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176
Some effects of ability grouping in Harare secondary schools: a case study
B.C. Chisaka
University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe
chisaka@teached.uz.zw
N.C.G Vakalisa*
University of Sou th Africa, P.O. Box 392, Unisa, 0003 South Africa
vakalncg@unisa.ac.za
* To whom correspondence should be addressed
This article describes the experiences of the first author in the research he conducted in two Harare sec ondary schools. The objective of the
research was to assess the influence of ability grouping on learners. In particular, the research sought to examine how this practice affected
classroom instruction, learner performance and the social stratification among learners. A qualitative research methodology was followed
during which in-depth interviews were conducted with teachers, administrators and learners. These were complemented with informal
conversations, where relevant comments were noted. Analysis of relevant documents, observations and limited participation were also
employed as means of collecting data. The main findings of this study were that: teachers tended not to prepare thoroughly for the so-called
low ability classes; learners placed in low ability classrooms felt that school authorities and learne rs in high ability classrooms discriminated
against them; learners in high ability classrooms believed that teachers who “bunked” their classes saw them as intelligent enough to learn
on their own and that learners in low ability classes were disruptive and did not want to learn; social relationships among learners from the
two groups were poor, creating an unhealthy social stratification. It was therefore concluded that the negative aspects of ability grouping
outweighed its often professed positive aspects. It is therefore recommended that this practice be re-examined.
Background
Ability grouping, though not mandated by the National Education
Department, is a reality in some of the schools in Zimbabwe. This
reality prompted the first author, hereafter referred to as the re-
searcher, to carry out a study of the practice of ability grouping in two
Zimbabwean secondary schools. A qualitative research methodology
was followed in conducting the study. This methodology was chosen
because qualitative research methods of collecting data such as in-
depth interviews would give the researched individuals opportunity to
voice out their own views on the subject of ability grouping, not
restricted by the pre-stated formulations based on researchers’ own
frames of references often guided by theory studied by the latter. The
extended contact period of three months with respondents on the site
allowed the researcher adequate time to observe activities of the res-
pondents and the culture of their schools.
Preliminary literature review had revealed that there were two
schools of thought on the subject of ability grouping. One school of
thought postulated that ability grouping is an organisational strategy
that increases learning opportunities for both high ability and low
ability learners (Bowles & Gintis, 1982; Abadzi, 1994; Kelly, 1990;
Good & Brophy, 1991). According to this school, placing slow lear-
ners in a separate group from fast learners allows teachers to adjust
their teaching to the learning pace and learning styles of each group.
A contrasting view is held by the school of thought which maintains
that ability grouping places low ability learners at a disadvantage, and
encourages social stratification among learners of different abilities
(Oakes, 1982; Makunde, 1986; Marjoribanks, 1986; Meijnen, 1991;
Carpenter & Darmody, 1989).
The researcher set himself the task of determining the effects of
this practice of ability grouping on learners in the Harare secondary
schools, to establish which of the opposing views was true in the
Zimbabwean situation. In an attempt to accomplish this task, the
researcher decided to cover the perceptions and experiences of dif-
ferent roleplayers with regard to ability grouping. The research there-
fore focussed on the effects of ability grouping on instruction, learning
and social stratification, as perceived by administrators, teachers and
learners.
This study was done in two Harare secondary schools in Zimbab-
we, using qualitative research of the interpretative ethnographic de-
sign. As a result, the researcher focused on two secondary schools to
enable him to conduct an in-depth study of the culture of ability
grouping. The site chosen constituted two secondary schools which,
according to the Zimbabwean state schools system, belonged to the
Group A and Group B type. The Group A schools are located in areas
that are inhabited by people of average and above average economic
means and the Group B schools are situated in areas inhabited by
people of below average economic means. Interestingly, the findings
of the research did not reflect any differences which may be ascribed
to the dissimilarities in socio-economic cultural backgrounds of lear-
ners in these schools.
