddhist critics, who call it a ‘cult’ (latthi). Like Bourdieu’s prophet who challenges the priest, Yiguan Dao has claimed its teachings are the ‘truth’ (thamma). The group has asserted its legitimacy and superiority by transferring other forms of symbolic capital to its own religious capital and revising its hierarchical position in Thailand’s Buddhist-dominated religious field.
The role of spirituality in management is of growing interest, not least because it is closely related to business ethics, and, thus, how businesses treat customers and employees. The topic, however, still needs some conceptual development, as well as empirical research, especially outside Western, Christian contexts. This qualitative research examines spirituality among women small business owners in Thailand. These women follow Kuan Im bodhisattva, a Buddhist role model teaching compassion and morality. In Jackson's terminology, this is an example of an Eastern, practice‐oriented approach to ethics rather than (in his view) the somewhat theoretical wisdom‐oriented approach common in the West. The nature of their spirituality and their treatment of customers and employees maps strongly to a servant leadership style. Servant leadership has occasionally been proposed as the style most closely associated with spirituality. In this context, it seems to be thoroughly intertwined, and highly concerned with ethical treatment of others.
The rescue mission at Tham Luang cave in Chiang Rai, Thailand, presents a scenario in which magical rituals and technical knowledge were marshaled against hostile natural conditions. While practical endeavors were made to mitigate the risks and impediments posed by malign weather and topographical features of the cave, myths and rituals were enacted to control unruly factors not subject to human manipulation. In this paper, I argue that: 1) Magical rituals at Tham Luang cave did not originate from the participants’ confidence in the reality of supernatural beings but from their attempt to use alternative approaches to remedy a precarious situation when practical efforts and technical knowledge did not yield a desired outcome. 2) In this case, the participants regarded the reality of supernatural beings and their role in the rescue as a possibility rather than a self-evident truth.
This book follows the hybrid and contradictory history of magic realism through the writings of three key figures – art historian Franz Roh, novelist Alejo Carpentier, and cultural critic Fredric Jameson – drawing links between their political, aesthetic, and philosophical ideas on art’s relationship to reality.
Magic realism is vast in scope, spanning almost a century, and is often confused with neighbouring styles of literature or art, most notably surrealism. The fascinating conditions of modernist Europe are complex and contradictory, a spirit that magic realism has taken on as it travels far and wide. The filmmakers and writers in this book acknowledge the importance of feeling, atmosphere, and mood to subtly provoke and resist global capitalism. Theirs is the history of magic-realist cinema. The book explores this history through the modernist avant-garde in search of a new theory of cinematic magic realism. It uncovers a resistant, geopolitical form of world cinema – moving from Europe, through Latin America and the former Soviet Union, to Thailand – that emerges from these ideas.
This book is invaluable to any reader interested in world modernism(s) in relation to contemporary cinema and geopolitics. Its sustained analysis of film as a sensory, intermedial medium is of interest to scholars working across the visual arts, literature, critical theory, and film-philosophy.
After the end of World War II when many Southeast Asian nations gained national independence, and up until the Asian Financial Crisis, film industries here had distinctive and colourful histories shaped by unique national and domestic conditions. Southeast Asia on Screen: From Independence to Financial Crisis (1945-1998) addresses the similar themes, histories, trends, technologies and sociopolitical events that have moulded the art and industry of film in this region, identifying the unique characteristics that continue to shape cinema, spectatorship and Southeast Asian filmmaking in the present and the future. Bringing together scholars across the region, chapters explore the conditions that have given rise to today’s burgeoning Southeast Asian cinemas as well as the gaps that manifest as temporal belatedness and historical disjunctures in the more established regional industries.
