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The present article investigates the conditions under which vengeful episodes are satisfactory for the victim/avenger. Two hypotheses are tested simultaneously: (1) victims are satisfied if they see the offender suffer, even if this suffering was imposed by fate ("comparative suffering" hypothesis) and (2) victims are satisfied if the offender signals that he understands why revenge was imposed upon him ("understanding" hypothesis). A laboratory experiment is described in which the source of the offender's suffering (revenge vs. fate) and the offender's understanding for the cause of his suffering were varied. As an implicit measure of goal fulfillment, participants completed a lexical decision task that measured the relative accessibility of aggression-related words (compared to non-aggressive words). The results corroborate the understanding hypothesis: Participants showed higher levels of implicit goal fulfillment if they decided to take revenge and if the offender signaled understanding for the vengeful response. The findings are discussed with regard to the question what people hope to achieve when they take revenge.

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... Revenge is an emotional state that arises in response to injustice (Aquino et al., 2001(Aquino et al., , 2006Bies, 2010;Bordia et al., 2014;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Govier, 2011;Julian, 2015;Schumann & Ross, 2010;Tripp et al., 2002;Wang, 2008;Wang et al., 2018). The likelihood of revenge increases in organizations where procedural justice is not maintained (Aquino et al., 2006). ...
... The social aspect of justice is labeled as interactional justice which allows for the quality of individual interactions to be judged in terms of respect, dignity, and honor (Cropanzano & Ambrose, 2015). The violation of one's rights, unfair treatment (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009) and aggressive behavior leads to punishing the offender (Wilkowski et al., 2012). Therefore, to make the transgressor realize his/her wrongdoing, a punishment must be imposed (Bordia et al., 2014;Gerber & Jackson, 2013). ...
... Revenge is defined as the response to perceived injustice, abusive authority (Bies & Tripp, 1996;Liu et al., 2010), incivility, rudeness, disregarding behavior (Thompson et al., 2016), unfavorable treatment (Eisenberger, Lynch, Aselage, & Rohdieck, 2004), violation of expectations / commitments (Bies & Tripp, 1996;Bordia et al., 2014), workplace harassment (Wang et al., 2018), violation of trust and rules (Bies & Tripp, 1996) and damaging of personal identity and honor (Bies & Tripp, 1996). Revenge constitutes the reaction to an undesired action (Herrmann et al., 2008;Eadeh et al., 2017) and unfair treatment (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009). Harm is caused when the social, psychological, and economic well-being of an individual are damaged (Folger & Cropanzano, 2001). ...
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This study aims to investigate the relationship between the perceptions of injustice and revengeful intentions among first- person (revengeful intention by the victim), second-person (revengeful intention for the sake of a close friend), and third- person (revengeful intention for the sake of an acquaintance). A questionnaire survey was used to collect data from 154 respondents. The findings showed that interactional injustice is associated positively with first-person revenge, whereas distributive and procedural injustice lead to second-person and third-person revengeful intentions. This study offers important insights about the broader impact of injustice which goes beyond the victim and explains how it ignites negative feelings among the non-victim as well.
... A main driver of revenge's social significance is its potential to result in severe, unpredictable, and sometimes self-perpetuating consequences. Despite widespread belief in the popular aphorism that "revenge is sweet," research on the question of whether revenge is satisfying (and for whom) is mixed (Boon et al., 2011;Carlsmith et al., 2008;Eadeh et al., 2017;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Strelan et al., 2019). Not only are avengers prone to miscalibration when putting their desires for revenge into action, but their actions can also have unintended and unanticipated consequences that can cause greater harm to their target than desired, cause themselves to suffer, or cause others to pay the price for another's actions (e.g., Bies & Tripp, 1998;Boon et al., 2011;Crombag et al., 2003;Elshout et al., 2017). ...
... Some treat revenge and punishment as interchangeable (e.g., Carlsmith et al., 2008); others articulate distinctions between these constructs (e.g., Fitness & Peterson, 2008;Solomon, 1994). Related to our earlier point that definitions of revenge vary in their specificity, there is also considerable variation-it might even be fair to say disagreement-across definitions in the particular motives or goals (e.g., deterrence, to cause suffering, restoring justice, etc.) that revenge is postulated to serve (or not serve), and in whether motives or goals are mentioned at all (compare, e.g., definitions in Baumeister, 1997;Frijda, 1994;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;McCullough et al., 2013;Yoshimura & Boon, 2018). Some definitions imply a moral legitimacy to revenge (i.e., as when Kohut, 1972, as cited in Kirman, 1989 describes it as "righting a wrong"); others make no claims about revenge's moral status. ...
... Moreover, the psychological experience around a revenge episode is a function of the actors' messages, and vice-versa. These initial steps toward synthesizing social psychological and communication approaches to revenge suggest room for a more complete integration, as exemplified by recent studies by Gollwitzer and Denzler (2009), Funk et al. (2014), and Eder et al. (2020. ...
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The purpose of this essay is to review and assess the benefits of merging social psychological and communication theory‐based approaches to the study of vengeful behavior in interpersonal interactions. We first outline the parallel but complementary perspectives that each discipline takes to the conceptualization of revenge. From there, we identify some of the core features that would be present in an integrated approach that conceptualizes revenge as an interpersonal process (i.e., an interaction or exchange), and then highlight new directions for both inquiry and theory building that an integrative approach reveals as worthy of scholarly pursuit. We argue that conceptualizing and studying revenge in ways that blend both social psychological and communication‐based views offers numerous opportunities to examine the dynamics between a provoking party and an avenger, and provides a richer and more insightful theoretical understanding of vengeful behavior than either perspective could offer alone.
... Recognizing that neither of these accounts do a satisfactory job at explaining a wide range of punishment behaviors-such as those of the punishers in the examples provided in the introduction-another line of research argues for the existence of a third motive for revenge, beyond retribution and deterrence: the desire to affect the transgressor's beliefs by communicating certain aspects of the punishment (e.g., the reason, the source) to them. The "understanding hypothesis" (French, 2001;Miller, 2001;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009) posits that punishers want transgressors to understand the reason why they are being punished. This is also consistent with work on the "expressive function" of punishment (Feinberg, 1965;Masclet, Noussair, Tucker, & Villeval, 2003;Xiao & Houser, 2005;Sarin, Ho, Martin, & Cushman, 2020), which argues that punishment, to a large extent, serves a symbolic, communicative purpose, in addition to retribution and deterrence. ...
... This is also consistent with work on the "expressive function" of punishment (Feinberg, 1965;Masclet, Noussair, Tucker, & Villeval, 2003;Xiao & Houser, 2005;Sarin, Ho, Martin, & Cushman, 2020), which argues that punishment, to a large extent, serves a symbolic, communicative purpose, in addition to retribution and deterrence. Gollwitzer and Denzler (2009) provided the first piece of empirical evidence for the understanding hypothesis, by showing that victims are more satisfied (measured indirectly as implicit goal fulfillment) when offenders signal that they understand why revenge was imposed upon them. Subsequent studies replicated this finding, demonstrating that people are more satisfied (measured directly) if they can explain to transgressors why they have been punished (Gollwitzer, Meder, & Schmitt, 2011), especially if the transgressor also acknowledges that he or she understands (Funk, McGeer, & Gollwitzer, 2014). ...
... Most importantly, in prior studies participants did not base their decision to punish (or not punish) on how the punishment would affect transgressors' beliefs. In Gollwitzer and Denzler (2009), Gollwitzer et al. (2011), and Funk et al. (2014, participants enacted their revenge first, so the act of revenge itself could not have been influenced by considerations of how revenge would affect the offender's beliefs. The punisher, then, either could or could not communicate with the offender. ...
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Why do we care about what others think and believe? How does what happens in other people’s minds affect our well-being? When are we motivated to take actions, such as attempts to change another’s mind, or to reveal harmful information to others, just to make sure that others believe what we want them to believe? How can these insights about people’s preference for what others believe inform theories of decision-making and policy? These are the main research questions that I focus on in my dissertation. The overarching theme of the present work is the idea that we inherently monitor and care about what goes on in other people’s minds—and not necessarily because doing so benefits us in any way. As I highlight in Chapter I, most previous work has hypothesized that such preferences over others’ mental states serve as intermediate steps towards an ultimate goal (e.g., to outwit an opponent or to foster social relations). By contrast, my work demonstrates that individuals’ well-being and choices can be directly affected by consideration for others’ beliefs. My work also expands our understanding of belief-based preferences to include preferences over second-order beliefs, i.e., the beliefs of others. While previous theories of belief-based motives have examined individuals’ preferences over their own non-instrumental cognitive states, my dissertation demonstrates that such belief-based motives can be extended beyond the individual. That is, people have an intrinsic preference for what others (should) believe, and this desire has important implications to their well-being and behavior in a multitude of domains. In Chapter II, I demonstrate that people inherently dislike when they think that others hold incorrect beliefs—as opposed to different beliefs per se—and argue that this finding puts prior literature on belief-homophily in a new light. In the subsequent chapters I investigate behavior in two domains, in which people take costly actions to correct others’ misunderstandings: resource allocation (Chapter III) and moral punishment (Chapter IV). I conclude by discussing the limitations of the present work in Chapter V. In addition, I provide an outline for future research and discuss possible applications of belief-based motives in various domains. Taking into account an intrinsic preference over others’ mental states can help us to better understand a plethora of contemporary societal issues: the polarization of political beliefs and belief-based geographic sorting; the dramatic deterioration of public trust in democratic institutions and the media (and the emergence of “fake news”); the psychological effects of the rapid acceleration of automatization and the increasing prevalence of human-computer interactions; and the worsening mental health conditions due to people feeling misunderstood, isolated, and “left behind” by society, which might also contribute to the recent surge in anti-establishment and extremist sentiments across the globe.
