Content uploaded by Stefania Milan
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Stefania Milan on Oct 23, 2014
Content may be subject to copyright.
A preview of the PDF is not available
At the Margins of Internet Governance: Grassroots Tech Groups and Communication Policy
Abstract
This article examines grassroots tech groups as civil society media (CSM) actors marginalised in the communications policy debate. We aim to insert these key providers of information communication technology (ICT) infrastructure into discussions on enabling CSM policy agendas. The article
maps their policy objectives, traces their connections to broader Internet governance mechanisms and explores their potential roles as policy stakeholders. We conclude that grassroots tech groups, while operating largely outside of the debate, offer unique perspectives and contributions to
multi-stakeholder policy dialogue, challenging norms of inclusion and representation.
... In practice, however, it does not always assure democratic participation or the increase of transparency in policy-making (Donders, van den Bulck, & Raats, 2019). The stakeholders can be/often are reduced to the status of observers (Hintz & Milan, 2009). In terms of institutional interactions, their input can sometimes overlap with existing memberships and discussions (Raymond & Denardis, 2015) and be impacted by limited resources (Sanderink & Nasiritousi, 2020). ...
... The stakeholders are generally very positive about their engagement towards Ibermedia and feel that they can impact decision-making. Again, this is striking, because stakeholders often do not have enough salience to impact actual outcomes and are reduced to the role of observers (Hintz & Milan, 2009). They are also very positive about Ibermedia's work and its results in the Ibero-American audiovisual sector. ...
The European Union largely influenced the development of supranational audiovisual spaces in Latin America. The central idea in the creation of RECAM in Mercosur, and Ibermedia, in Ibero-America, were to transfer the EU media policy model. However, to what extent these policies are following the EU model beyond rhetorics remains unclear. Therefore, the PhD thesis aims to critically investigate this relationship, assess what the interests, dynamics, and outcomes of it were, and to reflect on the adequacy of this idea.
The PhD adopts a holistic approach drawing from the political economy of communication to answer the main research question: Can we observe a policy transfer on media policy from the EU to RECAM and Ibermedia and does that make sense at all? To this end, the research builds on a framework encompassing policies, people, and power to investigate the policy process in an ex-ante and a posteriori stage.
The results are presented in five published articles where we combined different theories and methods going from a macro to micro perspective. We applied triangulation of the data in all articles through different methodologies, such as literature review, qualitative document analysis, expert interviews, and participant observation. The findings revealed that the EU media policy model was not transferred to RECAM or Ibermedia. Moreover, the PhD thesis illuminated the challenges of media policy transfer, exposing its inadequacy for a dialogue
between the EU and Latin America.
The research reflected on the specificities of Latin American audiovisual policies and on the role of media policies in promoting societal interest. Based on theoretical and empirical consideration, the PhD thesis provides policy recommendations for developing Latin American audiovisual spaces and contributes to recognizing the cultural dimension of audiovisual products.
... In practice, however, it does not always assure democratic participation or the increase of transparency in policy-making (Donders, van den Bulck, & Raats, 2019). The stakeholders can be/often are reduced to the status of observers (Hintz & Milan, 2009). In terms of institutional interactions, their input can sometimes overlap with existing memberships and discussions (Raymond & Denardis, 2015) and be impacted by limited resources (Sanderink & Nasiritousi, 2020). ...
... The stakeholders are generally very positive about their engagement towards Ibermedia and feel that they can impact decision-making. Again, this is striking, because stakeholders often do not have enough salience to impact actual outcomes and are reduced to the role of observers (Hintz & Milan, 2009). They are also very positive about Ibermedia's work and its results in the Ibero-American audiovisual sector. ...
Ibermedia is the most important institution in the Ibero-American audiovisual space. It was created as a result of a bottom-up project that aims to include stakeholders in policy-making. The paper investigates the participation of stakeholders in the Ibermedia decision-making in order to assess if it maintains its original cooperative character. We applied the salience theory to identify who and why is being taken into account by the organization. Our findings are based on a literature review, qualitative document analysis, and semi-structured expert interviews. The findings reveal that Ibermedia maintains its bottom-up proposal and the stakeholders can impact its policies. The interactions are marked by informal relations and affection. The stakeholders consider Ibermedia vital and are generally satisfied with its functioning, besides its low budget. The paper provides an overview of the internal functioning of Ibermedia, revealing the level of interaction with the stakeholders and contributes to add light in the lack of transparency.
... There are also both digital and analog attempts to resist the consequences of datafied technologies, such as profiling and identification (or "non-cooperation"). Movement-operated internet servers refused to comply with the European Data Retention Directive (2006/24) and did not retain their users' data traffic information (Hintz & Milan, 2009). And privacy-concerned individuals may hide their face while walking past a facial recognition camera, which is perceived as defying their ability to be anonymous in public space. ...