Hindu gods have been worshipped alongside the Lord Buddha and traditional spirits by Thai Theravada Buddhists for hundreds of years. During the past two decades there has been a spectacular boom in new forms of worship of Ganesha, the elephant-headed god of success and remover of obstacles. At these ostensibly religious events and festivals, Thai followers wear Indian clothing and consume Indian foods. Processions incorporate Indian music ensembles and dancers for accompaniment, entertainment and ambience. Through analysis of three Ganesha-sponsoring institutions, together with interviews and ethnography among both institution owners and patrons in Chiang Mai, Thailand, this article examines the role of Indian-tagged symbolic accoutrements as part of a religious experience for Thai people today. As this article argues, while Ganesha is central to the cult, and indeed, the main event, these accoutrements serve the dual purpose of creating a visual/visceral experience of cultural tourism of Indian-ness for Thai worshippers and catering to the needs of Ganesha as an Indian god in the eyes of Thais.
This comparative study examines the complex, changing configurations of the relationships between the state and mediumship cults, under different regimes and histories in three Southeast Asian states and China. Spirit mediums are endowed with charismatic authority, owing to their access to the supernatural sphere, which stands in implicit tension with the authority of the state. This tension underlies state–mediumship relationships in Southeast Asia, but leads to diverse dynamics, according to the place of religion in each state. In the atheist, communist/post-communist states (China and Vietnam) mediumship is primarily approached as a political issue; in Buddhist Thailand as a religious issue, and in multicultural Malaysia, where Islam is the official religion, as a legal issue. Tensions prevail particularly in the communist/post-communist states, where there has been a resurgence of mediumship cults, even as these are officially proscribed as ‘superstitions’. In Thailand tensions have been ameliorated by a gradual amalgamation of the cults and popular Buddhism, while in Malaysia tensions are prevented by controls over religious practices. Further research on the relatively neglected issue of the relationship between the state and mediumship cults in the emergent regions of the world is suggested.
A powerful myth tells of the naga, a serpentine spirit or deity, which came to destroy the town known as Yonok after its ruler became unrighteous. Despite this divine retribution, the people of the town chose to rebuild. In many Buddhist traditions, the naga is seen as the guardian of the land and the creator and protector of rivers, lands, villages, and towns. The naga myth is used to understand the changing landscapes. Moreover, it frequently gives people the agency to act, feel, and reflect on their self-embodiment. This paper argues that the myth is an agentive element for people to initiate action. The myth is used as a referential knowledge by the people to interact as well as modify the physical landscapes. It is also seen as a source of knowledge for people to negotiate individual and communal identity within the larger social space.
Southeast Asia features a specific configuration
of religious and ethnic plurality which results
from being an area where local cultural formations
intersect with broader cultural formations from East
Asia, South Asia and Euro-America. In this context,
various (ethnic) local religions interact with Islam,
Buddhism, Hinduism and Christianity. Religion
in Southeast Asia is not generally understood as
an antithesis to modernity. Rather, religion is better
conceived of as involved in complex interactions with
modernity: religion shapes modernity in an existential
way, just as modernity itself shapes religion.
Throughout its existence, members of DORISEA
constantly debated configurations of religion and
modernity in Southeast Asia. In these debates, it
quickly became clear that any attempt to form a
new ‘master narrative’ or ‘key’ that collectively
and comprehensively ‘explained’ the dynamics of
religion in Southeast Asia would be a pointless,
doomed endeavour. From the different theoretical
models and analytical accents (e.g. state, city, village,
upland-lowland, world religion-local religion,
nature-culture, text, ritual, mass-media, gender,
economy, politics, multiple modernities, multiple
secularities) the researchers employ, different
images of and perspectives on the relationship
between religion and modernity emerges.
In the Indian subcontinent religious beliefs and worldviews are grounded and embodied in the community experience. For many people, religion without tangible social expression, is deemed as irrelevant and futile. Even though the dominant religious persuasions may demand exclusive adherence, Dalits and Dalit Christians in India show the human capacity to influence such views, change their course of action and live with more than one prevailing religious worldview. This article strives to move beyond theories of hybridity within the study of religion and offers a constructive proposal that is synergetic in approach, facilitating an academic trope to work with the increasing realization of multi-religious belonging among Indian communities.