... Vindictive behavior refers to a behavioral response in reciprocation to a perceived transgression with a passionate desire to see others suffer (Bajwa & Khalid, 2015;Beaumont, 2009;Ruggi, Gilli, Stuckless, & Oasi, 2012;Stuckless & Goranson, 1992). Numerous studies have highlighted the grim outcomes of vindictiveness such as aggression (Barber, Maltby, & Macaskil, 2005;Eisenberger, Lynch, Aselage, & Rohdieck, 2004), violence and homicide (Kubrin & Weitzer, 2003), however, several others have emphasized upon potential benefits of the same including restoration of self-esteem (McCullough, Bellah, Kilpatrick, & Mooney, 2001), catharsis of hurt feelings (Bushman, 2002), or an attempt to strike societal equity (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009). This paradoxical nature of 'vindictiveness' has been supported by two competing theories namely, the disease model and evolutionary model which have attempted to explain the origin of vindictive behavior (McCullough et al., 2001). ...
... For instance, Schumann and Ross (2010) proposed that vindictive behavior may not be as much an impulsive behavior as we would like to believe, instead different options are weighed by the victims before they react to a wrongdoing, such as, relative advantages and disadvantages of retaliation, whether the perpetrators qualifies a response, the intensity of anger experienced by the victim, the status and the position of the transgressor etc. in other words, vindictive response may be viewed as a conscious behavior modulated according to interpersonal and contextual cues. Similarly, others have pointed out several positive consequences for the avenger such as attaining 'moral balance' (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009), reclaiming self-esteem and personal control (McCullough et al., 2001), and deterrence for future occurrences (Pinker, 1997) suggesting that vengeance may increase positive affect and feelings of psychological well-being in the victim and inhibit development of distress. Moreover, studies using neuroimaging techniques such as PET scan have provided evidence for vindictive behavior as a rewarding and satisfactory experience for victims. ...
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The prime objective of the present study was to evaluate the two popular theoretical explanations of vindictive behavior. It was also intended to gauge the validity of the evolutionary model of vindictive behavior. The present study was undertaken to compare both perspectives in psychiatric patients and normative group. The sample comprised of Clinical Group 1 consisting of psychiatric patients with no history of treatment (n = 37), Clinical Group 2 comprising of psychiatric patients who were undergoing treatment (n = 45), and normative group from general population with no history of psychiatric illness (n = 50). The ages of the participants ranged from 18 to 63 with 60% comprising of women. Results of One-way ANOVA followed by post hoc test and zero-order correlation provided empirical evidence for the disease model. However, non-hierarchical cluster analysis suggests that the relationship of vindictive behavior with mental illness may not be as straightforward.
... Some previous research asserts that punishers are more satisfied when punishment is followed by a return reaction or message from the offender, which is almost exclusively operationalized as an apology (see Funk, McGeer, & Gollwitzer, 2014;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Gollwitzer et al., 2011, Studies 1 and 3). However, this work does not test the idea that punishment would be an effective instrument for eliciting an apology. ...
... The separation of these two pieces of information represents an additional contribution of this work because, in virtually all of the past research studying punishment behavior, the source of punishment and the reason for punishment have either been confounded (i.e., both pieces of information were delivered simultaneously) or the experimental design did not explicitly control for punishers' beliefs about whether the offender would know that the punisher was the source of punishment (e.g., Crockett et al., 2014;E. Fehr & Gächter, 2002;Fudenberg & Pathak, 2010;Funk et al., 2014;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Xiao & Houser, 2005). ...
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While revenge is typically thought to serve utilitarian goals (deter future offenses) or as an end in itself (restore fairness, equate suffering), we test whether "belief-based" motives also shape revenge behavior. Across four studies—one observational, two hypothetical choice, and one real choice—we find evidence that avengers want the offender to understand why (and sometimes by whom) they are being punished, even when doing so cannot change the offender’s future behavior. Avengers prefer punishments that allow them to communicate the reason to offenders, and they are willing to compromise on distributive justice to do so. Furthermore, avengers are less motivated to cause suffering if offenders remain ignorant of the reason. We explore reasons beyond deterrence that explain why avengers may care about what offenders believe, and also discuss the implications of these motives for organizations.
... In social psychology, there are competing views on whether the goal of revenge is suffering, such that comparative amounts of pain are equaled between offended and offender (Frijda 1994), or understanding, such that the offender come to understand the wrong they have committed. These have been called the 'comparative suffering' and the 'understanding' hypotheses of revenge, respectively (Gollwitzer and Denzler 2009). The understanding hypothesis has received most empirical support (Gollwitzer et al. 2011). ...
... Studies have shown that seeing the offender suffer from 'fateful harm', i.e. harm conceptually and causally unrelated to the harm they caused, did not lead to a reduction in anger, or to an increase in satisfaction on behalf of the offended party. Satisfaction was only observed when the offender expressed understanding of why retribution was being sought against him (Gollwitzer and Denzler 2009;Gollwitzer et al. 2011). This empirical work suggests that revenge is only satisfying when accompanied by epistemic elements. ...
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In this article I argue that characterizations of anger as a hostile emotion may be mistaken. My project is empirically informed and is partly descriptive, partly diagnostic. It is descriptive in that I am concerned with what anger is, and how it tends to manifest, rather than with what anger should be or how moral anger is manifested. The orthodox view on anger takes it to be, descriptively, an emotion that aims for retribution. This view fits well with anger being a hostile emotion, as retribution is punitive. I will argue that a different view of anger deserves our attention. On this alternative view, anger aims for recognition of harms done, rather than for the punishment of those who have committed them. I argue that we have reason to favour a strong view that excludes retribution from anger’s main aims. In addition, I offer a diagnosis of the reasons that led the retributive view of anger to become, and remain, orthodoxy. This diagnosis provides indirect reason to give my descriptive proposal serious consideration, for it highlights that the orthodox view has dominated folk and philosophical conceptions of anger for reasons that do not speak in favour of the view’s veracity. The view that anger is a hostile emotion will therefore emerge as in need of serious scrutiny.
... This finding has now been replicated in a number of studies conducted in different contexts, with different methodological approaches, and different types of offender feedback (e.g., Funk et al., 2014;Gollwitzer et al., 2014;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Sjöström et al., 2018;Sjöström & Gollwitzer, 2015). Together, these studies demonstrate that punishment followed by offender feedback is particularly beneficial for victims when victims perceive that punishment effected a "moral change" in the offender, that is a positive change in the offender's moral attitude toward their wrongdoing (Funk et al., 2014). ...
... Beyond restoring a sense of empowerment, victims punish or take revenge to teach the offender a lesson. This finding is consistent with communication-focused theories of revenge and punishment (Cushman et al., in press;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009) and corroborates the idea that interpersonal processes are at least as important as intrapersonal processes when looking at victims' sense of justice achieved and their willingness to reconcile with the offender (see also Shnabel et al., 2014). The idea that restoring power and teaching a lesson are two separate concerns that victims have is also consistent with justice restoration theory Wenzel et al., 2008), although our Study 4 did not support this theory's prediction that value concerns are more relevant than status/power concerns when victim and offender share a common identity. ...
Article
Punishing offenders for their misdeeds can restore a sense of justice achieved (i.e., justice-related satisfaction) among victims and increase their willingness to reconcile, especially if offenders signal that they understand why punishment has been inflicted on them. In this article, we theoretically disentangle and empirically test two explanations for this effect. One possible interpretation for this effect is that offender feedback empowers the victim and that empowerment is the crucial prerequisite for reconciliation. An alternative interpretation is that offender feedback benefits the victim because it suggests that the punishment had an educational effect and initiated a positive "moral change" in the offender. Six studies-four scenario and two autobiographic recall studies (combined N = 2,134)-suggest that the positive effects of offender feedback on victims' justice-related satisfaction and willingness to reconcile cannot be reduced to empowerment. Empowerment and moral change rather constitute two independent mechanisms explaining when and why punishment facilitates the posttransgression process. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of these findings (e.g., for restorative justice procedures). (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
... In social psychology, there are competing views on whether the goal of revenge is suffering, such that comparative amounts of pain are equalled between offended and offender (Frijda, 1994), or understanding, such that the offender comes to understand the wrong they have committed. These have been called the "comparative suffering" and the "understanding" hypotheses of revenge, respectively (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009). The former hypothesis favours the retributive view, as the suffering is intended as payback, while the latter stands in line with anger having epistemic aims. ...
... Satisfaction was only observed when the offender expressed understanding of why retribution was being sought against him (Gollwitzer et al., 2011). These results were corroborated in further studies (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009). This supports the view that revenge is only satisfying when accompanied by epistemic change. ...
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The orthodox view of anger takes desires for revenge or retribution to be central to the emotion. In this paper I develop an empirically informed challenge to the retributive view of anger. In so doing I argue that a distinct desire is central to anger: a desire for recognition. Desires for recognition aim at the targets of anger acknowledging the wrong they have committed, as opposed to aiming for their suffering. In light of the centrality of this desire for recognition, I argue that the retributive view of anger should be abandoned. I consider and dismiss two types of moves that can be made on the part of a proponent of the orthodox view in response to my argument. I propose that a pluralist view, that allows for both retribution and recognition in anger, is to be preferred.
... Revenge is an important global phenomenon [1] in interpersonal relationships [2] that can be described as the attempt to impose suffering on those who have done harm [3]. More recent approaches identify it as a personal response to unfair treatment [4], or as harmful acts performed in return for a perceived wrong [5]. From this point of view, revenge has been defined as the attempt to repair an interpersonal harm by voluntarily committing an aggressive action against the offender [6]. ...
... This involved using a logical or deductive partitioning method by means of reviewing the literature and evaluating indicators of the construct to be measured. This review made it possible to elaborate the items based on three dimensions: resentment [22,23], justification of revenge [1,5], and planning revenge [4,6]. Based on the above, 15 items were drafted, five per dimension, which were evaluated by experts to determine content validity. ...