Individuals and groups increasingly seek to resist the harms and risks of a data-driven society. This essay explores the possibility of individual and collective resistance vis-à-vis datafication, drawing on examples from across the globe. It shows how infrastructure, political agency, and tactics have changed in response to datafication. It reviews six resistance tactics, distinguishing between “defensive resistance” and “productive resistance”: self-defence, subversion, avoidance, literacy, counter-imagination, and advocacy campaigning. Investigating them offers insights on the ability of social actors to contribute to innovation in mobilising practices amidst intrusive surveillance.
... The study of hacktivism within the field of alternative media studies has evolved over the years, and scholars like Stefania Milan and Arne Hintz have made significant contributions to this intellectual history. Their works have shed light on the intersection of technology, activism, and media, providing insights into the role of hacktivism in shaping contemporary political landscapes (Hintz & Milan, 2009). ...
Hacktivism represents a dynamic intersection of technology and activism, where individuals or groups leverage digital tools to advance social or political causes. This text explores the multifaceted nature of hacktivism, encompassing a spectrum of activities from online protests and information dissemination to more disruptive forms of digital direct action.
... Whereas the design, functioning, and decisions of various Internet governance and standard-setting bodies and the participation of different groups have been the topic of several publications (see, among others, DeNardis 2009;Mueller 2010;and Musiani 2013), methodological aspects for the study of Internet governance have received limited attention (e.g., Musiani 2015;Raboy and Padovani 2010). To date, research has relied on discursive methods such as qualitative interviewing and document analysis (e.g., Hintz and Milan 2009;Musiani et al. 2016;Raboy, Landry, and Shtern 2010) or participant observation in policy processes and network analysis (e.g., Hintz 2010;Mueller 2010;Pavan 2012). More recently, however, new 10 Studying Discourse in Internet Governance through Mailing-List Analysis Niels ten Oever, Stefania Milan, and Davide Beraldo software enables automatized analysis, allowing a more granular approach in the study of discursive practices in Internet governance (e.g., Milan and Ten Oever 2017). ...
A multidisciplinary book that takes internet governance research as a research subject in its own right, discussing methods and conceptual approaches.
The design and governance of the internet has become one of the most pressing geopolitical issues of our era. The stability of the economy, democracy, and the public sphere depend on the stability and security of the internet. Revelations about election hacking, facial recognition technology, and government surveillance have gotten the public's attention and made clear the need for scholarly research that examines internet governance both empirically and conceptually. In this volume, scholars from a range of disciplines consider research methods, theories, and conceptual approaches in the study of internet governance.
The contributors show that internet governance is not only about governments; it is enacted through technical design, resource coordination, and conflicts at various invisible control points. They discuss such topics as the emergence of “internet governance” as an area of academic study and a real-world policy arena; the scholarly perspectives of STS, the law, computer science, and political science; the use of big data and text mining in internet governance studies; and cybersecurity.
The open access edition of this book was published with the support of a generous grant from the Hewlett Foundation Cyber Initiative to the Internet Governance Lab at American University
ContributorsFarzaneh Badiei, Davide Beraldo, Sandra Braman, Ronald J. Deibert, Dame Wendy Hall, Jeanette Hofmann, Eric Jardine, Rikke Frank Jørgensen, Aastha Madaan, Stefania Milan, Milton Mueller, Kieron O'Hara, Niels ten Oever, Rolf H. Weber
Este artigo analisa os desafios e potenciais das políticas audiovisuais supranacionais na América Latina, concentrando-se nas instituições RECAM e Programa Ibermedia. A partir da economia política da comunicação a análise foca em três elementos, política, pessoas, e poder, para avaliar as dinâmicas e resultados dessas instituições. Destaca-se a importância das pessoas e da informalidade no desenvolvimento e sustentação dessas políticas. O estudo ressalta a necessidade de redefinir os objetivos políticos, integrando as pespectivas culturais e econômicas, por meio de um processo participativo.
Amidst calls for public accountability over large data-driven systems, feminist and indigenous scholars have developed refusal as a practice that challenges the authority of data collectors. However, because data affects so many aspects of daily life, it can be hard to see seemingly different refusal strategies as part of the same repertoire. Furthermore, conversations about refusal often happen from the standpoint of designers and policymakers rather than the people and communities most affected by data collection. In this paper, we introduce a framework for data refusal from below —writing from the standpoint of people who refuse, rather than the institutions that seek their compliance. Because refusers work to reshape socio-technical systems, we argue that refusal is an act of design, and that design-based frameworks and methods can contribute to refusal. We characterize refusal strategies across four constituent facets common to all refusal, whatever strategies are used: autonomy , or how refusal accounts for individual and collective interests; time , or whether refusal reacts to past harm or proactively prevents future harm; power , or the extent to which refusal makes change possible; and cost , or whether or not refusal can reduce or redistribute penalties experienced by refusers. We illustrate each facet by drawing on cases of people and collectives that have refused data systems. Together, the four facets of our framework are designed to help scholars and activists describe, evaluate, and imagine new forms of refusal.