Objectives of the research
This research sought to investigate the perceptions and experiences of
different roleplayers on ability grouping with reference to:
1. the reasons the two secondary schools had for practising ability
grouping;
2. the amount of preparation undertaken by teachers for the teaching
of different ability groups;
3. the effect of ability grouping on the instruction of different ability
groups;
4. the effect of ability grouping on the learning motivation of dif-
ferent ability groups; and
5. the effect of ability grouping on the social relationships between
different role players.
Research methodology and data collection methods
Customary to the qualitative ethnographic research paradigm, the pri-
mary researcher himself was the instrument of data collection (Bor-
man, 1986; Lincoln & Cuba, 1985; Bogdan & Biklen, 1982; Robinson,
1993; Moris & Copestake, 1993; Vakalisa, 1995). The researcher em-
ployed the following data collection methods:
•interviews
•observations
•analysis of documents.
These methods or techniques of collecting data, and how they were
used in the study, are discussed briefly below.
Interviews
Formal interviews and informal conversations were conducted with
participants at different levels, namely, teachers, administrators, and
learners from different learning ability classes at the two schools.
Short interview guides were used for the formal interviews, and in-
formal interviews took the form of conversation with different par-
ticipants at different times as opportunity presented itself. The formal
South African Journal of Education
Copyright © 2003 EASA
Vol 23(3) 176 – 180
177
Ability grouping
Table 1 Interview guide
Administrators Teachers Pupils/Learners
1. Why have you found it necessary to assign
your pupils to ability classes?
2. Is stream ing a govern ment or school policy?
3. How is stream ing done in your sc hool?
1. Why have you found it necessa ry to assign
your pupils to ability classes?
2. What have been your experiences in handling
ability grouped pupils?
3. Does streaming at this school allow for free
interaction b etween high and low ability
pupils?
1. How h as your ass ignment to a high ability
class affected your learning?
2. How h as your ass ignment to a low ability
class affected your learning?
3. Does streaming allow for free social
interaction b etween you and your peers in
other streams?
interviews revolved around three broad questions of each category of
interviewees. The rest was probing and seeking clarification on the
responses of participants.
Table 1 shows the questions contained in the interview guide
used in this study.
It should be noted that effectively only two questions were asked
from learners, namely, 1 and 3 from learners in high ability classes,
and 2 and 3 from learners of low ability classes. In accordance with
qualitative research methods, the number of questions were kept to a
minimum and stated as broadly as possible i n order to leave the talk-
ing to the respondent, and to avoid imposing the researchers’ own
views and/or language on the respondent. This allowed the respondent
time and space to express his/her views using his/her own words. Only
if this has been achieved successfully can one claim that the findings
of one’s study have emerged from the data.
All respondents gave the researcher verbal permission to record
the interviews by means of an audio-tape recorder. He also made de-
tailed field notes of the interviews as back-up should technology fail.
All audio-t ape recordings were transcribed verbatim.
The researcher in this study covered a substantial number of in-
terviewees because he was able to spend three months at each one of
the two schools that were identified for this study. The total size of
the sample of this study was 31 interviewees (N = 31) (see Table 2).
This was a large sample for a qualitative research considering its need
for in-depth interviews. However, since the sample represented dif-
ferent stakeholders this size of sample could not be avoided, and the
researcher had to do the best he could to cope with the situation. The
long stay at each school (three months), and the fact that learners were
at times interviewed in groups helped a great deal towards capturing
significant data. It also helped the researcher to become acquainted
with the situation prevailing at each school, and made him a familiar
figure around the school and allowed him not to be viewed as an out-
sider by both teachers and learners.
Table 2 shows the n umber of interviewees in each of the two
schools, and the categories they represented:
Table 2 Interview ees fro m the two schools
Bric khill Chikomo
Administrators
Teachers
Low ability learners
High ability learners
Total
2
3
5
5
15
2
4
5
5
16
Brickhill and Chikomo are fictitious n ames the primary resear-
cher gave to the schools to ensure that they remained anonymous. All
participants were also given pseudonyms to ensure that their identities
remained anonymous. Giving pseudonyms was one of the precautions
taken to ensure that this part of the bargain between the researcher and
participants was upheld.