Article
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The development and analysis of psychometric properties of a brief scale that assesses vengeful tendencies (BSVT-11) is presented. A three-dimensional model is proposed: (1) resentment, (2) planning of revenge, and (3) justification of revenge. Two studies were conducted for this purpose: one was carried out with a sample of 478 participants, to evaluate the content validity, factorial structure, reliability, and invariance of the instrument; the other was conducted with a sample of 308 participants, to determine the concurrent validity of the BSVT-11. The data indicated adequate reliability (ω = 0.877), optimal fit (CFI = 1.0, TLI = 1.0) according to the dimensions proposed, and invariance between genders (p = 0.893). Concurrent validity data yield significant correlation values (p < 0.001) ranging from 0.522 to 0.804 in the analyses between the BSVT and other scales. The results allow us to present a brief instrument with good psychometric properties with possibilities for use in basic and translational science.
... Consistent with this perspective, experimental research demonstrates that we care deeply about whether the offender understands why he's being punished. For instance, in an experimental stock-market game, participants were more satisfied with their punishment of an ostensible cheater when they received evidence that the cheater understood why he was being punished and even more satisfied when the cheater expressed a commitment to stop cheating (Gollwitzer and Denzler, 2009). Theoretically, it's not surprising that we would evolve to favor a fundamental transformation in values over a more simple, coerced obedience. ...
... From a public-safety perspective, in the presence of effective incapacitation, the offender's attitudes about his punishment should be irrelevant. But people still treat them as relevant (Gollwitzer and Denzler, 2009) presumably because efforts to recalibrate his attitudes would have been one of the best strategies for reducing recidivism in ancestral environments. For this reason, we may be inclined to discount or altogether reject recidivism-reduction strategies that bypass opportunities for inducing suffering and penitence. ...
... However, it seems too simplistic to conclude that punishment only makes things worse while forgiveness makes things better. First, research on revenge and punishment suggests that punishing others can be satisfying to the extent that the transgressor understands the message implied in a punitive response (Funk et al., 2014;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Gollwitzer et al., 2011Gollwitzer et al., , 2014; it can increase victims' self-esteem (Zdaniuk & Bobocel, 2012), reestablish a sense of power (Strelan et al., 2017;Twardawski et al., in press), and make victims feel respected by their social group . Interpersonally, punishment can reaffirm shared values violated by the offense, offering the offender the opportunity to show penance and reestablish his or her membership in the moral community Okimoto & Wenzel, 2009). ...
Article
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Victims commonly respond to experienced wrongdoing by punishing or forgiving the transgressor. While much research has looked at predictors and immediate consequences of these post-transgression responses, comparably less research has addressed the conditions under which punishment or forgiveness have positive or negative downstream consequences on the victim-transgressor relationship. Drawing from research on Social Value Orientation (SVO), we argue that both forgiveness and punishment can be rooted in either prosocial (i.e., relationship- or other-oriented), individualistic (i.e., self-oriented), or competitive (i.e., harm-oriented) motives pursued by the victim. Furthermore, we posit that downstream consequences of forgiveness and punishment crucially depend on how the transgressor interprets the victim's response. The novel motive-attribution framework presented here highlights the importance of alignment between a victim's motives and a transgressor's motive attributions underlying post-transgression responses. This framework thus contributes to a better understanding of positive and negative dynamics following post-transgression interactions.
... So, we should ask: what is the goal of anger in this context, and how do the action tendencies expressed by the punishing behavior in economic games help satisfy that goal? To help answer these questions, let us look to two studies (Gollwitzer and Denzler 2009;Gollwitzer et al. 2011) which sought to clarify what goal motivates punishment behavior in economic games. In both studies, participants played a two-person public goods game with an unseen partner. ...
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In this paper, I defend a novel skeptical view about moral disgust. I argue that much recent discussion of moral disgust neglects an important ontological question: is there a distinctive psychological state of moral disgust that is differentiable from generic disgust, and from other psychological states? I investigate the ontological question and propose two conditions that any aspiring account of moral disgust must satisfy: (1) it must be a genuine form of disgust, and (2) it must be genuinely moral. Next, I examine two prominent accounts of moral disgust by John Kekes and Victor Kumar and argue that neither successfully establishes the existence of genuinely moral disgust: Kekes’ account does not satisfy condition (2), and Kumar’s view does not meet condition (1). I claim that an important general lesson can be drawn from my critiques of Kekes’ and Kumar’s accounts: to establish the existence of moral disgust, one must provide unequivocal evidence that genuinely moral disgust, not generic disgust or anger, is being elicited in response to relevant moral violations. I conclude by considering why we ought to be skeptical about the general prospect of giving a positive answer to the ontological question, given the available evidence.
... La venganza definida como retaliación en respuesta a la percepción de una injusticia cometida contra una persona o un grupo con el que esa persona se siente identificada es un fenómeno personal y social de gran complejidad (Haen & Weber, 2009), que ha fascinado a la humanidad debido a la ambigüedad que plantea en cuanto al estatus moral de quien la realiza (Frey, Pearson & Cohen, 2015). Sin embargo, a pesar del interés por restituir la justicia que la impulsa (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009), la venganza genera un daño social injustificable al potenciar ciclos de violencia interpersonal entre víctimas y victimarios, en los cuales cada parte considera necesario y moral retribuir a las ofensas (Fiske & Rai, 2014). ...
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Narrative accounts of Colombian youth in adverse socio-economic conditions about their interpersonal conflicts were examined. Forty- eight youths between the ages of 17-24 years (M= 18.1) provided one narrative about an occasion when they had felt hurt by what another person did and they ended up taking revenge (vengeance), and another narrative about and occasion when despite feeling hurt by the actions of another person, they didn't end up taking revenge (absence of vengeance). Once the narratives were provided, participants responded to a deepening interview on aspects related to how the conflict was interpreted. Narrative accounts differed according to the conflict resolution strategy selected. Although in both strategies participants described harmful behaviors of similar type and severity, they differed in the inclusion of narrative elements. Revenge narratives presented a self-referential approach focused on how participants reacted to victimization and their reasons to return the damage, while the narratives of absence of revenge presented a self-referential approach directed towards the way participants felt and what they thought when they were hurt. Moral judgements did not vary by perspective, being most of them positive evaluations. However, the justification for those judgments presented some differences. When participants took revenge, they justified their judgments more often with reasons entailing concerns about necessary damage, social cohesion and the welfare of others. When they did not, participants justified their judgments with concerns about prudential reasons and personal objectives. Responses to the deepening interview are then discussed in relation to its implications for the sense of moral agency of participants
... Likewise, if we postulate goals to move against this goal-blocker or that one (e.g., by checking this box in an evaluation or putting this much hot sauce on a cracker), then we obscure the point that each of these forms of aggression are plausibly aimed at recalibrating someone's WTR toward the angered agent. In other words, the agent's ongoing motivation to continue engaging in these and other aggressive behaviors (perhaps toward a number of different people or objects) may very well depend on signals that the targets' WTR toward them has been successfully adjusted, such as an effusive apology from the experimenter (see, e.g., Funk, McGeer, and Gollwitzer 2014;Gollwitzer and Denzler 2009). Consequently, the aim of WTR recalibration seems more appropriate than the goal of moving against this or that target for explaining the direction of an agent's pattern of behavior over the whole emotion episode (at least in some cases). ...
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Recent accounts of emotional action intend to explain such actions without reference to goals. Nevertheless, these accounts fail to specify the difference between goals and other kinds of motivational states. I offer two remedies. First, I develop an account of goals based on Michael Smith’s arguments for the Humean theory of motivation. On this account, a goal is a unified representation that determines behavior selection criteria and satisfaction conditions for an action. This opens the possibility that mental processes could influence behavior without such a unified representation and hence, without goals. Second, I develop a model of emotions and appetites on which behavior selection criteria can be decoupled from satisfaction conditions. If this model is correct, then in many cases, there is no unified representation that determines the behavior selection criteria and satisfaction conditions of emotional actions. In contrast with many traditional accounts of action, the model suggests the following: Whether or not a behavior constitutes an action does not depend on the agent’s grasp of the behavior’s aim. Rather, a behavior constitutes an action if it was organized by the agent, where an agent can organize actions without a coherent grasp of their aim. Some emotional actions are manifestations of this possibility.
... Participants with low satisfaction with perpetrator accountability had a higher desire for revenge. This finding resonates with the concept that perceptions of inadequate justice underlie the desire for revenge, aligning with the theory of just deserts for perpetrators of harm (Gerber and Jackson, 2013;Starkweather, 1992) and with findings from experimental psychology studies (Bone and Raihani, 2015;Gollwitzer and Denzler, 2009;Gollwitzer, Meder, & Schmitt, 2011) and studies of victims of crime (Orth, 2004). This finding also reflects the historical circumstances at the time of data collection (2004): although criminal proceedings had started for one 9/11 co-conspirator (Zacarias Moussai) and the "mastermind of 9/11" (Khalid Sheik Mohammed) was in custody, neither man, nor any others, had been convicted or sentenced for their complicity in the attacks. ...
Article
This study investigated gaps in existing knowledge on justice, desire for revenge, and associated factors in disaster research through data collected nearly three years post disaster on justice and revenge from survivors of the September 11, 2001 (9/11) attacks. A volunteer sample of 379 employees of eight affected businesses completed interviews and self-report questionnaires. Individual ratings on satisfaction with justice and desire for revenge were compared with demographic characteristics, disaster-related experience, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), disaster-related distress, anger, and concerns about danger and safety. High levels of desire for revenge and relatively low levels of satisfaction with accountability for perpetrators of the 9/11 attacks were endorsed. Most of the associations between the justice scores and the revenge score with the disaster response variables were directionally consistent. Dissatisfaction with perpetrator accountability was associated with greater desire for revenge. Both of these variables were associated with greater concerns about danger and endorsement of security regulations at the expense of personal freedoms.