Les collectifs qui défendent l’existence d’un internet alternatif et non marchand sont souvent présentés par les sciences sociales comme marginaux et inaudibles (Hintz et Milan, 2009 ; Alexandre et al ., 2022). Certes les fournisseurs d’accès à internet (FAI) associatifs demeurent relativement invisibles au niveau national en France, mais le Parlement allemand a reconnu au réseau libre Freifunk un statut d’utilité publique en 2020. Si l’internet non marchand est réservé à une élite compétente, comment expliquer que les destins des infrastructures libres puissent être différents ? Partant du programme d’« ethnographie des infrastructures » (Star, 1999) et d’une enquête auprès de FAI associatifs en France et en Allemagne, nous montrerons que les services alternatifs ont façonné un discours de résistance à l’égard de l’internet commercial qui est entré, dans une certaine mesure, en écho avec les politiques publiques. Nous analysons en particulier le rôle de la division du travail dans le succès de ces collectifs dont la mission porte autant sur la construction d’infrastructures de connexion que sur la formulation d’un discours de plaidoyer en leur faveur. L’accession à une reconnaissance d’utilité publique apparaît corrélée à une division du travail autour de ces deux missions, au sein d’institutions distinctes.
Why was the European Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA), initially expected to be easily approved, ultimately rejected? Losey examines the role of civil society organizations in influencing this outcome. He describes how a small core group of national and transnational civil society organizations, supported by a range of communications technologies, played critical roles at different times, often acting more as network nodes than as traditional leaders. They successfully disrupted the ACTA negotiation process, which was seen as an attempt to push previously rejected provisions into law through a different avenue. This article documents the advocacy process beyond the more visible uses of digital media by social movements, and analyzes the less visible networks of civil society organizations in information policy debates.
Why was the European Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA), initially expected to be easily approved, ultimately rejected? Losey examines the role of civil society organizations in influencing this outcome. He describes how a small core group of national and transnational civil society organizations, supported by a range of communications technologies, played critical roles at different times, often acting more as network nodes than as traditional leaders. They successfully disrupted the ACTA negotiation process, which was seen as an attempt to push previously rejected provisions into law through a different avenue. This article documents the advocacy process beyond the more visible uses of digital media by social movements, and analyzes the less visible networks of civil society organizations in information policy debates.
Understanding the encounter at the WSIS requires an enquiry spanning over 30 years, covering two main strands that converged in Geneva December 2003. One, the ‘information society’ debate, takes in the role of information, the internet and the ‘digital divide’ and can be traced to the 1970s. The other, the ‘communication debate’, encompasses broader issues of knowledge ownership and use, media diversity and communication. Its defining moment came in the early 1980s with the MacBride Report of UNESCO. Although each has its (uniquely compromised) history, only one, the latter, is likely to have a future. At the WSIS, these intersected in both official and unofficial fora. The impact was felt within the intergovernmental process, but more profoundly within the spaces of civil society. Burdened with ideologically inspired promises it could never fulfil, comprised by a worn out neoliberal agenda, the outcome of the ‘information society’ debate in the plenary halls was always going to be limited. The ‘communication society’ debate, on the other hand, marked the completion of a shift from governments to civil society as the driving force, and a potentially deeper and more democratic articulation of the issues. It culminated with the publication of the Civil Society Declaration. The further development of this agenda must look outside the WSIS road to Tunis, and develop a stronger presence at civil society venues such as the World Social Forum, and at global governance meetings and events.
Els mitjans tactics son el camp de treball d'uns artistes que adopten una actitud positiva envers la tecnologia digital contemporania, amb un esperit critic i innovador. Els artistes dels media mostren una preocupacio per l'estetica com a concepte, no pas per un estil determinat. Aquesta tendencia s'emmarca en la creacio d'un nou llenguatge per a l'epoca de les xarxes comunicatives, un llenguatge d'usuari que te exit com a art perque transmet un activisme eficac. Els activistes dels media son un hibrid d'artista, cientific, teoric i activista politic que defuig les etiquetes i les catalogacions. Les seves creacions es caracteritzen per una integracio de la maquina i l'usuari en l'obra mateixa, de manera que la interactivitat hi te un paper rellevant. El concepte de mitjans tactics permet conjuminar l'art en majuscules i l'activisme politic de carrer i, en aquest sentit, hi podriem incloure la lluita tactica propia dels moviments antiglobalitzacio. Els activistes dels media defensen la forca de l'estrategia com a eina per a trencar les barreres existents entre els valors imperants i els valors alternatius, entre els professionals i els aficionats i, fins i tot, entre les persones creatives i les no creatives.
Text complet (PDF)
While transnational conglomerates consolidate their control of the global mediascape, local communities struggle to create democratic media systems. This groundbreaking study of community media, first published in 2005, combines original research with comparative and theoretical analysis in an engaging and accessible style. Kevin Howley explores the different ways in which local communities come to make use of various technologies such as radio, television, print and computer networks for purposes of community communication and considers the ways these technologies shape, and are shaped by, the everyday lived experience of local populations. He also addresses broader theoretical and philosophical issues surrounding the relationship between communication and community, media systems and the public sphere. Case studies illustrate the pivotal role community media play in promoting cultural production and communicative democracy within and between local communities. This book will make a significant contribution to existing scholarship in media and cultural studies on alternative, participatory and community-based media.