By the end of his stay at both schools the researcher had accumu-
lated volumes of information in the form of audio-tapes, transcripts
and field notes from interviews. Despite the fact that some preliminary
analysis of data had been done along the way, the major task of the
final analysis was about to begin. More about this stage is given under
Analysis of data.
Observations
Observations may be described as participant or non-participant obser-
vations (Wolcott, 1987). In this research non-participant observation
was used to a greater extent. However, some element of participant
observer status was adopted when the researcher undertook to mark
some scripts of some history tests, to assess the performance of lear-
ners from the high ability and the low ability classes. By so doing the
researcher placed himself in the position of the teacher, and had first
hand experience of how it felt to mark the work of a high ability
learner, and that of a low ability learner.
During observation the researcher made field-notes on how the
different ability groups learned, the levels of their participation in the
lesson and their eagerness (motivation) to participate in the learning
activity. He also tried to assess the teacher’s instructional strategies,
and the extent to which teachers appeared to have prepared the lessons
they were presenting to each ability group, and how they responded to
learners’ questions and/or answers and requests during the lessons in
the different ability classes. In other words the researcher made de-
tailed field notes of what he saw, felt or sensed and heard. Pertinent
observations were later used in follow-up interviews and informal
conversations with respondents depending on the nature of each issue.
For example, where a teacher seemed to have exclusively used expo-
sitory methods of teaching in a particular lesson, the researcher would
later ask the teacher concerned if this was done deliberately, and rea-
sons for it. If learners showed some reluctance to answer teachers’
questions, the researcher would later try to find out from learner
participants in that class what they thought was the cause of such re-
luctance. In other words the perceptions the researcher had during
lesson observations were later used to further draw more data from the
respondents, through the process of interviewing. This way the resear-
cher tried to validate his own perceptions of classroom activities and
procedures from the parties concerned. This also helped him to vali-
date some of the statements the respondents had made earlier.
Analysis of documents
Interviewing and observing p articipants in any given situation does not
give one a full picture of all that goes into the making of the culture
under investigation. Documents like syllabi, textbooks, work-books,
preparation books, teacher-made tests, mark sheets, copies of learners’
end-of-term reports, personal files of learners, minutes of staff meet-
ings, records of school’s events, lists of school regulations or rules,
circulars to teachers, written announcements to learners etc, fill in the
gaps that may be left open by interviews and observations, or these
may enlighten the researcher on some issues th at remain puzzling to
him/her despite his/her observations and interviews.
178 Chisaka & Vakalisa
Table 3 Adm inistrator’s perspective
Emerging themes Substantiating statements from data
1. Accommodating teacher preferences
2. In the interest of learners
3. Different subject offerings
4. Differential treatment by teachers
Teachers w ant to teach pupils of alm ost equal abilities an d they will hav e to cover th eir syllabus w ith
the upper classes in the stipulated time, because they grab fast … whilst (with) those third, fourth and
fifth classe s (who) d on’t catch up very easily … you try b y all means to move s lowly (Mr Chimbudzi:
Brickhill).
… to be honest, we have to accept that in life … people are classified… because to be sincere, these two
top classes (4N1 and 4S1) are the classes on which we bank on when it comes to results. Otherwise the
rest is made up of mediocre to poor students whom we just have to entertain and at least give them the
basics of edu cation (Mr M agara : Chikom o).
… to avoid the pupils who are above average being disturbed by pupils who have discipline problems
(Mrs M hlanga: Brickhill).
We do it (ability grouping) to give the best stream some challenging subjects, that is the sciences (M r
Makanika: Chikom o).
(Ability grouping) is also meant for them (high ability learners) to do certain subjects which are
regarded as most difficult, like Physics and Chem istry … so they will need som eone who is
academically strong (Mr Chimb udzi: Brickhill).
… we look at specific subjects because these two top classes are the classes which do the challenging
subjects, which are Physical Science (Physics and Chem istry) as well as Literature on top of the other
subjects (Mr Ma gara: Chikomo).
Teachers don’t prepare much for the lower streams… they don’t research much for these streams… but
with the upper streams they really work, they really research (Mr Chimb udzi: Brickhill).