... A growing body of research, however, suggests that people's motives for punishment are not strictly governed by retributive, deontological goals. For example, people appear to be more satisfied when their punishment has a deterrent effect on the violator (Funk et al. 2014;Gollwitzer and Denzler 2009;Gollwitzer et al. 2011), and when no deterrence is observed, punishers report being dissatisfied (Funk et al. 2014). People tend to forgo enacting harsh punishment if a more lenient punishment will be more effective at deterring future wrongdoing (Molnar et al. 2020). ...
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Upholding cooperative norms via punishment is of central importance in organizations. But what effect does punishing have on the reputation of the punisher? Although previous research shows third parties can garner reputational benefits for punishing transgressors who violate social norms, we proposed that such reputational benefits can vary based on the perceived motive for the punishment. In Studies 1 and 2, we found that individuals who endorsed a consequentialist (versus deontological) motive for punishing were seen as more trustworthy. In Study 3, the results showed that when pitted against one another, a person who endorsed a consequentialist (versus deontological) motive for punishing was chosen more often as a partner in a Trust Game. In Study 4, we found that a manager who expressed a consequentialist reason for punishing an employee was seen as having less psychopathic tendencies, and this related to the manager being perceived as more trustworthy and a superior cooperation partner. Using a recall methodology, Study 5 results showed that employees who perceived their managers as having more consequentialist (versus deontological) motives for punishing also perceived their managers as being less psychopathic and more trustworthy. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
... Also using one-shot interactions, Molnar, Chaudhry, and Loewenstein (2020) found that participants are willing to opt for a punishment for their partner that is less severe if, along with the punishment, their partner will read why their bonus has been reduced (e.g., "because you were unfair to your partner in the previous task"). Thus, punishers want transgressors to know that they are being punished and why (for similar findings from social psychology, see Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Gollwitzer, Meder, & Schmitt, 2011). People also punish less, for instance, if they can communicate their emotions (Xiao & Houser, 2005), and punishers expect harmless punishment to be as effective as harmful punishment if it is communicative (Sarin, Ho, Martin, & Cushman, 2020; see also Cushman, Sarin, & Ho, in press). ...
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We investigated whether consequentialist motives may underlie punishment decisions in single round (i.e., one-shot) social dilemmas in which there is no prospect of reciprocity. In particular, we examined in an incentivized public goods game how the outlook to receive information on the effect of punishment (i.e., information that indicates potential regret and intention for future behavioral change on the part of the transgressor) affects people’s punishment decisions. We also took person-situation interactions into account and studied whether prosocial individuals (i.e., persons high in Honesty-Humility and Social Value Orientation) punish more strongly when they receive consequentialist information. The data did neither reveal the hypothesized effects of information availability on punishment decisions, nor conditional on dispositional pro-sociality. We discuss potential limitations of these findings as well as open questions for future research.
... 1 In a later study, Gollwitzer et al. (2014) showed that the American public derived satisfaction from the fact that bin Laden was killed intentionally. In earlier studies, Gollwitzer and Denzler (2009) and Gollwitzer et al. (2011) indicated under which conditions the act of taking revenge can result in a feeling of satisfaction. Building on these findings, our paper considers how an avenger can derive fulfillment from the act of taking revenge and highlights the impact that the value of revenge of one side can have on the strategic behavior of players on both sides of the conflict. ...
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Existing literature has demonstrated that exacting revenge can have a self-deterrence effect and a value of revenge effect. The former means that each player will decrease effort when competing for a resource because of fear of a rival’s revenge while the latter implies that each player will increase effort in the revenge period. Moreover, the self–deterrence effect could outweigh the value of revenge effect, implying that revenge could be helpful in stabilizing conflicts, a phenomenon known as the paradox of revenge. We re–examine the two effects and the paradox of revenge in defender–attacker conflicts, considering a scenario in which a defender (and only the defender) who was attacked in the first period takes revenge on the attacker in the subsequent period. We demonstrate that whether or not these results hold, depends on how much the defender values revenge and the difference between the two players’ efficiencies of effort. More interestingly, we show that a sufficiently large revenge value for the defender can deter an attack from the attacker in the first place.
... For instance, [44] show that the harm caused by penal sanctions in a laboratory setting does not as such satisfy punishers and that, on the contrary, punishers tend to feel worse rather than better about their penal decisions once they impose them. Similarly, [45] and [46] find that people don't consider suffering to intrinsically justify punishment, but rather tend to take suffering as an instrumentally valuable medium that shows whether offenders understood their offense was morally wrong, and thus conclude that "desires to worsen the offender's emotional state might simply be a proxy for more functional latent goals-such as delivering a message to the offender" [46]. Finally, [47]'s in-lab experimental studies provide evidence that participants who were allowed to sanction specific transgressions experienced significant justice-related satisfaction only when transgressors showed remorse for their transgression, but not when they merely suffered for it. ...
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Michael S. Moore is among the most prominent normative theorists to argue that retributive justice, understood as the deserved suffering of offenders, justifies punishment. Moore claims that the principle of retributive justice is pervasively supported by our judgments of justice and sufficient to ground punishment. We offer an experimental assessment of these two claims, (1) the pervasiveness claim, according to which people are widely prone to endorse retributive judgments, and (2) the sufficiency claim, according to which no non-retributive principle is necessary for justifying punishment. We test these two claims in a survey and a related survey experiment in which we present participants (N = ~900) with the stylized description of a criminal case. Our results seem to invalidate claim (1) and provide mixed results concerning claim (2). We conclude that retributive justice theories which advance either of these two claims need to reassess their evidential support.
... According to this understanding hypothesis, the avenger is appeased when the offender signals insight that the revenge was taken against him because and in virtue of their prior unfair behavior. Supportive of this hypothesis, several studies found that victims of injustice felt most satisfied with the outcome of their vengeful reaction when the original offender expressed understanding of the retribution (e.g., Funk, McGeer, & Gollwitzer, 2014;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Gollwitzer et al., 2011). In these studies, however, avengers did not see the target actually suffer; they merely received a written statement from the target in which they expressed (vs. did not express) understanding for the victim's vengeful reaction as a response to their prior offense. ...
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What reaction stops revenge taking? Four experiments (total N = 191) examined this question where the victim of an interpersonal transgression could observe the offender's reaction (anger, sadness, pain, or calm) to a retributive noise punishment. We compared the punishment intensity selected by the participant before and after seeing the offender's reaction. Seeing the opponent in pain reduced subsequent punishment most strongly, while displays of sadness and verbal indications of suffering had no appeasing effect. Expression of anger about a retributive punishment did not increase revenge seeking relative to a calm reaction, even when the anger response was disambiguated as being angry with the punisher. It is concluded that the expression of pain is the most effective emotional display for the reduction of retaliatory aggression. The findings are discussed in light of recent research on reactive aggression and retributive justice.
... With respect to the decision stage, behavioral studies suggest that punishment is generally satisfying to the punisher [25][26][27], while neuroimaging studies implicate valuation circuitry in punishment decisions. When participants engage in moralistic punishment, there is increased activation in the dorsal and ventral striatum, dlPFC and orbitofrontal cortex [15,[28][29][30], all of which are implicated in value-based decision-making [31] and reinforcement learning [32]. ...
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Highlights • Moralistic punishment discourages others' perceived moral transgressions. • Engaging in punishment includes two stages: detecting a norm violation and deciding to punish. • Neural salience network is involved in detecting norm violations. • Neural valuation network is activated when deciding to engage in moralistic punishment. • Gendered moral expectations lead to gender disparities in moralistic punishment. Abstract Moralistic punishment is common in humans and functions to discourage perceived moral transgressions. Research in neuroeconomics suggests that moralistic punishment behavior is associated with activity in neural systems involved in detecting norm violations and in value-based decision-making. Separately, research in philosophy and social psychology highlights different moral expectations for girls/women and boys/men. Here, we synthesize these perspectives to propose a framework for investigating gender disparities in punishment. We propose such disparities may arise through multiple channels, including (1) differences in how the neural salience network responds to perceived norm violations, with stronger responses when women (vs. men) violate feminine-coded norms, and when men (vs. women) violate masculine-coded norms; and (2) differences in how the neural valuation network tracks the value of punishment decisions, with stronger responses when punishing gender-specific norm violations. We review literature on gendered moral expectations and neural mechanisms underlying moralistic punishment, and suggest hypotheses for future research.
... Tais resultados sugerem que estes itens, além de compartilharem um elemento específico da vingança, também abrangem características em comum com o perdão (Chen et al., 2012;Rodriguez et al., 2016). Apesar da relevância desses resultados, recomenda-se que, para além do perdão e da vingança, também sejam testadas outras características específicas que podem estar relacionadas ao estudo do tema, como é o caso das pessoas que, diante de situações de transgressão interpessoal, podem ter uma predisposição a se portar com indiferença (nem se vinga, nem perdoa) ou adotam uma posição de passividade/culpa, apresentando atitudes que, embora próximas, podem ser diferentes da definição de perdão e vingança comumente apresentada na literatura (Giammarco & Vernon, 2014;Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;McCullough, Worthington Jr, & Rachal, 1997). Alguns estudos, por exemplo, têm evidenciado a importância de se considerar variáveis como narcisismo (Fatfouta et al., 2015), personalidade (Chester & DeWall, 2017), evitação (McCullough, Root, & Cohen, 2006), ruminação da raiva (Karremans & Smith, 2010) e gratidão (Satici et al., 2014) na compreensão do mecanismo vingança-perdão. ...
