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Ovulatory Cycle Effects on Tip Earnings by Lap Dancers: Economic Evidence for Human Estrus?


To see whether estrus was really "lost" during human evolution (as researchers often claim), we examined ovulatory cycle effects on tip earnings by professional lap dancers working in gentlemen's clubs. Eighteen dancers recorded their menstrual periods, work shifts, and tip earnings for 60 days on a study web site. A mixed-model analysis of 296 work shifts (representing about 5300 lap dances) showed an interaction between cycle phase and hormonal contraception use. Normally cycling participants earned about US$335 per 5-h shift during estrus, US$260 per shift during the luteal phase, and US$185 per shift during menstruation. By contrast, participants using contraceptive pills showed no estrous earnings peak. These results constitute the first direct economic evidence for the existence and importance of estrus in contemporary human females, in a real-world work setting. These results have clear implications for human evolution, sexuality, and economics.
Ovulatory cycle effects on tip earnings by lap dancers:
economic evidence for human estrus?
Geoffrey Miller, Joshua M. Tybur, Brent D. Jordan
Department of Psychology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131, USA
Initial receipt 16 April 2007; final revision received 26 June 2007
To see whether estrus was really lostduring human evolution (as researchers often claim), we examined ovulatory cycle effects on
tip earnings by professional lap dancers working in gentlemen's clubs. Eighteen dancers recorded their menstrual periods, work shifts, and
tip earnings for 60 days on a study web site. A mixed-model analysis of 296 work shifts (representing about 5300 lap dances) showed an
interaction between cycle phase and hormonal contraception use. Normally cycling participants earned about US$335 per 5-h shift during
estrus, US$260 per shift during the luteal phase, and US$185 per shift during menstruation. By contrast, participants using contraceptive
pills showed no estrous earnings peak. These results constitute the first direct economic evidence for the existence and importance of
estrus in contemporary human females, in a real-world work setting. These results have clear implications for human evolution, sexuality,
and economics.
© 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Estrus; Female sexuality; Behavioral economics; Sexual service industries; Hormonal contraception
1. Introduction
Estrus is a phase of increased female sexual receptivity,
proceptivity, selectivity, and attractiveness. It is common
across mammalian species (Lange, Hartel, & Meyer, 2002;
Lombardi, 1998), including primates (Dixson, 1998; Nelson,
2000), and seems functionally designed to obtain sires of
superior genetic quality (Gangestad, Thornhill, & Garver-
Apgar, 2005; Thornhill, 2006). However, the conventional
wisdom holds that human female estrus became uniquely
lostor hiddenover evolutionary time (e.g., Burt, 1992),
perhaps to promote male provisioning and paternal care in
long-term pair-bonded relationships (Strassmann, 1981;
Turke, 1984). Contrary to this hidden-estrusview, recent
laboratory-based studies show that women near the most
fertile point of their cycle (just before ovulation) are more
attractive to males, as manifest through more attractive
body scent (Havlíček, Dvořáková, Bartoš, & Flegr, 2006;
Kuukasiarvi et al., 2004; Singh & Bronstad, 2001), greater
facial attractiveness (Roberts et al., 2004), increased soft-
tissue body symmetry (Manning, Scutt, Whitehouse, Leinster,
& Walton, 1996), decreased waist-to-hip ratio (Kirchengast &
Gartner, 2002), and higher verbal creativity and fluency (Krug,
Moelle, & Fehm, 1999; Symonds, Gallagher, Thompson, &
Young, 2004).
While such laboratory-based findings are theoretically
important, only four studies have, to our knowledge,
investigated the real-world attractiveness effects of human
estrus outside the laboratory.
Haselton, Mortezaie, Pillsworth, Bleske-Recheck, and
Frederick (2007) photographed 30 young womenall in
steady relationships and not using the pilltwice each,
wearing their self-chosen clothing, once during estrus (as
confirmed by hormonal assay) and once during a lower-
fertility (luteal) cycle phase. Then, 42 mixed-sex raters made
a forced-choice judgment (In which photo is the person
trying to look more attractive?) between the two photos of
each woman (with faces obscured, leaving only body and
clothing cues). They chose the woman when she was in
estrus about 60% of the timemodestly but significantly
above chance. This result confirmed that both male and
Evolution and Human Behavior 28 (2007) 375 381
Brent D. Jordan's contribution to this project was supported by a
McNair/ROP Scholars Program Fellowship.
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: (G. Miller).
1090-5138/$ see front matter © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
female observers are perceptually sensitive to women's
choice of more conspicuous and fashionable clothes during
estrus. (A related real-world study by Grammer, Renninger,
& Fisher, 2004, found that mated women attending Vienna
discotheques without their partners tended to dress more
provocatively if they had higher estradiol levels; however,
that study did not directly assess cycle phase.)
Gangestad, Thornhill, and Garver (2002) found con-
vergent evidence that men's real-world behavior is sensitive
to their female partners' estrous cues. (Note that estrous is
the adjectival form of the noun estrus.) Among 31 mated
women not using the pill, their sexual partners were reported
as using more mate-guarding behaviors, including higher
proprietariness, attentiveness, and vigilance (e.g., calling the
women's cell phones at random times to see what they were
doing) when the women were in estrus. This effect was
especially strong when the relationship was not yet steady or
exclusiveconsistent with the theory that increased mate
guarding of estrous women by male partners is functionally
designed to deter extra-pair copulation.
Haselton and Gangestad (2006) replicated this mate-
guarding result among 25 normally cycling women, using a
stronger repeated-measures design based on daily reports.
They further found that estrous mate guarding by male
partners was mediated by both men's sexual attractiveness
(less-attractive men mate guarded especially more during
estrus) and women's own attractiveness (less-attractive
women were especially mate guarded during estrus, whereas
more-attractive women were mate guarded all the time). In a
subsequent study, Pillsworth and Haselton (2006) found
similar results on measures of male attentiveness and
expressed love.