This article adds nuance to the classical account depicting Thailand as a secularized country by documenting how Buddhism informs constitutional thought and practices in contemporary Thailand. Throughout the twentieth century, Buddhist discourses have been used to bypass constitutional provisions in the name of ‘dhamma’ through the reliance on the rediscovery of the doctrine of the dhammarāja (the righteous King). In the early twenty-first century, a second rebirth of the discourse of the dhammarāja led to a further devaluation of the constitution as the supreme norm. The principles of a righteous King ( totsapitrājadhammā) were reconceptualized as a functional equivalent to constitutionalism – as constraining the King’s power. This article first examines how modern lawyers used Buddhism as the vehicle to import Western constitutional ideas into the Siamese polity while reconstructing them as part of a royal legacy through the doctrine of the Ten Royal Virtues. It then turns to an analysis of the ever-increasing enshrinement of Buddhism in successive Thai constitutions since 1932. It concludes with an account of the politicization of the righteous King doctrine and its impact on constitutional practices.
In recent years, Thai society has been portrayed as increasingly fractured along class, political and cultural lines. Meanwhile, a variety of religious cults have gathered devotees by promoting their practices as a means to ameliorate precarity or secure the future. Ganesha, the Hindu god of new beginnings and remover of obstacles, while long incorporated into and worshipped within Thai Buddhism, has recently increased in popularity. Through the study of two Ganesha‐focused institutions in Chiang Mai province, this article will explore how this Hindu god's meaning is constructed within the religious marketplace as well as how and why people are increasingly turning to Ganesha for certain worldly problems. As the article will show, there is a new, syncretic form of re‐enchantment taking place in Ganesha worship in Chiang Mai, which seeks to give people the tools to negotiate meaning and identity in a fractious political economy.
In accordance with Thai conceptions of Buddhist kingship, Thai rulers have felt obliged to devote considerable energies towards the promotion and protection of Buddhism. Over the past century (and more), state laws have been instituted and bureaucratic agencies established to regulate and implement such promotional and protective activities. This article outlines some broad trends and patterns in the bureaucratization of Buddhism in Thailand, and discusses their implications for religious freedom. It argues that although Buddhism has been extensively bureaucratized, the implications for religious freedom have been less severe than one might perhaps expect, owing not least to the fact that Buddhism is a monastic religion. However, recent developments—taking place in the wake of the 2014 military coup and of the 2016 royal succession—suggest that the legal environment is changing in ways that may have negative implications for religious freedom in Thailand.
In this paper, I examine the role of Buddhist meditation and other ascetic practices in the lives of village elders in a rural Shan community in Mae Hong Son province, Thailand. My focus is not on the techniques used but rather on the larger social and cultural context in which the practice occurs. Traditionally, the taking on of ascetic practices by village elders has been associated with moral development and enhanced psychological and emotional well-being. I describe recent changes in these practices, including their differential significance for middle-aged women, and consider the implications of these changes for local understandings of the ‘normal’ course of human development.
This pilot research looks at how spirituality impacts the treatment of customers by woman small business owner in Thailand. Hill and Pargament (2003) say religion is a fixed system of ideas – institutional. Spirituality is the personal side of religious experience. Kuan Im bodhisattva is from Mahayana Buddhism, brought to Thailand by Thai-Chinese. In one sense, followers are both spiritual and religious. However, many turn to Kuan Im because they are disillusioned with institutional religion. Our respondents have deep faith in Kuan Im, but they may not necessarily follow institutional Theravada Buddhism in Thailand.
The role of spirituality in business ethics is a growing area of interest, but not yet very well developed conceptually. This pilot research looks at how spirituality works through leadership style to impact the treatment of customers by woman-owned small businesses in Thailand. These women follow Kuan Im bodhisattva, who is a role model teaching compassion and morality. These women adopt a servant leadership style, and aim for highly ethical relationships with both customers and employees.