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The desire to punish someone who has caused suffering is characterized by revenge. However, it ispossible for someone to present pro-social changes in relation to the offender, which constitutesforgiveness. Studies point out that forgiveness and revenge can be understood in the opposite wayand also share a common dimension. In this sense, this study aimed to compare the adjustment of atwo-factor model for forgiveness and revenge with alternative explanations of one-factor and twofactormodels. 195 people participated, the majority female (66.7%), heterosexual (83.2%), single (80.8%), with incomplete higher education (68.4%) and with ages between 18 and 82 years (M=27.26; SD=11.50), who responded to the Willingness to Forgive Scale and the Vengeance Scale. The results showed that the two-factor model was more appropriate [χ2(102)=175.639, p<0.001; χ2/gl=1.54, SRMR=0.06, CFI=0.94, RMSEA=0.061 (CI90%=0.04-0.07), TLI=0.93]. The results found suggest that, in addition to sharing a common factor, the variables seem to have legitimacy as distinct constructs, providing empirical support for the promotion of strategies aimed at intervening in both general and specific elements related to the constructs.
... Provocateurs who perpetrate injustices (i.e., violate ethical and moral norms) are then targets for retaliation by those who were provoked, as a means to restore justice in the larger system (Tripp, Bies, & Aquino, 2007). For individuals to delight in the revenge inflicted upon others, the provocateur's suffering matters less than the extent to which they realize the injustice that their provocation caused (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009;Gollwitzer, Meder, & Schmitt, 2011). Such satisfaction can even be achieved by exacting revenge upon an innocent third party, especially when that third party shares features with the provocateur (Sjöström & Gollwitzer, 2015). ...
Chapter
Self-forgiveness is a complex process, linked to core aspects of what it means to be human. Psychological needs underpin our emotional experience following perceived transgressions, and, if unaddressed, can give rise to self-condemnation. While research on self-forgiveness continues to evolve, understanding the differences between those who struggle with self-condemnation is still an important avenue for ongoing research and clinical efforts.
... Moreover, villains may not be as negative as one might initially think. In movies, villains are often more interesting than heroes, not only possessing moral complexity, but also doing the kind of anti-social deeds that many fantasize about (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009), such as enacting revenge or seizing power. ...
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Morality is core to people’s identity. Existing moral identity scales measure good/moral vs. bad/immoral, but the Theory of Dyadic Morality highlights two-dimensions of morality: valence (good/moral vs. bad/immoral) and agency (high/agent vs. low/recipient). The Moral Identity Picture Scale (MIPS) measures this full space through 16 vivid pictures. Participants receive scores for each of four moral roles: hero, villain, victim, and beneficiary. The MIPS can also provide summary scores for good, evil, agent, and patient, and possesses test-retest reliability and convergent/divergent validity. Self-identified heroes are more empathic and higher in locus of control, villains are less agreeable and higher in narcissism, victims are higher in depression and lower in self-efficacy, and beneficiaries are lower in Machiavellianism. Although people generally see themselves as heroes, comparisons across known-groups reveals relative differences: Duke MBA students self-identify more as villains, UNC social work students self-identify more as heroes, and workplace bullying victims self-identify more as victims. Data also reveals that the beneficiary role is ill-defined, collapsing the two-dimensional space of moral identity into a triangle anchored by hero, villain, and victim.
... Rose). Laboratory studies in psychology have shown that victims benefit from receiving feedback about punishment from the offender because they seek evidence of change in the offender's attitudes and behaviour (Funk et al., 2014;Gollwitzer et al., 2011;Gollwitzer and Denzler, 2009;Sarin et al., 2021). While it was beyond the scope of this article to investigate whether victims desired feedback about punishment primarily for retributive or consequentialist reasons, this study confirms its importance to victims outside the laboratory in the context of a range of real offences, including very serious ones. ...
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The myth that restorative justice is the opposite of retributive justice persists, despite a long history of rhetorical challenges. Only empirical evidence can advance the debate, so this article investigates the relationship between punishment and victim–offender communication from the victim’s perspective. Interviews with 40 victims of crime established that some victims saw victim–offender communication and punishment as alternatives, and others saw them as independent. However, more than half the participants expected that communicating with the offender would increase their satisfaction with the offender’s punishment or reported afterwards that this was in fact the case, suggesting that some victims fulfil punishment objectives through communication with the offender. The changes occurred when victims received information about the offender’s punishment, received feedback from the offender or used communication with the offender to impose a mild punishment of their own. Victims were not excessively punitive, but this study demonstrates the existence of an association between punishment and victim–offender communication from at least some victims’ perspectives. This article argues that we should not ignore or attempt to eliminate this relationship. Rather, acknowledging and examining the existence of punishment within victim–offender communication would improve practice and generate better outcomes for victims, offenders and society.
... Revenge is one of these negative behaviors encountered in organizations. Although the concept is defined in different ways in the literature, in the most general way; an individual response to punishing the other party (Cota-McKinley et al., 2001) for an injustice (Bradfield & Aquino, 1999;Çiçek, 2021), insult or perceived harm (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009). In the light of this information, the intention of revenge can be characterized as feelings or thoughts that occur in the individual against the injustice or insult suffered by the individual. ...
Research
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Workplace incivility and revenge are considered to be negative for organizations. The climate of the organization is considered important because of its impact on organizational goals and outputs. The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of workplace indecency on revenge. In addition, the role of the organization's climate as an intermediary in this relationship has been examined. Therefore, a survey has been conducted with 153 flight crew members in the civil aviation sector. According to the results of the study, incivility positively affects the intention of revenge and negatively affects the climate of the organization. The climate of the organization negatively affects the intention of revenge. In addition, partial mediation has been found in the relationship between indecency and revenge.
... As a consequence, (collective) decisions and actions are likely to be in line with the in-group's justice standards but to simultaneously violate those of an out-group. Conversely, perceived violations of the in-group's justice standards by an out-group trigger strong negative emotions (e.g., Barclay et al., 2005) and intentions to retaliate (Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009). As such, opposing perceptions of justice can be at the core of conflict emergence and escalation (see also Törnblom & Kazemi, 2012). ...
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Intergroup conflicts can be triggered and perpetuated by collective perceptions of injustice. In two experiments, we applied the qualifying of subjective justice views, a justice-focused intervention initially introduced to resolve interpersonal conflicts, and evaluated whether it can mitigate intergroup conflicts. This intervention included explicating opposing justice perceptions, explaining the dilemma structure of justice conflicts, and emphasizing that each conflict party applies different justice standards in different situations. In a realistic conflict setting, among advantaged group members, the intervention enhanced the willingness to pay monetary concessions to the out-group. This effect was mediated through an enhanced understanding of the justice dilemma (Study 2) and legitimacy judgments of the out-group’s justice claim (Studies 1 and 2). Furthermore, effects of the justice-focused intervention were compared to those of empathy induction as a benchmark to evaluate the effectiveness. The comparison provided additional evidence for the effectiveness of the justice-focused intervention to mitigate intergroup conflicts.
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For a start, the present study tackles the language of affection in the Qur’an and its role in managing unhealthy personality. Primarily, it provides a full-scale model for programming unhealthy mindsets. The model uses linguistic and neurological tools in the process of analysis. Affectional language is a case in point that shows how language, emotions, and cognition interact to reflect each other. The study highlights the effective role of affectional language in shaping minds. In the same vein, a typical example for the neurological programming process is the Qur’anic representation of the attitudes of some believers at the time of the Prophet Muħammad (PBUH) after a specific battle. This representation reports the initial reaction of the believers which is emotionally shaped. Also, it helps in making proper reactions which are shaped according to the normal pathways of thinking. The process of shaping cognition is carried out according to specific neurological strategies that include the proper process of sensation, retrieval of the previous experience, neuroplasticity, and acceptance. Also, these strategies include self-compassion and compassion for others. Adding to its motivational role in the promotion of forgiveness, it plays the same motivational role for doing justice. Accordingly, the study concludes that the discourse of affection plays an effective role in shutting the door on any potential sign of the hurt-perceived and the righteous indignation reactions. Furthermore, it combats radicalism and extremism in a way that ends all forms of violence.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Article
Two prevailing theories exist to explain why people engage in costly punishment in one-shot interactions when they cannot expect to gain from the punishment or to affect future behavior: to achieve balance or to send a message. In this paper we constructed new versions of the Dictator, Public Good, and Power-to-Take games, designed specifically to allow us to differentiate between these explanations. The results lend some support to each of the hypotheses; on the one hand, subjects punish even when the punisher knows that the offender will never learn that he was punished, and, on the other hand, there is more punishment when the punisher knows that the offender will be informed that he is being punished than when the punisher knows that the offender will remain oblivious to the punishment. Thus, punishers seek both "retributive justice" and to "send a message" to the offending party.
Article
Television, which is widely used in mass media; In addition to its functions such as giving news and information, educating, entertaining and forming public opinion, it is a very powerful tool that can be effective on the perceptions, attitudes, value judgments and behavior patterns of the audience and contribute to the formation of social reality. The discourses on television gain legitimacy over time by being planted in the minds of the audience. In this context, discourses containing violence and aggression, which are widely and repeatedly presented on television, may cause such thoughts and behaviors to be taken for granted by the society. The TV series with the highest viewing rate among television programs; It provides the transfer of ideologies and attitudes to the audience in an environment of artistic attraction through representations, meanings and discourses. Revenge, which is defined as a personal reaction that an individual develops as a result of being wronged or thinking that he has been subjected to it, is considered a problematic behavior that includes violence and aggression, but is frequently emphasized in TV series. In this study, the revenge discourse in the TV series Ezel, which was broadcast on Show TV and ATV channels between 2009 and 2011, was analyzed using the discourse analysis method developed by Van Dijk. As a result of the study, it has been seen that the series is based on the theme of revenge and the discourse of revenge is widely used. In addition, it has been concluded that the rhetoric of the series is based on the discourse that justice and equalization can only be possible through revenge. When evaluated in the context of the effect of the media on social ideology and consciousness, the revenge discourse, which is heavily featured in the series, has the potential to negatively affect the audience's understanding of rights and justice.