These four studies provide some evidence that men are
sensitive to estrous cues in real-world situations. However,
the photo-choice results were rather modest in strength
(Haselton et al., 2007), and the mate-guarding results were
rather indirect measures of estrous female attractiveness
(Gangestad et al., 2002; Haselton & Gangestad, 2006;
Pillsworth & Haselton, 2006). In this article, we build upon
such research by presenting the first real-world economic
evidence of male sensitivity to cyclic changes in female
attractiveness. Specifically, we measured the tips earned by
professional lap dancers in gentlemen's clubs over a 2-month
span. These dancers are highly motivated to maximize tip
earnings during every shift they work, which they do by
appearing more sexually attractive than the other 5 to 30 rival
dancers working the same shift and by doing the emotional
laborof counterfeiting intimacywith male club patrons
(Barton, 2006; Beasley, 2003; Deshotels & Forsyth, 2006;
Pasko, 2002). Hence, if the hidden-estrus view is right, there
should be no reliable cues of fertility available or expressed
to patrons and no ovulatory cycle effects on dancer tip
earnings. On the other hand, if women retain perceivable
cues of estrusif they become more attractive to male club
patrons at midcycle, just before ovulationthen they might
be in higher demand and earn higher tips.
2. Background
Because academics may be unfamiliar with the gentle-
men's club subculture, some background may be helpful
to understand why this is an ideal setting for investigating
real-world attractiveness effects of human female estrus. The
following information was gathered from interviews with
local club managers and from the sociological and feminist
literature on erotic dancing (Barton, 2006; Beasley, 2003;
Brewster, 2003; Deshotels & Forsyth, 2006; Enck & Preston,
1988; Forsyth & Deshotels, 1997; Hall, 1993; Hochschild,
1983; Lewis, 2006; Linz et al., 2000; Pasko, 2002; Ronai &
Ellis, 1989; Thompson, Harred, & Burks, 2003).
All participants in this study worked as lap dancers in
Albuquerque gentlemen's clubscirca November 2006
through January 2007. The clubs serve alcohol; they are
fairly dark, smoky, and loud (with a DJ playing rock, rap, or
pop music). Most club patrons are Anglo or Hispanic men
aged 20 to 60, ranging from semiskilled laborers to
professionals; they typically start the evening by getting a
stack of US$20 bills from the club's on-site ATM and having
a couple of drinks.
Dancers in these clubs perform topless but not bottom-
less; law requires them to wear underwear, bikinis, or similar
garments to cover the pubis. Thus, menstruating dancers can
wear tampons (with strings clipped short or tucked up) and
change them often during heavy-flow days, without reveal-
ing any visual signs of menstruation. Dancers typically wear
very little perfume, but they often have breast implants, dye
their head hair, trim their pubic hair, shave their legs and
underarms, and adopt a stage namedifferent from their real
first name. They typically do regular aerobic and resistance
exercise to maintain a fit, lean body shape.
During work, each dancer performs one to three stage
danceson an elevated central stage about every 90 min to
advertise her presence, attractiveness, and availability for lap
dances. These result in only modest tip earnings (typically
US$15 tips from the men seated closest to the stage,
totaling only about 10% of her earnings). The rest of the
dancer's time is spent walking around the club asking men if
they want a lap dance.A lap dance typically costs US$10
per 3-min song in the main club area or US$20 in the more
private VIP lounge. Dancers typically make about two thirds
of their income from the main club area and one third from
the VIP area; thus, average income from each lap dance is
about US$14. Lap dances require informal tipsrather than
having explicit prices(to avoid police charges of illegal
solicitation), but the economic norms of tipping are
vigorously enforced by bouncers. Dancers thus maximize
their earnings by providing as many lap dances as possible
per shift.
In each lap dance, the male patron sits on a chair or couch,
fully clothed, with his hands at his sides; he is typically not
allowed to touch the dancer. The topless female dancer sits
on the man's lap, either facing away from him (to display her
buttocks, back, and hair) or facing him (either leaning back
376 G. Miller et al. / Evolution and Human Behavior 28 (2007) 375381
to display her breasts, and to make conversation and eye
contact, or learning forward to whisper in his ear). Lap
dances typically entail intense rhythmic contact between the
female pelvis and the clothed male penis (Barton, 2006;
Beasley, 2003).
Thus, lap dances are the most intimate form of sex work
that is legal in most American citiesmuch more intimate
than the stage dances and table dances that characterized
such clubs until the late 1990s. However, most lap dance
clubs strongly discourage more intimate patrondancer
contact, even in private VIP rooms, since clubs can be
closed swiftly if undercover police discover that prostitution
is occurring. Rather, the dancer's earnings are maximized by
inducing the man to agree to further lap dances after the first
3-min song is over (Deshotels & Forsyth, 2006; Pasko,
2002). Thus, a dancer can make up to US$400 per hour
performing for a rich, attentive patron in a VIP lounge. Club
patrons will often sampleseveral different dancers with
one lap dance each before picking one for a more expensive
multisong bout of dancing. Thus, patrons can assess the
relative attractiveness of different women through intimate
verbal, visual, tactile, and olfactory interaction, and those
attractiveness judgments can directly influence women's tip
earnings, through the number of 3-min dances that patrons
request from each dancer. In these ways, estrous attractive-
ness effects on lap-dancer earnings in gentlemen's clubs may
be stronger than in other kinds of psychology research that
use photo ratings (e.g., Haselton et al., 2007) or other kinds
of sex work (e.g., visual pornography, phone sex) that give
fewer fertility cues across fewer modalities.
3. Methods
Participants were recruited through indirect e-mails
(forwarded through local industry contacts), newspaper
advertisements, and flyers posted near clubs. To minimize
possible response biases through demand characteristics, we
mentioned the ovulatory cycle only in recruitment and
consent and we did not suggest that tip earnings would be
examined specifically as a function of days since menstrual
onset. We believe that this brief mention of possible cycle
effects on tip earnings in the consent form did not bias
participant responses in any particular direction.