… teachers give more written work to A classes than to B classes… We tell them that things should be
the opposite but they insist that lower streams write a lot of rubbish (Mr M akanika: Chikomo).
Table 4 Teacher’s perspective
Emerging themes Substantiating statements from data
1. Self-pity
2. Low ability learn ers’ resign ation to fate
3. Stigmatisation
Streaming affects teachers’ attitude… Teaching poor students affects us in the sense that when you
enter the c lass you can not help bu t feel the difference, kn owing fully w ell that the class you are goin g to
(teach) is not the same as class 1 (M s Matsvuku: Chikom o).
‘Now I must prepare myself for the nightmare with that class.’ This remark overhead by the researcher
from differen t teach ers when the y had to go to a low ab ility class at C hikomo s chool.
I find that, because of unavailability of resources (such as textbooks), teaching the lower streams
becomes a nightmare. With upper s treams, I can dictate notes, but if I do this to the lower stre ams, it
won’t work, th ey would not und erstand conce pts (Mrs M hlanga: Brickhill).
… low ability pupils have found that they are not capable enough, as a result they resort to playing
rather than being serious with their school work (Mrs M ufumi: Chikomo).
Streaming affects the … attitude of the children as well, sometimes m anners... sometimes children look
at themselves as not having the same potential as their counterparts in the good classes (Ms Matsvuku:
Chikom o).
… those are a p roblem , because th ey see m no t to m ature… and a part f rom that th ey don ’t like s chool …
(Mr M beva: Brickhill).
… those who are in the lower forms think that they are neglected, and hence they behave in such a way
that you won’t understand them (Mr Chimb udzi: Brickhill).
… pupils who have discipline problems (a description of learners in low ability classes by one
roleplayer: Brickhill).
The researcher analysed the following documents: school syllabi
and other curriculum documents issued by the Zimbabwean Depart-
ment of Education, records of previous years’ national results, teacher-
made tests, and students’ records kept by the schools.
Triangulation
Using different data-collecting techniques (interviews, observations
and analysis of documents) and different sources of data (adminis-
trators, teachers and learners) is a form of triangulation which, ac-
cording to Lincoln and Guba (1985), add to the trustworthiness of
data, which to some extent addressed questions of validity and relia-
bility demanded of scientific research. Lincoln and Guba (1985:283)
maintained that:
Triangulation of data is crucially important in naturalistic studies.
As the study unfolds and particular pieces of information come
to light, steps should be taken to validate each against at least one
other source (for example, a second interview) and/or a second
method (for example, an observation in addition to an interview).
No single item of information (unless coming from an elite and
unimpeachable source) should ever be given serious considera-
tion unless it can be triangulated.
McMillan and Schumacher (1998:520) support this view and point out
that, “To find regularities in the data, the researcher compares dif-
ferent sources, situations, and methods to see whether the same pattern
keeps recurring.”
Analysis and interpretation of data
Although analysis and interpretation of data are often taken as a single
process, Wolcott (1994) differentiates between analysis and interpre-
tation of ethnographic research data. He contends that analysis in-
volves a careful and systematic way of identifying key factors and
relationships among them. It tends to be cautiously “scientific” in its
attempt to be loyal to, and restricted by observational data. Inter-
pretation on the other hand seeks to make sense of the data by rea-
ching out “for understanding or explanation beyond the limits of what
can be explained with the degree of certainty usually associated with
analysis” (Wolcott, 1994:10-11).
Analysis and interpretation of data in this research took a typical
179
Ability grouping
Table 5 Low ability learner’s perspective
Emerging themes Substantiating statements from data
1. Low mora le
2. Teacher insensitivity
3. Neglect of duty by teachers
4. Stigmatisation
5. Neglect and discrimination
Being placed in 4-Five itself makes the person feel he is dull and just flock with the crowd. Even when
the person was intelligent from the start, and was placed in 4-Five this person’s hopes are decreased
(Margaret: Brickhill).
… I feel very pained to be in form 4S5 because teac hers do n ot treat us w ell in this class… (Janet:
Chikom o).