Article
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According to the Fittingness Defense, even if the consequences of anger are overall bad, it does not follow that we should aim to avoid it. This is because fitting anger involves an accurate appraisal of wrongdoing and is essential for appreciating injustice and signaling our disapproval (Srinivasan 2018; Shoemaker 2018). My aim in this paper is to show that the Fittingness Defense fails. While accurate appraisals are prima facie rational and justified on epistemic grounds, I argue that this type of fittingness does not vindicate anger because there are alternative modes of recognizing and appreciating wrongdoing that can generate the benefits of anger without the harmful effects. Moreover, anger involves more than its appraisal of wrongdoing—it also consists of attitudes and motivations that are arguably of intrinsic disvalue.
Thesis
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Over the past decade, cyber-sexual assault (also known as "nonconsensual pornography" or "revenge porn") has gained the attention of legal experts, the media, and most recently, the counseling profession. Whereas this nonconsensual sharing of sexually explicit images online, through social medial, or other forms of technology has been demonstrated to have significant impacts on victims, researchers have focused heavily upon the legality of these actions (i.e. should there be consequences for posting nude/semi-nude photos of non-consenting adults to the internet), but there has been a lack of attention to the mental health consequences of cyber-sexual assault on victims. The purpose of this study was to provide empirical support to how the psychological aftermath of cyber-sexual assault mirrors that of sexual assault and thus should be taken as seriously as sexual assault (clinically and legally). This study was conducted to investigate the direction and strength of relationships among latent variables associated with trauma symptomology (i.e., emotional dysregulation, trauma guilt, post-traumatic stress disorder, and depression) in a sample of survivors of cyber-sexual assault. This investigation specifically tested whether modeling latent variables emotional dysregulation as measured by the Brief Version of the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale [DERS-16] (Bjureberg et al., 2015) or trauma guilt as measured by the Trauma-Related Guilt Inventory [TRGI] (Kubany et al., 1996) as the independent variable, where the remaining latent variables of post-traumatic stress disorder as measured by the Impact of Events Scale Revised [IES-R] (Weiss & Marmar, 1996) and depression as measured by the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale Revised [CESD-R] (Eaton et al., 2004) were modeled as dependent variables, was a good fit for data collected from cyber-sexual assault survivors. Furthermore, the secondary analysis investigated whether modeling the latent variables of emotional dysregulation and trauma guilt as mediating variables on the direction and strength of relationship on the dependent variables of post-traumatic stress disorder and depression was a good fit for data collected from cyber-sexual assault survivors. To test the hypotheses that cyber-sexual assault survivors would show increased trauma symptomology similar to physical sexual assault survivors a structural equation model was developed. The results of the structural equation model (SEM) analyses identified trauma guilt contributed to 14% of the variance of emotional dysregulation; which then served to mediate the outcome variables most significantly. In fact, Emotional Dysregulation contributed to 67% of the variance in the levels of PTSD symptomology, and 44% of the variance in the levels of Depression.
Article
Humans use punishment to influence each other's behavior. Many current theories presume that this operates as a simple form of incentive. In contrast, we show that people infer the communicative intent behind punishment, which can sometimes diverge sharply from its immediate incentive value. In other words, people respond to punishment not as a reward to be maximized, but as a communicative signal to be interpreted. Specifically, we show that people expect harmless, yet communicative, punishments to be as effective as harmful punishments (Experiment 1). Under some situations, people display a systematic preference for harmless punishments over more canonical, harmful punishments (Experiment 2). People readily seek out and infer the communicative message inherent in a punishment (Experiment 3). And people expect that learning from punishment depends on the ease with which its communicative intent can be inferred (Experiment 4). Taken together, these findings demonstrate that people expect punishment to be constructed and interpreted as a communicative act.
Chapter
With the advancement of communication tools, the incident of cyberbullying has become a social issue (Edwina, 2014). Anouk et al. (2014) have developed a Cyclic Process Model with the aims to examine the underlying mechanisms of cyberbullying behavior pertaining to the process how victims become cyberbullies. It examines the interplay between peer victimization, anger/frustration, exposure to antisocial media content and cyberbullying behaviour among the adolescents (Anouk et al., 2014). However, this model does not provide sufficient understanding to what extent the reactive aggression and friendship quality affect the transformation of cyberbullying behaviour from the stage of peer victimization. In addition, there are relatively few investigators who have examined the impacts of reactive aggression and friendship quality to cyberbullying behaviour. The purpose of this research would like to investigate the relationships among the peer victimization, anger/frustration, exposure to social media content, reactive aggression, friendship quality and cyberbullying behaviour. A quantitative research was conducted among the addressed within the age group of 18 to 22 years old that have experienced certain extent of cyberbullying. A total of 520 questionnaires were distributed via judgmental sampling technique. The finding of this research concluded that peer victimization, anger/frustration, exposure to antisocial media content and reactive aggression are the key determinants of cyberbullying behavior. Two mediation effects were discovered in which exposure to antisocial media content mediates the relationship between anger/frustration and cyberbullying behavior as well as reactive aggression mediates the relationship between peer victimization and cyberbullying behavior. However, the study did not support the role of friendship quality in moderating the relationship between anger/frustration and cyberbullying behavior.
Chapter
With the advancement of communication tools, the incident of cyberbullying has become a social issue (Edwina, 2014). Anouk et al. (2014) have developed a Cyclic Process Model with the aims to examine the underlying mechanisms of cyberbullying behavior pertaining to the process how victims become cyberbullies. It examines the interplay between peer victimization, anger/frustration, exposure to antisocial media content and cyberbullying behaviour among the adolescents (Anouk et al., 2014). However, this model does not provide sufficient understanding to what extent the reactive aggression and friendship quality affect the transformation of cyberbullying behaviour from the stage of peer victimization. In addition, there are relatively few investigators who have examined the impacts of reactive aggression and friendship quality to cyberbullying behaviour. The purpose of this research would like to investigate the relationships among the peer victimization, anger/frustration, exposure to social media content, reactive aggression, friendship quality and cyberbullying behaviour. A quantitative research was conducted among the addressed within the age group of 18 to 22 years old that have experienced certain extent of cyberbullying. A total of 520 questionnaires were distributed via judgmental sampling technique. The finding of this research concluded that peer victimization, anger/frustration, exposure to antisocial media content and reactive aggression are the key determinants of cyberbullying behavior. Two mediation effects were discovered in which exposure to antisocial media content mediates the relationship between anger/frustration and cyberbullying behavior as well as reactive aggression mediates the relationship between peer victimization and cyberbullying behavior. However, the study did not support the role of friendship quality in moderating the relationship between anger/frustration and cyberbullying behavior.
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Despite being a prevalent theme in popular cinema, revenge has received little dedicated attention within film studies. The majority of research concerning the concept of revenge is located within moral philosophy, but that body of literature has been overlooked by film studies scholars. Philosophers routinely draw on filmic examples to illustrate their discussions of revenge, but those interpretations are commonly hindered by their authors’ inexperience with film studies’ analytical methods. This article seeks to bridge those gaps. The 2010 remake of I Spit on Your Grave is used as a case study to illustrate the benefits of an interdisciplinary engagement with revenge. Philosophical literature on the topic has routinely posited that revenge is either appealing or appalling, and that impasse has stifled conceptual understanding. The interdisciplinary approach employed here elucidates that revenge is simultaneously appealing and appalling; this dualistic nature is evident in I Spit on Your Grave since it is built into the narrative design. I conclude that an interdisciplinary approach to revenge has the potential to advance understanding of revenge-qua-concept both within films studies and philosophy.
Article
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We allow for the possibility of revenge in attacker-defender conflicts under a variety of settings including, for example, when one of the players faces a no-win situation. In a two-player two-period conflict where revenge stems from the grievances of one of the parties to the original conflict, we show that the presence of revenge can influence the amount of effort devoted to the conflict and may in certain circumstances, exacerbate it. We also give conditions when the presence of revenge can deter an attack altogether.
Article
This preregistered experiment examined two proximate drivers of retributive punishment attitudes: the motivation to make the perpetrator suffer, and understand the wrongfulness of his offense. In a sample of 514 US adults, we presented criminal case summaries that varied the level of suffering (absent vs. present) and understanding (absent vs. present) experienced by the perpetrator and measured punishment judgments and attitudes. Our results demonstrate, as predicted, that participants were more satisfied by the sentence and less punitive when they believed that the perpetrator had suffered from the punishment or that he understood the wrongfulness of his actions. This pattern held across crimes of varying seriousness (theft vs. aggravated robbery) and across two narrative perspectives (participant as victim vs. participant as third party). However, joint evidence of suffering and understanding did not strengthen this effect, contrary to predictions. We discuss the implications of these findings for leading philosophical theories of punishment.