Over the past decade, Laos’ exposure to global capitalism has resulted in extensive economic and social transformations. Precapitalist social structures both persist and are transformed into a particular configuration of classes. This entails increasing social inequality, a widening range of habitus and new forms of ethos. This book pursues the theoretical aim of shedding light on the old question raised by Max Weber about the relation between capitalism, ethos and society. The empirical study consists of a description of the social structures, their embodiment in the habitus and world views in Laos against the background of a critical revision of Pierre Bourdieu’s sociology. To achieve these aims, the author develops a qualitative methodology, as neither Weber nor Bourdieu explained how to empirically study habitus and ethos. The empirical material for the book was gathered over a period of more than five years and comprises several hundred life-course interviews in all sections of Lao society as well as a representative quantitative survey. The author argues that precapitalist social structures persist and continue to shape the social fabric of contemporary Laos. At the same time, they are transformed by global and local capitalism. The book shows how the hierarchies contained in each structure shape the habitus of the Lao population and how these in turn influence the development of a capitalist and a religious ethos. The argument makes use of Pierre Bourdieu’s sociology and adapts it to the setting of Laos by introducing new as well as indigenous concepts. While social structure, habitus and beliefs are subject to a capitalist transformation and unification, the newly emerging classes and milieus are not copies of Western forms but retain their local history. Filling a gap in the literature on Laos and offering new perspectives on core concepts such as habitus, class, lifestyle, work ethic and its religious underpinnings, this book will be of interest to academics in the fields of Sociology, Religious Studies, and Southeast Asian Studies.
Complexity has characterized the Thai religious system since at least 1292, when the well-known inscription of Rama Kamhaeng was composed. This inscription not only celebrates the devotion of his people of Sukhothai to Theravada Buddhism but also notes a special relationship between the prosperity of the kingdom and reverence for Phra Khaphung, a “spirit-deity” living in a nearby mountain. Phra Khaphung is characterized as a phī-thewadā , combining phī (an indigenous Thai form meaning “spirit,” “ghost”) with thewadā (a form derived from Hindu-Buddhist cosmology and meaning “deity”). This classification of Phra Khaphung suggests that a process of merging two once-distinct religious traditions had already begun.
The publication of this volume was assisted in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency whose mission is to award grants to support education, scholarship, me-dia programming, libraries, and museums in order to bring the results of cultural activities to the general public. Preparation was made possible in part by a grant from the Translations Program of the endowment.
In the Thai Buddhist monastic order, the Sangha/state confluence, religion and politics constitute an intertwined body/corpus as nation. The body in this context is consistently controlled and organized by religious discourse in the creation of religious technologies of the body. This paper examines the exuberance of two contemporary Thai religio-political articulations in relation to the body metaphor, both responses to the amoral and impersonal forces of globalization. The first is monastic saint Luang Taa Mahaa Bua's nationalistic campaign to save the nation, known as 'Thais help Thais'; and the second, the machinations of the hyper-modern urban religious movement, Thammakaai.
The Thammakai movement in Thailand has won increasing attention over the past decade for its popularity, for the devotion of its supporters and the size of their contributions, and for its links with influential individuals in the Thai government, army, and business communities. This suburban monastery's ability to draw a congregation of 50,000 participants each year for its most publicized annual religious observance is perhaps unprecedented in Thai ecclesiastical history. Thammakai leaders see themselves heading a key Buddhist reform movement to improve the lives of their followers, to strengthen the religion, and to bring prosperity to the nation. But Thammakai's detractors criticize the meditation method around which the movement has been built, deplore the movement's expenditure rates and fund-raising techniques, charge that it uses hypnotic mind-control methods over its followers, and criticize its increasingly acquisitive tendencies. Thai observers of all persuasions have noted Thammakai's skilful use of positive national and religious symbols in its public relations, its abilities in organizing students and young urban professionals to work for organizational goals, and its skill at staging visually and emotionally appealing public displays.