To enter the study, each participant collected an experi-
ment packet (containing a consent form, 14-page ques-
tionnaire, and instructions for using the online web site) from
a public location on the University of New Mexico (UNM)
campus. The questionnaire (with an attached subject ID
number) asked about age, ethnicity, work experience, sexual
experience and attitudes, menstrual cycle characteristics,
contraception use, physical characteristics, education, intel-
ligence, and personality. Signed consent forms and com-
pleted questionnaires were returned to separate boxes at
UNM to maintain anonymity. Participants were also asked to
use their anonymous subject ID number to log in to the web
site every day for 60 days. Each day, they were to report their
mood, work hours, work location, and tip earnings in US
dollars and whether they had begun or ceased menstruation.
Participants were offered a payment of US$30 upon
completion of the study.
A total of 18 women gave analyzable data (signed consent
forms, completed questionnaires, and reported menstrual
cycle data over the 60-day period); 1 additional woman
completed the study but reported highly irregular menstrual
activity (e.g., three different menstrual periods beginning in
the same 10-day interval), rendering her unsuitable for
relevant analyses. Because recruitment was through for-
warded e-mails, advertisements, and flyers, it is hard to
estimate the proportion of women who responded.
4. Results
4.1. Participant demographics and traits
The 14-page questionnaire completed by each participant
gave extensive background information, only some of which
is relevant to this study. All participants were exclusively or
primarily heterosexual. All women reported regular cycles of
2830 days; 7 were using the hormonal contraception pill,
and 11 were not (and had not within the previous 3 months);
none used any other form of hormonal contraception (e.g.,
the patch or the implant). On average, participants were 26.9
years old (S.D.=5) and had 6.4 years of experience as exotic
dancers (S.D.=2.1). Their demographics seem representative
of exotic dancers studied in previous sociological research
(e.g., Barton, 2006; Deshotels & Forsyth, 2006; Forsyth &
Deshotels, 1996; Pasko, 2002).
4.2. Daily online reports and fertility estimates
We asked participants to log in to our study web site daily
to report whether they had started or stopped menstruating
on that day and to report their tip earnings and other details of
any shift they worked that day. Each participant's menstrua-
tion data were plotted on a calendar, and we recorded how
many days into the cycle each participant was for each shift
reported. The online data revealed that all 18 participants
showed quite regular cycles ranging from 28 to 29 days in
cycle lengtha good match to their self-reported cycle
lengths of 2830 days.
Actuarial data (e.g., Wilcox, Dunson, Weinberg, Trussell,
& Baird, 2001) suggest that fertility is high around Days 9
15 of the cycle and is low around Days 18 (early follicular
days including menstruation) and Days 1628 (days in the
luteal phase). We divided nonestrous parts of the cycle into
menstrual and luteal phases because we expected that
menstrual side effects (e.g., fatigue, bloating, muscle pains,
irritability) might reduce women's subjective well-being and
tip earnings and we wanted to be able to distinguish an
estrous increase in tips from a menstrual decrease, relative to
the luteal phase. Also, because fertility estimation is
imperfect and fertility may be high a few days before or
377G. Miller et al. / Evolution and Human Behavior 28 (2007) 375381
after the typical fertile window, we used methods similar to
those of Haselton and Gangestad (2006) by conservatively
estimating cycle phase. Thus, the cycle was broken up into
three phases: menstrual [Days 15 of the cycle (Days 68
were dropped because participants could have been fertile
and were likely not menstruating)], fertile (Days 915 of the
cycle), and luteal [Days 1828 of the cycle (Days 16 and 17
were dropped because participants could have been fertile)].
We then calculated an average tip-earning level for each
participant in her menstrual, fertile, and luteal phases, based
on all available online data in each category.
Apart from the ambiguous-fertility days dropped from our
analysis, participants reported tip earnings in a total of 296
online entries, averaging 16.4 entries each (S.D.=5.2,
range=929), out of the 60 days requested. Participants
only logged on to the web site on about half of the days when
they worked (27% of the 60 requested days).
The average work shift lasted 5.2 h (S.D.=1.7, range=0
12), usually starting between 5 and 10 p.m. and ending
between midnight and 4 a.m. Participants reported mean
earnings of US$248.73 per shift (S.D.=US$125.30). With
lap dances yielding an average of about US$14, this mean
earnings level of about US$250 reflects about 18 dances per
shift. Shift length was unrelated to shift earnings (r=.03,
p=.63); thus, earnings per shift,rather than earnings per
hour,was used in subsequent tip analyses. Additionally,
number of hours worked per shift did not differ across cycle
phase [F(2, 249)=1.19, p=.306; menstrual mean=5.44, fertile
mean=5.26, luteal mean=5.04]. Fig. 1 shows average tip
earnings for Days 128 in the cycle for normally cycling
women versus pill-using women.
4.3. Effects of ovulatory cycle and contraception on
tip earnings
Our design involved multiple observations (i.e., tips per
shift) for dancers, who were nested within contraception use
and crossed with cycle phase; hence, we analyzed effects of
cycle phase and contraception use on tip earnings using
multilevel modeling (hierarchical linear modeling). Multi-
level modeling is most appropriate in this context because it
allows interpretable tests of cycle phase and contraception
use despite multiple observations and the nonindependence
of tip earnings and despite the differential number of
observations between participants. Analyses were thus
performed using SPSS 14.0 Mixed Models. Restricted
maximum likelihood criteria were employed. Shifts (nested
within individuals) were the Level 1 units of analysis, and
participants were Level 2 units of analysis. Accordingly,
cycle phase was a Level 1 factor and contraception use was a
Level 2 factor. We report significance levels using both
traditional pvalues for null-hypothesis testing and p
values (Killeen, 2005).
Main effects of cycle phase [F(2, 236)=27.46, pb.001,
=1.00] and contraception use [F(1, 17)=6.76, pb.05,
cycle phase and pill use [F(2, 236)=5.32, pb.01, p
Figs. 1 and 2 show these key results by plotting average
tip earnings within each running 3-day period (Fig. 1)or
each cycle phase (menstrual, fertile, or luteal; Fig. 2) for
normally cycling participants versus pill-using participants.