Teachers always taunt us saying, we are dunderheads. Sometimes some of these teachers spend the
whole lesson scolding us (Lovemore: Brickhill).
When they (teachers) are leaving our class going to upper streams they say, “Now I’m going to the real
school children,” implying that we are not real school children (Jacob: Chikomo).
These teachers do not always make an effort to come to teach us. They absent themselves from our
lessons, but they do not do the same in 41. So, how d o they expect us to do well when they do not come
to teach us? (R obert: Brickhill).
… some of the teachers do not come to take their lessons with us. They come for only a few lessons in a
term (Mark: Chikomo).
…the 4N1 and 4S1 pupils laugh at us. I think this is influenced by teachers who, when coming to us say
now we are going to a class of dunderhead s, thus stigmatising us (Jacob: Chikom o).
… some teachers openly say to us, “you are dunderheads.” And this tends to affect our fe elings . It
makes u s feel useless (Em ily: Brickhill).
… the teachers we are given sometimes don’t come to our lessons. They say because we are 4N5
therefore we are dull, and there is no use wasting time com ing to us (Irene: Brickhill).
… even wh en I make an effort, it is not recognised because teachers already think of me as a student of
no ability because of the class I am in (Jacob: Chikomo).
… teachers … don’t give us opportunity to show them what we are capable of doing because they
already have low opinion of us (Robert: Brickhill).
… there are times when we miss lessons, because we will be on punishment — the whole class.
Sometimes the w hole term will be spent on one subject, because for the rest of the term we will be on
punishm ent for making a noise in class. Yet the other classes (high ability) also make a noise, but they
are not sent for punishment (Mark: Chikomo).
Table 6 High ability learner’s perspective
Emerging themes Substantiating statements from data
Neg lect of duty b y teach ers at Bric khill I think that 4 1 is a very intelligent class. So they [teachers] tend to bunk other lessons, because they
think we are too intelligent. … they find it not necessary to come all the time (Peter: Brickhill).
Well, some of the teachers assume that we are so intelligent that they don’t have to come for lessons.
Most of the m bunk lesso ns ter ribly, and those who come for difficult su bjects they don’t exp lain
much… they just assum e you are very intelligent, you can read on your own (Clara: Brickhill).
ethnographic approach. Following Bogdan and Biklen ’s (1982) r ecom-
mendation, we identified prominent themes, which emerged from re-
spondents’ statements. These were organised into categories which, in
our view, captured what respondents were saying about ability grou-
ping. Mindful of Wolcott’s (1994:36) assertion that, “Description is
the fulcrum, the pivotal base on which all hangs” we applied the
technique of thick description, using respondents’ own words to show
how themes were identified, and why they were placed into respective
categories.
Analysis of data
Data were analysed at two levels. While the research was in progress,
data were analysed continuously to determine the main themes that
emerged from them. This gave the researcher opportunity to verify
with the respondents if the preliminary analysis was indeed repre-
senting their responses during the interviews, or if it was a correct in-
terpretation of what had been observed, while still on the site. This
attempted to address the need for member checking which is described
by Lincoln and Guba (1985:314) as “the most crucial technique for
establishing credibility”. These authors went on to say that:
Member checking is both informal and formal, and it occurs con-
tinuou sly. Many opportunities for member checks arise daily in
the course of the investigation. A summary of an interview can
be “played back” to the person who provided it for reaction, the
output of one interview can be “played” for another respondent
who can be asked to comment; insights gleaned from one group
can be tested with another (Lincoln & Guba, 1985:14).
The preliminary analysis assisted us to identify what Bogdan and
Biklen (1982) call context codes at an early stage. In our research, we
called these recurring themes. Among others, recurring themes
gleaned from responses of administrators, teachers and learners,
respectively, are summarised in Tables 3, 4, 5 and 6.
Interpretation of data
This represents, as stated earlier, the researchers’ intuitive and specu-
lative interpretation of what the data meant to them. We, as re-
searchers in this case, looked at the data against the background of the
literature which had been reviewed initially, on ability grouping, as
well as the principles of education to which we, as educators sub-
scribe.