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Bu çalışmanın amacı, örgütsel alanda önemli sorunlara neden olan çatışma ve intikam niyeti kavramları arasındaki etkileşimi araştırmaktır. Bu kapsamda 296 denekle yüz yüze anket yapılmış ve elde edilen veriler SPSS 25.0 istatistik programı aracılığıyla analize tabi tutulmuştur. Yapılan regresyon analizi sonucunda örgütlerde yaşanılan kişiler arası çatışmaların intikam alma niyetini olumlu yönde yordadığı sonucuna varılmıştır. Bu sonuçtan hareketle ilgili kesimlere bazı önerilerde bulunulmuştur. Anahtar Kelimeler: Çatışma, Kişiler Arası Çatışma, İntikam, İntikam Alma Niyeti Giriş Ortak bir amaç çerçevesinde oluşturulan sosyal gruplar örgüt olarak adlandırılmakta ve kişiler yaşamlarının önemli bir kısmını bu gruplar içinde geçirmektedirler (Tekin ve Kaya, 2021). Örgütsel hedeflere ulaşmada temel kaynak çalışanlardır ve çalışanların tutum ve davranışlarını belirleyen olumlu veya olumsuz birçok olay örgütlerde gerçekleşmektedir (Tatarlar ve Çangarlı, 2018). İki ya da daha fazla taraf arasında anlaşmazlık olarak nitelendirilen çatışma (İmirlioğlu, 2005), bireylerin iletişim ve etkileşiminin bir sonucu olarak uzunca bir süredir insanoğlunun hayatında var olan bir kavramdır (Gürcüoğlu ve Uyar, 2020). Örgütsel çıktılarda meydana getirdiği birçok etkiden dolayı çatışma, modern örgütlerin en önemli sorunlarından biri olarak görülmekte ve diğer birçok olumsuz davranışa da sebep olabilmektedir (Demir, 2010). Bu negatif davranışlardan biri de intikam davranışı olabilir. İntikam; "haksız davranışa maruz kalma durumunda gelişen kişisel bir tepki" olarak tanımlanmıştır (Yılmaz, 2014). İntikam davranışı, kişisel özellik, kişiler arası ilişki ve çalışılan ortamdan kaynaklanabilmektedir (Usta vd., 2019). Çalışanın haksızlığa uğradığı düşüncesinin neticesinde bu eylemden sorumlu kişiyi cezalandırma düşüncesiyle ortaya çıkan intikam niyeti, şiddet ya da dedikodu gibi intikam eylemlerine dönüşebilmektedir (Bordia vd.,
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
Chapter
When someone suffers a mishap, a setback or a downfall, we sometimes find ourselves experiencing schadenfreude - an emotion defined as deriving pleasure from another's misfortune. Schadenfreude is a common experience and an emotion which is seemingly inherent to social being. This book offers a comprehensive summary of current theoretical and empirical work on schadenfreude from psychological, philosophical and other scientific perspectives. The chapters explore justice as an underlying motive for schadenfreude, and the role played by social comparison processes and envy in evoking pleasure at the misfortunes of others in interpersonal relations. Schadenfreude is also described as a common phenomenon in intergroup relations. This is a compelling volume on a fascinating subject matter that aims to increase our understanding of the nature of this emotion and the role it plays in social relations.
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For several decades volitional concepts have been widely neglected in psychology. Today, we have reasons to believe that the philosophical objections against their use do not justify that theoretical abstinence (Kuhl, 1984). Modern conceptions of volition emerging in various subfields of psychology demonstrate that the criticisms concerning introspectionistic, mentalistic, and moralistic connotations of classical concepts of volition can be overcome without removing those concepts altogether. In this article, we will summarize our own approach to volition, which developed from a motivational perspective, compare it to some current cognitive approaches to volition, and present the results of several experiments that illustrate the commonalities and differences between motivational and cognitive approaches.
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Research on subjective punishment goals has focused on the perspective of third-party observers of criminal offenses and neglected the perspective of victims. This study investigates punishment goals among 174 adult crime victims (rape and nonsexual assault) for each participant's real criminal case. Scales measuring support for punishment goals are constructed by factor analysis of an 18-item list. Results show that 5 highly supported goals can be distinguished: retaliation, recognition of victim status, confirmation of societal values, victim security, and societal security. Analysis of relations between punishment goal scales and personal variables, situational variables, and demanded punishment severity corroborates the view that the punishment goals revealed can be classified according to the two independent dichotomies of moral versus instrumental goals, and micro versus macro goals.
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This paper explores retribution both from the perspective of justice, as well as the reciprocity norms on which assessments of justice and injustice are based. It has suggests three primary mechanisms for retribution: retributory recompense, retributory retaliation, and retributory impression management. Retribution and revenge are sensitive topics. Like beating one's spouse, few people like to confess to such behaviors or to such desires. Although concern with justice is seen as legitimate, concern with frequently vengeance is not. As noted by Jacoby (1983), Maidanek survivors who testified at the deportation hearings for Hermine Ryan, an officer of Maidanek, were asked by the defense if they were "out for revenge." Recognizing that seeking revenge would be seen as illegitimate, the survivors replied that they only wanted justice. Although frequently implied, justice and revenge are not mutually exclusive.A desire for retribution does not require rationalization. "A victim wants to see an assailant punished not only for reasons of pragmatic deterrence but also as a means to repairing a damaged sense of civic order and personal identity. Deterrence and retribution are hardly identical, but the former invariably involves an element of the latter (Jacoby, 1983:9)."In this paper, I attempt to take the perspective of the employee reacting against a perceived injustice, attempting to resolve the injustice through retribution. I remain largely silent on the perspective of the employer, not because it is not of interest, but because the current research more adequately addresses the employer's perspective and ability to enact various forms of justice. Retributive justice is one form of justice that can be enacted by not only the powerful, but also the powerless. By taking the perspective of the employee and by looking at the relatively less-studied form of justice, we may obtain a more complete understanding of behavior in organizations.
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Empirical studies corroborate a relatively close relation between goals of sentencing and punitiveness. However, it is not clear what aspects of sentencing goals motivate harsh punishment. This study analyzes the structure of sentencing goals and scrutinizes in particular whether the idea of retribution is associated with punitiveness, or whether punishment considerations from a societal perspective (macrolevel) are the source of more punitive responses. A questionnaire was mailed to a random sample drawn in Bern, Switzerland. A total of 357 persons responded to items measuring constructs including goals of sentencing, punitiveness, target of justice considerations, and perceived threat to society, after reading one of three short stories about specific crimes (fraud, physical injury, assault). Results of this study reveal a two-dimensional structure of sentencing goals. One dimension represents readiness to punish and exclude the offender socially. The other dimension refers to concerns of the victim versus the needs of the society as a whole. The analysis provides a new interpretation of sentencing goals.
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The growing body of research on workplace revenge has focused on morality-based principles (e.g., organizational justice) that people use to judge acts of revenge. By contrast, in the present research, we report findings from two studies that focus on aesthetics-based principles (e.g., the “beauty” of executing the act of revenge) that people use to judge acts of revenge. In Study 1, a qualitative analysis of revenge incidents, we identify altruism, poetic qualities, and symmetry as aesthetic principles that people use to judge acts of revenge. In Study 2, a quantitative analysis of a policy-capturing experiment, we focused on the symmetry principle. Specifically, we examined the influence of the symmetry of method and symmetry of consequences in revenge. In that study, we found that workplace revenge is judged less harshly when consequences are symmetric than when they are asymmetric. However, symmetry has the opposite effect on judgments when it comes to symmetry of methods: similar methods were judged more harshly than dissimilar methods. We discuss the influence of aesthetic principles on judgments about revenge, and whether such principles legitimate or delegitimate an act of revenge.
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Assume that you have decided to accomplish a personal wish or desire that has been on your mind for quite some time. Should you go ahead and plan the execution of behaviors that will eventually lead to your desire? Or would planning only be a waste of time, as you already feel highly committed to act and ready to go? Would passively waiting for a good opportunity to get started not be sufficient? As planning might not add anything to the commitment implied by your decision, the time and effort devoted to planning might be unnecessary. The present chapter focuses on this issue: Does planning promote the willful implementation of a person's goals and thus provide volitional benefits? My colleagues and I believe that planning helps to alleviate crucial volitional problems of goal achievement, such as being too easily distracted from a goal pursuit or giving up in the face of difficulties when increased effort and persistence are needed instead. The conceptual analysis of this question relies on ideas that have evolved around the model of action phases (Heckhausen & Gollwitzer, 1987). In particular, we use two different but related concepts to understand the processes by which planning unfolds its beneficial effects on goal achievement: "implemental mind-sets" (Gollwitzer, 1990) and "implementation intentions" (Gollwitzer, 1993).
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Four studies suggest that priming may yield directionally different effects on social perception and behavior if perceptual and behavioral experiences with the stimulus diverge. This seems true for sex and aggression: Men are more likely to behave aggressively than women, whereas women are more likely to perceive aggressive behavior than men. Using a sequential priming paradigm, Study 1 demonstrates that a basic semantic link between sex and aggression exists for both genders. This link, however, has opposing behavioral and perceptual consequences for men and women. Studies 2 and 3 demonstrate that sex priming facilitates aggressive behavior only for men. Study 4 shows that only women perceive the ambiguously aggressive behavior of a male target person as more aggressive after sex priming. Thus, the perceptual and behavioral responses to sex priming are consistent with the experiences men and women typically have with sex and aggression.
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Psychologists have often categorized human aggression as hostile or instrumental. Hostile aggression is "hot," impulsive behavior that is motivated by a desire to hurt someone; instrumental aggression is "cold," premeditated behavior used as a means to some other end. This dichotomy was useful to the early development of aggression theories and continues to capture important features of nonhuman aggression, but it has outlived its usefulness as a descriptor of fundamentally different kinds of human aggression. It is confounded with the automatic-controlled information-processing dichotomy, and it fails to consider aggressive acts with multiple motives. Knowledge structure models of aggression easily handle these problems. Taking extreme measures to preserve the hostile-instrumental dichotomy will delay further advances in understanding and controlling human aggression. Therefore, this seems a proper time to "pull the plug" and allow the hostile-instrumental aggression dichotomy a dignified death.
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How do observers respond when the actions of one individual inflict harm on another? The primary reaction to carelessly inflicted harm is to seek restitution; the offender is judged to owe compensation to the harmed individual. The primary reaction to harm inflicted intentionally is moral outrage producing a desire for retribution; the harm-doer must be punished. Reckless conduct, an intermediate case, provokes reactions that involve elements of both careless and intentional harm. The moral outrage felt by those who witness transgressions is a product of both cognitive interpretations of the event and emotional reactions to it. Theory about the exact nature of the emotional reactions is considered, along with suggestions for directions for future research.