We conducted two planned contrasts of the interaction to
investigate how cycle phase moderated the difference in tip
earnings between normally cycling participants and pill
users. The first contrast investigated how pill use moderated
differences in tip earnings between the menstrual and luteal
phases. We predicted that pill-using and normally cycling
participants would demonstrate a similar difference
between these two phases. The second contrast investigated
how pill use moderated differences in tip earnings between
the fertile phase and the other two phases. We predicted
that normally cycling participants would demonstrate a
larger increase in the fertile phase relative to the other
phases than pill-using participants.
Consistent with our predictions, the first contrast
indicated that pill use does not moderate the difference
between tips earned in the menstrual and luteal phases [F(1,
Fig. 1. Effects of ovulatory cycle (Days 128) on average tip earnings per
shift, for normally cycling women versus women using hormonal contra-
ception (pill users); each data point represents a 3-day average of the
indicated day, the previous day, and the following day.
Fig. 2. Effects of ovulatory cycle phase (menstrual phase, fertile estrous
phase, or luteal phase) on tip earnings per shift, for normally cycling women
versus women using hormonal contraception (pill users). Error bars
represent 95% confidence intervals.
378 G. Miller et al. / Evolution and Human Behavior 28 (2007) 375381
234)=0.012, p=.911], with normally cycling participants
demonstrating a similar increase in tip earnings from
menstrual to luteal phases (+70.45; 95% confidence limits
from +25.68 to +115.16) as compared to pill-using
participants (+66.60; 95% confidence limits from +20.72
to +112.26). Also consistent with our predictions, the second
contrast indicated that pill use does moderate the difference
between tips earned in the fertile phase and the other two
phases [F(1, 238)=10.52, pb.01, p
=.983], with normally
cycling participants demonstrating a greater increase in tip
earnings at the fertile phase relative to the other two phases
(+135.63; 95% confidence limits from +111.20 to +160.07)
than pill users (+47.62; 95% confidence limits from +11.50
to +83.74).
Although the sample size of individuals was small
(N=18), the sample size of work shifts was much larger
(N=296), and these work shifts reflected a sample of about
5300 lap dances (about 18 per work shift).
5. Discussion
We found strong ovulatory cycle effects on tip earnings,
moderated by whether the participants were normally
cycling. All women made less money during their menstrual
periods, whether they were on the pill or not. However, the
normally cycling women made much more money during
estrus (about US$354 per shift)about US$90 more than
during the luteal phase and about US$170 more than during
the menstrual phase. Estrous women made about US$70 per
hour, luteal women made about US$50 per hour, and
menstruating women made about US$35 per hour. By
contrast, the pill users had no midcycle peak in tip earnings.
As in other previous research, the pill eliminates peak-
fertility effects on the female body and behavior by putting
the body in a state of hormonal pseudopregnancy (e.g.,
Gangestad, Simpson, Cousins, Garver-Apgar, & Christen-
sen, 2004; Gangestad et al., 2005; Macrae, Alnwick, Milne,
& Schloerscheidt, 2002). This also results in pill users
making only US$193 per shift compared to normally cycling
women making US$276 per shifta loss of more than US
$80 per shift.
This is the first direct economic evidence for the existence
of estrus in contemporary human females. Under the
revealed preferencedoctrine in behavioral decision theory
(Camerer, 2003; Hensher, Louviere, & Swait, 1999), real
consumer spending patterns reveal human preferences more
reliably than verbally stated judgments do, especially for
socially stigmatized products such as pornography or sex
work (Salmon & Symons, 2001). When women and men
interact intimately over the course of several minutes through
conversation and body contact, women apparently either
signalor leakcues of their fertility status, and these cues
influence spending patterns by male consumers. These
results argue against the view that human estrus evolved to
be lost or hidden from males (e.g., Strassmann, 1981; Turke,
1984). Indeed, the standard argument for women's
extended sexuality(sexual receptivity outside the fertile
estrus phase) is that it evolved to help women extract material
resources from males (Gangestad et al., 2005; Thornhill,
2006), and some evidence suggests that women outside
estrus place a higher value on male wealth relative to other
male traits (Haselton & Miller, 2006). By this reasoning,
nonestrous women in their extended sexuality phase should
be better adapted to maximize tip earnings through displays
of (nonfertile) sexual receptivity such as lap dancing. The fact
that tip earnings peak during estrus suggests that men can
detect female fertility more accurately than the concealed
ovulationmodel suggestedbut not so accurately that tips
during the luteal and menstrual phases drop to zero (as they
might if men found women generally unattractive during
low-fertility parts of the cycle). As in so many coevolutionary
arms races between the sexes (Arnqvist & Rowe, 2005), this
outcome is not a clear victory for either sex.
These cycle effects are notable because in previous
research on gentlemen's clubs (e.g., Barton, 2006; Deshotels
& Forsyth, 2006; Pasko, 2002), summarizing thousands of
hours of interviews, dancers are never reported as noticing
cycle effects on tip earnings (thus making it less likely that
participant expectations or demand characteristics can
explain the results). Yet, dancers have rich opportunities to
learn how to maximize tip earnings. Learning optimal
performance in any economic game requires immediate cash
feedback across many iterations of the game (Camerer,
2003), and this is exactly what lap dancers get, every few
minutes, in every shift, throughout the average of 6.4 years
of dance experience. For this reason, we suspect that cyclic
shifts in women's attractiveness are driving our tip earnings
resultsrather than the well-documented shifts in sexual
receptivity, proceptivity, or selectivity for good genes (e.g.,
Feinberg et al., 2006; Gangestad et al., 2002, 2004, 2005;
Haselton & Miller, 2006; Thornhill, 2006). Although an
estrous increase in sexual receptivity and proceptivity toward
clients who exhibit good-gene cues may bias dancers to
approach certain men, it is unclear how this bias would lead
to greater tip earnings during estrus. Indeed, it seems that the
optimal strategy for obtaining tips is to focus on men who are
profligate, drunk, and gullible rather than those who are
intelligent, handsome, and discerning.