The Phi Meng cult of Northern Thailand School of Oriental and African StudiesThe person in transformation: Body, mind and cultural appropriation Cultural crisis and social memory, pp. 43-67; and Susuke Yagi, 'Samnak puu sawan: Rise and oppression of a new religious movement in Thailand
- Shigeharu Tanabe
Shigeharu Tanabe,
'Spirits, power, and the discourse of female gender: The Phi Meng cult of Northern Thailand', in Thai
constructions of knowledge, ed. Manas Chitakasem and Andrew Turton (London: School of Oriental and
African Studies, 1991), pp. 183-212; Tanabe, 'The person in transformation: Body, mind and cultural
appropriation', in Tanabe and Keyes ed., Cultural crisis and social memory, pp. 43-67; and Susuke Yagi,
'Samnak puu sawan: Rise and oppression of a new religious movement in Thailand' (Ph.D. diss., University
of Washington, 1988).
Buddhism for the next century: Toward renewing a moral Thai society
- Bhikkhu Visalo
Bhikkhu Visalo, 'Buddhism for the next century: Toward renewing a moral Thai society', in Socially
engaged Buddhism, pp. 235-52.
Withering centre, flourishing margins: Buddhism's changing political roles
- Peter A Jackson
22 In addition to the sources already cited, see Peter A. Jackson, 'Withering centre, flourishing margins:
Buddhism's changing political roles', in Political change in Thailand: Democracy and participation, ed.
Buddhism fragmented: Thai Buddhism and political order since the 1970s
- Charles F Keyes
Charles F. Keyes, 'Buddhism fragmented: Thai Buddhism and political order since the 1970s', keynote
address for the 7th International Conference on Thai Studies, Amsterdam, July 1999.
Royal spirits'; the quotation is from Kirsch, 'Complexity in the Thai religious system
- Jackson Jackson
Jackson, 'Enchanting spirit' and Jackson, 'Royal spirits'; the quotation is from Kirsch, 'Complexity
in the Thai religious system', p. 262 (emphasis in the original).
In the place of origins: Modernity and its mediums in Northern Thailand
- Kevin Hewison
Kevin Hewison (London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 75-93; Rosalind Morris, In the place of origins: Modernity
and its mediums in Northern Thailand (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000);
Moral authority of the Sangha and modernity in Thailand: Sexual scandals, sectarian dissent, and political resistance', in Socially engaged Buddhism for the new millennium: Essays in honor of the Ven: SathirakosesNagapradipa Foundation and Foundation for Children
- Charles F Keyes
Charles F. Keyes,
'Moral authority of the Sangha and modernity in Thailand: Sexual scandals, sectarian dissent, and
political resistance', in Socially engaged Buddhism for the new millennium: Essays in honor of the Ven.
Phra Dhammapitaka (Bhikkhu P.A. Payutto) on his 60th birthday anniversary (Bangkok: SathirakosesNagapradipa Foundation and Foundation for Children, 1999), pp. 121-47.
National heroine'; see Saipin Kaew-ngamprasert, Kanmuang nai anusawari Thao Suranari
- Keyes
Keyes, 'National heroine'; see Saipin Kaew-ngamprasert, Kanmuang nai anusawari Thao Suranari
[Politics in the Thao Suranari Monument] (Bangkok: Matichon Press, 1995).
Phra Thepvethi (P. Payutto), Sing saksit, thevarit, patihan [Magical entities, supernatural power and miracles]
- See
- Phra Phaisan
- Phutthasatsana Visalo
- Thai
See, for example, Phra Phaisan Visalo, Phutthasatsana Thai; Phra Thepvethi (P. Payutto), Sing saksit,
thevarit, patihan [Magical entities, supernatural power and miracles] (Bangkok: Phutthatham Foundation,