Contrary to the theory referred to earlier on, that ability grouping
benefits both high ability and low ability learners, the findings of this
research pointed to the fact that neither the high ability learners nor the
low ability learners benefited from ability grouping as was practised
in the two schools which constituted this case-study (see Tables 5 and
6). Actually the findings support the school of thought which asserts
that ability grouping disadvantages low ability learners. Statements of
learners in Table 5 above attest to this: they were stigmatised as
180 Chisaka & Vakalisa
learners with discipline problems (Table 3), “dunderheads”, “not real
school children”, left unattended while their counterparts in high
ability class were learning (Table 5), and teachers also expressed that
it was depressing to teach low ability streams and regarded it as a
nightmare. In short, learners assigned to these lower streams, as they
were also described, were actually assigned to eternal failure. The re-
mark made by one of the administrators that, “… the rest is made up
of mediocre to poor students whom we just have to entertain and at
least give them the basics of education” does not even attempt to
disguise the low opinion the administrator has of learners in the low
learning ability classes. In our view, ability grouping as practised in
the two schools deprived learners of even the official contact time that
was reflected on the schools’ time-tables. Learners in the low ability
group received no special attention from teachers either in the form of
additional assistance or remedial teaching that is often alleged by
supporters of ability grouping.
The unexpected finding was that of the apparent neglect of the
high ability learners as well by teachers who did not turn up in class
for the lessons they were supposed to give. From our perspective as
researchers this had more to do with the lack of professionalism
among teachers than it had to do with ability grouping. Apparently
according to these teachers it was a waste of time to teach the low
ability classes because learners in those classes were incapable of
learning anything, and it was not necessary to teach the high ability
groups because they could learn on their own. Then one would ask,
why do children go to school at all? This was a betrayal of the trust
that learners, parents, government, tax payers and indeed the country
as a whole, had in the schooling system. The fact that the school
administrators appeared unaware of, and/or unperturbed by, this gross
negligence of duty by their staff members was disconcerting.
Conclusion
In conclusion, based on the findings of this study, we take the view
that ability grouping disadvantaged the learners who were assigned to
the so called low ability classes at the two schools. We also want to
underline the unusual situation that prevailed in these two schools,
where even learners in high ability classes experienced neglect. This
shows how ability grouping may be abused by teachers with poor
professional ethics to justify not teaching low ability learners because
they would never pass examinations anyway, and neglect learners in
high ability classes because they were intelligent enough to pass
examinations without the guidance of a teacher.
This study has shown that ability grouping as was practised at
these schools did not improve teaching or instruction and learning.
Instead it encouraged unhealthy social stratification where learners in
high ability classes and those in low learning ability classes felt that
they had nothing in common even outside their segregated classrooms.
We therefore agree with the view expressed by Lyle (1999: 292) that:
The division of children into ability groups within classes, setting
for subjects across a year group, or streami ng across one or two
year groups, is a socially divisive policy which could lead to
falling standards for those labelled low achievers.
Schools that practise ability grouping should therefore be advised to
do some serious reflection on this practice. Heterogeneous grouping
has more to offer through strategies like co-operative learning, peer
coaching and small groups discussion all which can be explored and
used to create good social relationships among learners of different
learning abilities, whilst improving their learning abilities (Chava,
1980; Cohen & Lotan, 1995; Cummings, 1982). High ability learners
do not perform better just because they are placed in separate class-
rooms, not to be disturbed by the mediocre to poor learners. They
learn better if they are challenged with enriched programmes and
given opportunity to explain the learning material to their peers who
may be less gifted than themselves (Kelly, 1990). More importantly all
learners have some potential to learn something, a fact which our
teacher participants seemed to have ignored. The school administrators
did not help the situation by not monitoring teachers’ attendance to
their classes. In fact neither of the two groups, namely, low learning
ability or high learning ability learners, benefited from this grouping.
Low learning ability groups lost more since they perceived teacher
absenteeism as rejection and condemnation to failure, and thus encou-
raged development of a low self-concept.
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