This study has several limitations. The sample size of
participants is small (N=18), although we gathered many
data points per participant, which allowed us to use a
statistically powerful repeated-measures design (including
296 work shifts reflecting about 5300 lap dances). Although
the modest number of participants does not increase type I
errors (i.e., false positives) in our statistical tests, it may
reduce the generalizability of the results across populations
although it is unclear why different populations of
sexually mature, normally cycling, human females would
show different ovulatory cycle effects on tip earnings, if they
work in the same industry.
Another limitation is that our key measures (tip
earnings, menstrual cycle phases, hormonal contraception
379G. Miller et al. / Evolution and Human Behavior 28 (2007) 375381
use) were self-reported, to maximize participant anonymity
and confidentiality in this stigmatized and suspicious
population (see Thompson et al., 2003). Future studies
could use larger samples, could identify ovulation more
precisely using the luteinizing hormone surge as measured
in urine samples, and could investigate whether these
effects hold in other less-stigmatized types of sex work
and service and entertainment industries, in other settings
and cultures.
A final limitation is that our study did not identify the
precise proximal mechanisms that influence tip earnings.
These might include the previously documented shifts in
body scent, facial attractiveness, soft-tissue body symmetry,
waist-to-hip ratio, and verbal creativity and fluencyor
they might include shifts in other phenotypic cues that have
not yet been studied. We can, however, exclude some
possible mediators based on previous exotic dancer
research. Tip earnings are unlikely to be influenced by
cycle shifts in stage-dance moves, clothing, or initial
conversational content because these cues just do not vary
much for professional dancers (Barton, 2006; Beasley,
2003). The tip earnings pattern in Fig. 1 is similar to the
pattern of estradiol levels across the cycle (with a main
estrous peak and a secondary midluteal peak); hence, it is
plausible that estradiol levels might mediate the tip-
earning effects.
Perhaps, most importantly, from an evolutionary view-
point, further research could clarify whether women have
evolved special adaptations to signal estrus through such
cuesor whether the cues are leakingto sexually
discriminating men as unselected side effects of cycle
physiology. Distinguishing between estrous signalsand
leaked cuesmay be difficult in practice because estrous
females (seeking extra-pair copulations with good-gene
males) and extra-pair males (offering good genes) may
have shared interests in female fertility signals being
conspiratorial whispersthat are accurate but inconspicuous
(Pagel, 1994). In serially monogamous species such as
ours, women's estrous signals may have evolved an extra
degree of plausible deniability and tactical flexibility to
maximize women's ability to attract high-quality extra-pair
partners just before ovulation, while minimizing the
primary partner's mate guarding and sexual jealousy. For
these reasons, we suspect that human estrous cues are likely
to be very flexible and stealthysubtle behavioral signals
that fly below the radar of conscious intention or
perception, adaptively hugging the costbenefit contours
of opportunistic infidelity.
We thank Rosalind Arden, Bernadette Barton, Juliana
Beasley, Steve Gangestad, Vlad Griskevicius, Martie
Haselton, Catherine Salmon, Ursina Teuscher, Randy
Thornhill, Rhiannon West, and several anonymous reviewers
for helpful feedback on this article.
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... The estrous cycle is synonymous with menstrual cycle in human. The estrous animals reabsorb their in the absence of pregnancy which is in contrast with the menstrual cycle in which the endometrial lining is shed through menstruation (Susan et al. 2004;Geoffrey et al. 2007). The estrous cycle comprises of recurring physiologic and behavioral changes that are induced by reproductive hormones (Kaiyu et al. 2016). ...
... More so, reproductive function and estrous cycling have been shown to be sensitive to changes in vagina microenvironment which could result from intrusion into the vagina cavity and extraction of vagina smear (Aiko et al. 2017). Furthermore, the basis onto which animals are grouped needs to be ascertained as animals on different phases exhibit different psychological behavior which may induce stress on other animals in the same group and consequently affect their cycling pattern (Geoffrey et al. 2007). ...
... Meanwhile animals on different phases of estrous tend to behave differently because of hormone influence. It has been reported that animals on estrus phase of estrous cycle are hyperactive and may infringe stress and consequently affect their cycling pattern of others animals when grouped together (Geoffrey et al. 2007). It is evident that a more reliable and consistent data can be generated from vaginal cytology studies, if procedure is based on wellestablished standardized criteria . ...
... The estrous cycle is synonymous with menstrual cycle in human. The estrous animals reabsorb their in the absence of pregnancy which is in contrast with the menstrual cycle in which the endometrial lining is shed through menstruation (Susan et al. 2004;Geoffrey et al. 2007). The estrous cycle comprises of recurring physiologic and behavioral changes that are induced by reproductive hormones (Kaiyu et al. 2016). ...
... More so, reproductive function and estrous cycling have been shown to be sensitive to changes in vagina microenvironment which could result from intrusion into the vagina cavity and extraction of vagina smear (Aiko et al. 2017). Furthermore, the basis onto which animals are grouped needs to be ascertained as animals on different phases exhibit different psychological behavior which may induce stress on other animals in the same group and consequently affect their cycling pattern (Geoffrey et al. 2007). ...
... Meanwhile animals on different phases of estrous tend to behave differently because of hormone influence. It has been reported that animals on estrus phase of estrous cycle are hyperactive and may infringe stress and consequently affect their cycling pattern of others animals when grouped together (Geoffrey et al. 2007). It is evident that a more reliable and consistent data can be generated from vaginal cytology studies, if procedure is based on wellestablished standardized criteria . ...
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Vaginal smear cytology (VSC) is the most common method used in studying estrous cycle. There are multiple conflicting references regarding the VSC procedure, many of which lack comprehensive illustrations with undesired outcomes. These disparities have been linked to variations in environmental factors and inconsistencies in VSC procedure. These factors influence estrous cycling even before the administration of test substance, thereby causing research results that are not accurate. This study is therefore aimed at evaluating the procedure, factors that are being considered and result outcome. The assessment was carried out using questionnaires administered to basic scientists in three south western Nigeria Institutions; University of Lagos, University of Ibadan and Ladoke Akintola University. The results from this study established that the length of the suction pipette inserted and the quantity of smear volume collected during VSC procedure were always measured and maintained in only 27% of respondents, sometimes in 64% and never in 9%. More so, researchers do not follow specific pattern of grouping where age-based and weight-based grouping pattern are higher with 47.2% and 48.0% respectively than using estrous cycle phase with 4.8% and no basis with 0.3%. The evaluation on result outcome showed that effective cycling at 100% is the lowest while cycling rate at 50% is the highest. We therefore advise that the evaluations of these results and those of the available references be put into test to establish a standard model for usage in this region of the world.
... The literature regarding competition for economic resources (which can also enhance status) is again mixed. In a novel study, Miller et al. (2007) recorded tip earnings for professional lap dancers, finding that HC users earned less than NC women in the fertile phase. Although the authors conclude that men are more attracted to fertile women, it is also possible that HCs suppress a mid-cycle increase in competitiveness experienced by NC women. ...
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Objective A growing body of research has begun investigating the relationship between hormones and female competitiveness. Many researchers have focused on the effect of the menstrual cycle and hormonal contraceptives. Despite many attempts at understanding hormone-behavior associations, contradictory findings have made it difficult to determine the existence of true effects. The aim of the current research was to use a robust methodological design to investigate the effect of fertility probability on four competitive orientations in naturally cycling women and hormonal contraceptive users. Methods Using a longitudinal diary study with over 3,900 observations from 21 countries, we explore the effect of fertility probability on four self-report competitive orientations after controlling for menstruation: self-developmental competition, hyper competitiveness, competition avoidance, and lack of interest toward competition. Results Using Bayesian estimation for ordinal mixed models, we found that fertility probability was associated with an increase in self-development competitiveness amongst naturally cycling women but not hormonal contraceptive users. We also found weak evidence that hormonal contraceptive users show reduced interest in competing compared to naturally cycling women. There were no other robust effects of fertility or hormonal contraceptive use. Conclusions These results suggest that fertility probability is associated with increased fluctuations in self-development competitive motivation and that hormonal contraceptives interfere with this effect. This research contributes to the growing body of literature suggesting that hormonal contraceptives may influence psychology and behavior by disrupting evolved hormonal mechanisms.
... Women's preferences are even influenced by their fertility status: those in their maximally fertile phase prefer "creativity" over "wealth" for a short-term relationship, but not for a longterm one (Haselton and Miller, 2006), and they prefer composers of complex musical pieces for short-term relationships (Charlton, 2014). Further, women in their peak fertility exhibit increased creativity (Galasinska and Szymkow, 2021) and more attractive dance movements (Miller et al., 2007;Fink et al., 2012). Importantly, after satisfying mate preference necessities (e.g., intelligence, income, attractiveness), men and women prefer creativity in a romantic partner (Li et al., 2002;Thomas et al., 2020). ...
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Since Darwin proposed that human musicality evolved through sexual selection, empirical evidence has supported intersexual selection as one of the adaptive functions of artistic propensities. However, intrasexual competition has been overlooked. We tested their relative importance by investigating the relationship between the self-perceived talent/expertise in 16 artistic and 2 sports modalities and proxies of intersexual selection (i.e., mate value, mating and parenting efforts, sociosexuality, and number of sexual partners) and intrasexual competition (i.e., aggressiveness, intrasexual competitiveness) in heterosexuals. Participants were 82 Brazilian men, 166 Brazilian women, 146 Czech men, and 458 Czech women (Mage = 26.48, SD = 7.12). Factor analysis revealed five factors: Literary-arts (creative writing, humor, acting/theater/film, poetry, storytelling), Visual-arts (painting/drawing, sculpting, handcrafting, culinary arts, architecture design), Musical-arts (playing/instruments, singing, dance, whistling), Circus-arts (juggling, acrobatics), and Sports (individual, collective). Multivariate General Linear Model (GLM) showed more associations of the arts to intersexual selection in women and to intrasexual selection in men, and overall more relationships in women than in men. In women, literary and musical-arts were related to elevated inter- and intrasexual selections proxies, visual and circus-arts were related to elevated intersexual selection proxies, and sports were related to intrasexual selection proxies. In men, literary-arts and sports were related to elevated inter- and intrasexual selection proxies, musical-arts were related to intrasexual proxies, and circus-arts were related to intersexual proxies; visual-arts did not have predictors. Although present in both sexes, each sexual selection component has different relative importance in each sex. Artisticality functions to attract and maintain long/short-term partners, and to compete with mating rivals.
... One factor seemingly influencing competitiveness is whether the contest involves money from real income streams. For instance, Miller et al. (2007) report that NC lap dancers earned higher tips from male customers when fertile compared to HC users and when NC women were in the non-fertile phase. The authors concluded that men were sensitive to subtle cues of female fertility (in physical appearance or behavior), and thus awarded more tips to NC women but not HC women during the mid-cycle phase. ...
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Emerging evidence suggests that hormonal contraceptives (HCs) impact psychological outcomes through alterations in neurophysiology. In this review, we first introduce a theoretical framework for HCs as disruptors of steroid hormone modulation of socially competitive attitudes and behaviors. Then, we comprehensively examine prior research comparing HC users and non-users in outcomes related to competition for reproductive, social, and financial resources. Synthesis of 46 studies (n = 16,290) led to several key conclusions: HC users do not show the same menstrual cycle-related fluctuations in self-perceived attractiveness and some intrasexual competition seen in naturally cycling women and, further, may show relatively reduced status- or achievement-oriented competitive motivation. However, there a lack of consistent or compelling evidence that HC users and non-users differ in competitive behavior or attitudes for mates or financial resources. These conclusions are tentative given the notable methodological limitations of the studies reviewed. Implications and recommendations for future research are discussed.
... To date, many researchers have found impressive evidence for the effect that fertility and attractiveness are related. For example, Miller, Tybur, and Jordan (2007) showed that female lap dancers earn more tips when they are in the fertile phase of their menstrual cycle compared to when they are in the non-fertile phase and compared to women who take contraceptive pills. In line with this observation, other studies found that heterosexual men rate women to be more physically attractive when the latter were in their fertile phase or when they showed cues of fertility (e.g., Haselton & Gildersleeve, 2016;Prokop, Dylewski, Woźna, & Tryjanowski, 2018). ...
According to the sexual strategy theory (SST), men pursue short-term mating strategies to enhance their reproductive fitness. To do so, heterosexual men search for women who signal high reproductive value through multiple fertility cues. We hypothesize that, due to an interplay of mating strategies derived from a person's biological sex and the sexual orientation of a person (which develops independently of biological sex), not only heterosexual but also homosexual men should find high fertility more attractive in others. Accordingly, in Study 1 (N = 124), we found that hetero-as well as homosexual men rated the physical attractiveness of a female stimulus person to be greater when she was portrayed to be of high (versus low) fertility. Interestingly, in Study 2 (N = 224), we found that only homosexual-, but not heterosexual men perceived a male stimulus to be less attractive when information was provided that pointed at his low (versus high) fertility and when no information was given. We discuss these findings against the background of evolved adaptive mating motives in humans. Overall, the present results indicate that fertility appears to be an important cue for perceived physical attractiveness for both hetero-and homosexual men.
... , 在异性面前走路的步 态更加性感 (Guéguen, 2012;Miller et al., 2007) (Watkins et al., 2000) ...
... Rather, oestrous females should be discriminating and "prefer to mate with good sires for offspring" (Gangestad & Thornhill, 2008: 996 Gangestad & Thornhill (2008). For similar research on this topic, see Miller, G., Tybur, J. and Jordan, B., 2007. Ovulatory cycle effects on tip earnings by lap dancers: economic evidence for human estrus?. ...
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The term 'sexual inclusion' is commonly taken to refer to the adjustment of our social and educational practices to counteract prejudices that are connected to sex. The project of sexual inclusion can be used, for example, to advocate against the discrimination of the LGBTQIA+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, asexual, ally and others) community or certain unconventional BDSM (bondage and discipline, dominance and submission, sadism, and masochism) dynamics and activities. This essay, however, takes sexual inclusion as the project that promotes the equal and largely indiscriminatory opportunity for each person to engage in meaningful and pleasurable nonmorally good sexual experiences, because, as I will argue, sex is part of what it means to live a flourishing and good human life. This essay focuses specifically on nonmorally good sex, how we experience it, and its fundamental role in promoting sexual inclusion-if one does not experience nonmorally good sex, one cannot feel or be considered as being sexually included. To have a better grasp on the project of sexual inclusion and what it is, I discuss the different mechanisms that can lead to sexual exclusion and how experiencing sexual exclusion can hinder our progress towards living a good and flourishing life. I conclude that due to its subjective nature, the experience of nonmorally good sex itself challenges and limits us in our pursuit of the advancement and achievement of sexual inclusion. Engaging in a sexual activity with another person due to the motivating reasons to provide that person with a nonmorally good sexual experience (with the goal of advancing their sexual inclusion), is not an input-output kind of process. If we are unable to guarantee nonmorally good sex for others, the result is that we cannot guarantee their sexual inclusion either.
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Understanding how human mating psychology is affected by changes in female cyclic fertility is informative for comprehending the evolution of human reproductive behavior. Based on differential selection pressures between the sexes, men are assumed to have evolved adaptations to notice women's within-cycle cues to fertility and show corresponding mate retention tactics to secure access to their female partners when fertile. However, previous studies suffered from methodological shortcomings and yielded inconsistent results. In a large, preregistered online dyadic diary study (384 heterosexual couples), we found no compelling evidence that men notice women's fertility status (as potentially reflected in women's attractiveness, sexual desire, or wish for contact with others) or display mid-cycle increases in mate retention tactics (jealousy, attention, wish for contact or sexual desire towards female partners). These results extend our current understanding of the evolution of women's concealed ovulation and oestrus, and suggest that both might have evolved independently.
There is good evidence that height is socially and economically beneficial to males. Consider two parents with otherwise healthy sons. One wants to obtain medical treatment to change her son’s ultimate projected height from 150 (4′11′) to 160 cm (5′3″). The other would give similar medication to increase her son’s projected final height from 190 (6′3′) to 200 cm (6′7″). This chapter explores some of the theoretical and practical considerations in (1) using biomedical technology to change a characteristic of a child from socially disfavored to typical; or (2) to change a characteristic from excellent to outstanding (in terms of societal norms). Prospects are poor for changing norms themselves with regard to important features of interpersonal competition such as mating desirability or markers of social dominance. It is necessary to directly confront the question of when (if ever) it should be permissible to change the child’s body, or even the child’s genotype, to allow him to better succeed within his culture. This leads to interesting ways to frame problems that do not necessary lend themselves to definitive recommendations.
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This book provides an authoritative and comprehensive synthesis of current research on the evolution and physiological control of sexual behaviour in the primates - prosimians, monkeys, apes, and human beings. This new edition has been fully updated and greatly expanded throughout to incorporate a decade of new research findings. It maintains the depth and scientific rigour of the first edition, and includes a new chapter on human sexuality, written from a comparative perspective.
Game theory, the formalized study of strategy, began in the 1940s by asking how emotionless geniuses should play games, but ignored until recently how average people with emotions and limited foresight actually play games. This book marks the first substantial and authoritative effort to close this gap. Colin Camerer, one of the field's leading figures, uses psychological principles and hundreds of experiments to develop mathematical theories of reciprocity, limited strategizing, and learning, which help predict what real people and companies do in strategic situations. Unifying a wealth of information from ongoing studies in strategic behavior, he takes the experimental science of behavioral economics a major step forward. He does so in lucid, friendly prose. Behavioral game theory has three ingredients that come clearly into focus in this book: mathematical theories of how moral obligation and vengeance affect the way people bargain and trust each other; a theory of how limits in the brain constrain the number of steps of "I think he thinks . . ." reasoning people naturally do; and a theory of how people learn from experience to make better strategic decisions. Strategic interactions that can be explained by behavioral game theory include bargaining, games of bluffing as in sports and poker, strikes, how conventions help coordinate a joint activity, price competition and patent races, and building up reputations for trustworthiness or ruthlessness in business or life.
This chapter discusses the theory and research on sexually antagonistic coevolution, considers human sexuality in light of major sexual conflicts, and describes recent research on psychological changes across women's cycles. The selective pressures that led to concealed ovulation and extended female sexuality in humans have been debated for more than two decades. Two major theories explain them in terms of sexual conflicts, but different ones. The chapter also discusses male adaptations sensitive partners' ovulatory status. The extra-pair copulation (EPC) theory argues that women have adaptations to seek, under certain conditions, a sire other than a primary partner through multiple mating. On occasion, women may have mated with multiple men within a single cycle or consecutive cycles. In this context, cryptic choice mechanisms, adaptations that affect choice of a sire during mating or postmating, may have evolved. These mechanisms should be designed to vary across the cycle.
Gametogenesis is the sequence of events that occur as germ cells, or gonocytes, of the sex cell line form gametes. This complex process occurs within the gonadal tissues. The general process of gametogenesis is divisible into two main phases; a gonial phase and a gametogenic phase. These phases can be distinguished by the mode of cell division that gamete precursors undergo. During the gonial phase, cells of the germ cell line within the gonad undergo successive mitotic divisions and establish a population of gonial cells. In males, this phase is referred to as the spermatogonial phase during which spermatogonial cells are produced. In females of most vertebrates, the gonial phase occurs very early in the life cycle and establishes a population of oogonia within the ovary. During the subsequent gametogenic phase of both males and females, descendents of these gonial cells undergo meiotic divisions and are transformed into mature gametes.
Conference Paper
In the last three decades a significant amount of research has been done on various aspects of strip clubs. The overwhelming majority of this research has focused on the females who perform at these clubs. Until recently, the patrons who frequent these clubs have been virtually ignored. Using covert participant observation, data were collected on patrons who frequented a small, private, strip club located in a small, rural city in the southeastern United States. Using a synthesis of symbolic interactionism and exchange theory, the club's patrons were analyzed, resulting in a description of the dynamics that constitute a patron as a "regular.'' From the data two distinct types of strip club regulars emerged: monetary regulars and frequency regulars. In the former sense, the status of "regular'' is dependent on the amount of economic
It is a long held assumption that women have concealed ovulation, which means that men do not know when women's menstrual cycles are in their most fertile phase. Recent empirical results have provided evidence that ovulation may not be totally concealed from pair-bonded males, but the generality and the mechanisms of the finding demand further study. To examine the possible adaptive value of the phenomenon, it is necessary to study whether the ability to detect ovulation is confined to males. We studied these questions in an experiment in which male and female raters rated the sexual attractiveness and intensity of T-shirts' odors worn by 42 women using oral contraceptives (pill users) and by 39 women without oral contraceptives (nonusers). Males rated the sexual attractiveness of nonusers highest at midcycle. However, female raters showed only a nonsignificant trend for this relationship. Neither sex rated attractiveness of the odors of pill users according to their menstrual cycle. The results indicate that men can use olfactory cues to distinguish between ovulating and nonovulating women. Furthermore, the contrasting results between pill users and nonusers may indicate that oral contraceptives demolish the cyclic attractiveness of odors. Together, these findings give more basis for the study of the role of odors in human sexual behavior. Copyright 2004.
Observations of customer‐waitress interaction in a topless club over a two‐and‐one‐half month period are presented. Data were generated by a participant‐observer who worked as a waitress‐dancer in a topless club during this period. Analysis focuses on the setting, appearance, and manner of the “cynical performance” (Goffman 1959) orchestrated by the waitress through which she uses semi‐nudity, nudity and nude dancing to stimulate the fantasies of her patrons and thereby creates “counterfeit intimacy” (Boles and Garbin 1977). The overriding goal of the club and the waitress‐dancers is to make money through the sale of alcohol and table dances; customer goals are to have a “sexual experience” (not necessarily intercourse) of some sort. Various “ploys,” enacted by both customers and waitresses, are analyzed, with the ultimate goal of these ploys being to enhance the effectiveness of the “counterfeit intimacy” contrived by both parties. Conclusions suggest that all forms of “counterfeit” can be studied as sources of benefits for people whose expectations have not been met by “legitimate” institutions and that rationality in performance is maximized in performances explicitly designed to be counterfeits.
A decade ago we (Thompson and Harred 1992) conducted ethnographic interviews with over 40 topless dancers in seven Gentlemen's Clubs in a major metropolitan city in the Southwest with a population of approximately one million people. Our research focused on how the dancers managed the stigma of their deviant occupation. We found that while the dancers used a variety of stigma management techniques, for analytical purposes they could be collapsed within two "umbrella categories": dividing the social world (Goffman 1963); and rationalization and neutralization (Sykes and Matza 1957). This study replicates that study a decade later. The research for this current study was conducted at five gentlemen's clubs, three of which were included in the earlier study, and two additional clubs that were currently considered the most exclusive gentlemen's clubs in the city. Our findings, while different in specifics, were generally quite consistent with those a decade earlier. Topless dancers still managed the stigma of their deviant occupation by dividing their social worlds and using traditional techniques of neutralization to rationalize their behavior. Additionally, in this study, we found that they relied heavily on cognitive and emotive dissonance to reduce the emotional strain of the work and to alternately embrace their role as dancer and distance themselves from it as the situation seemed to dictate.