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The authors explored the effects of the components of a harm-doer's account of her transgression on the victims' emotional reactions to the transgression and to the character traits that she attributes to the harm-doer. Participants were 480 people whom the authors asked to imagine an incident in which they were harmed by the careless behavior of a friend. Subsequently, the authors offered participants an account of the harm-doer. In a 2 x 2 x 2 x 2 x 2 between-subjects design, the authors manipulated 5 account components: Admitting Fault, Admitting Damage, Expressing Remorse, Asking for Pardon, and Offering Compensation. The authors measured the participants' perceptions of these components. Results indicated that (a) the subjective perception of account components occurs schematically so that components are implicitly perceived without being objectively present, (b) objective components affect victims' reactions via subjective perceptions of these components, (c) personality factors (Irreconcilability, Interpersonal Trust, and Trait Anger) affect victims' reactions directly. Finally, certain configurations of account components are more effective than others. Specifically, asking for pardon had an effect on forgiving only when it was combined with an acknowledgment of the damage and a compensation offer. This result suggests that in this situation, the victim perceives a harm-doer's asking for pardon without the other components as an insincere apology.
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Blood revenge is one of the most commonly cited causes of violence and warfare in tribal societies, yet it is largely ignored in recent anthropological theories of primitive warfare. A theory of tribal violence is presented showing how homicide, revenge, kinship obligations, and warfare are linked and why reproductive variables must be included in explanations of tribal violence and warfare. Studies of the Yanomamö Indians of Amazonas during the past 23 years show that 44 percent of males estimated to be 25 or older have participated in the killing of someone, that approximately 30 percent of adult male dealths are due to violence, and that nearly 70 percent of all adults over an estimated 40 years of age have lost a close genetic relative due to violence. Demographic data indicate that men who have killed have more wives and offspring than men who have not killed.
Article
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Psychologists have often categorized human aggression as hostile or instrumental. Hostile aggression is "hot," impulsive behavior that is motivated by a desire to hurt someone; instrumental aggression is "cold," premeditated behavior used as a mans to some other end. This dichotomy was useful to the early development of aggression theories and continues to capture important features of nonhuman aggression, but it has outlived its usefulness as a descriptor of fundamentally different kinds of human aggression. It is confounded with the automatic-controlled information-processing dichotomy, and it fails to consider aggressive acts with multiple motives. Knowledge structure models of aggression easily handle these problems. Taking extreme measures to preserve the hostile-instrumental dichotomy will delay further advances in understanding and controlling human aggression. Therefore, this seems a proper time to "pull the plug" and allow the hostile-instrumental aggression dichotomy a dignified death.
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http://johnbraithwaite.com/monographs/
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INTRODUCTION, Given the recent trend toward distinguishing between implicit and explicit processes in a number of areas in social psychology, the present volume can make a timely contribution to applying this distinction to motivational processes. In this chapter, we will focus mainly on implicit motivational mechanisms and, in particular, on the role of goal-related accessibility in motivated thinking and behavior. Theories in both cognitive and social psychology propose that motivational states such as needs, goals, intentions, and concerns are characterized by enhanced accessibility of motivation-related constructs (Anderson, 1983; Bruner, 1957; Higgins & King, 1981; Wyer and Srull, 1986, 1989). Similar ideas came from theories of motivation and volition (Ach, 1935; Gollwitzer 1996; Gollwitzer & Moskowitz, 1996; Goschke & Kuhl, 1993; Kuhl, 1983; 1987; Kuhl & Kazén-Saad, 1988). In this chapter, we summarize some general principles of accessibility from motivational sources, and briefly review extant and novel empirical evidence for these principles. We then discuss a possible theoretical account for these principles within a general functional approach to accessibility. Finally, we examine some implications of the outlined theory for person perception, postsuppressional rebound, and catharsis of aggression. ACCESSIBILITY FROM MOTIVATIONAL SOURCES: GENERAL PRINCIPLES, We propose the following principles to characterize accessibility from motivational sources such as goals, needs, or concerns: (a) Motivation enhances the accessibility of motivation-related constructs; (b) accessibility from motivational sources persists until the motivation is fulfilled or becomes irrelevant; (c) fulfillment of the motivation inhibits the accessibility of motivation-related constructs; and (d) accessibility of motivation-related constructs and postfulfillment inhibition are proportional to the strength of the motivation.
Article
The intention-superiority effect is the finding that response latencies are faster for items related to an uncompleted intention as compared with materials that have no associated intentionality. T. Goschke and J. Kuhl(1993) used recognition latency for simple action scripts to document this effect. We used a lexical-decision task to replicate that shorter latencies were associated with uncompleted intentions as compared with neutral materials (Experiments 1 and 3). Experiments 2-4, however, demonstrated that latencies were longer for completed scripts as compared with neutral materials. In Experiment 3, shorter latencies were also obtained for partially completed scripts. The results are discussed in terms of the activation and inhibition that may guide behavior, as well as how these results may inform theories of prospective memory.
Article
At first sight, vengeance appears to be a puzzling emotion, as it does not redress the harm that elicited it, while acting on it may well turn out to be counterproductive. In this study we asked a large group of (young) respondents (n=513) to think of a particular recent incident that made them feel vengeful and to report whether they had acted on it or not, what their purpose had been in doing so, and how they felt afterwards. Only a minority of the respondents reported that they had taken action to get even with the perpetrator, mostly in order to restore the disturbed balance of power. The type of harm that they had suffered had no significant relation to the decision to act on it. Although most of them said that afterwards they felt good about it, this may only have been a fleeting satisfaction, as the data suggest that in the end taking action had not made their residual vengeful feelings subside any faster than those of respondents who had not acted on them. The question of the generalizability of the results is briefly discussed.
Article
To examine the effect of level of moral responsibility on response to being harmed, 80 undergraduates each were initially given 10 raffle tickets. Half of the participants subsequently had 9 of their 10 tickets taken away and given to a fellow participant, whereas half did not. In each of these harm-done conditions, half of the participants were led to believe that the fellow participant intentionally took 9 of their tickets (either successfully or not), whereas half believed that the fellow participant did not intend them harm. Participants were then given a chance to take tickets from the fellow. Responses revealed two independent processes, one to reestablish distributive justice after tickets had been taken and the other to retaliate for harm intended. Level of moral responsibility had no effect on pursuit of distributive justice, but high moral responsibility restrained pursuit of retributive (retaliatory) justice. Possible reasons are proposed.
Chapter
According to McClelland’s classic theory of motivation (McClelland, Atkinson, Clark, & Lowell, 1953), a moderate discrepancy between an individual’s goals and her/his current achievements is the motivating source for subsequent efforts to approach those goals. Although the model claimed that large discrepancies resulted in a decrease of motivation, I tend to believe that scientists are sometimes motivated even by extremely large discrepancies between their goals and their achievements. When Heinz Heckhausen decided to pick up the line of research initiated by Jack Atkinson (1957), he created the perfect conditions for generating an inexhaustible source of motivation for his own subsequent research activities and those of his students. This motivational potential derived from the vast discrepancy between the simplicity of Atkinson’s structural model and the complexity of Heckhausen’s process-oriented visions of a future theory of motivation. Having been directly exposed to both sides of this discrepancy during my years at Michigan and Bochum, I might have experienced even more impatience about the discrepancy between aspirations and achievements in motivation research than my colleagues there. Each of us felt the need to transcend the rigid limitations of expectancy-value theories of motivation and each of us reduced the goal discrepancy in a different way, as many chapters in this volume testify.
Article
Summarizing their research program on revenge, the authors present empirical evidence that argues for a broader, and a more begin, view of revenge. In so doing, they present a more complete and value-free conceptualization of revenge in organizations. Three studies have been conducted, thus far, as part of the authors' research program on revenge in organizations. The first study proposed a grounded theory of revenge. This initial study focused on why and when people seek revenge in organizations, and identified meaningful conceptual categories to analyze revenge behavior. The second study focused more systematically on when and why people choose not to seek revenge, even though they are motivated to do so. Finally, in the third study, the authors present new empirical findings on the functional and dysfunctional aspects of revenge, as seen through the eyes of avengers. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The intention-superiority effect is the finding that response latencies are faster for items related to an uncompleted intention as compared with materials that have no associated intentionality. T. Goschke and J. Kuhl (1993) used recognition latency for simple action scripts to document this effect. We used a lexical-decision task to replicate that shorter latencies were associated with uncompleted intentions as compared with neutral materials (Experiments 1 and 3). Experiments 2–4, however, demonstrated that latencies were longer for completed scripts as compared with neutral materials. In Experiment 4, shorter latencies were also obtained for partially completed scripts. The results are discussed in terms of the activation and inhibition that may guide behavior, as well as how these results may inform theories of prospective memory. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
a 3-level analysis of goals / the knowledge structure level of analysis / goals as a specific knowledge category / specific goal systems (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
In [this book, the authors] describe a provocative theory that focuses on social conflicts and the concepts of power, influence, social identity, and retributive justice. They begin with a thorough examination and critique of the traditional theories of aggression, including biological, physiological, and criminological perspectives. They go on to synthesize key findings of these and other theoretical perspectives to support and define their own social interactionist theory of aggression that explores face-to-face confrontations and the intent of the aggressor's particular actions. "Violence, Aggression, and Coercive Actions" offers a new interdisciplinary approach to the study of aggression that is rooted in social and psychological perspectives. [The authors] present a strong theoretical foundation for practical analysis and intervention. Particularly thought provoking are discussions surrounding pornography, television, and other media violence; sexual coercion; and parenting styles (contrasting the use of abusive discipline with normal deterrents). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
In 4 experiments the authors investigated dynamic properties of representations of intentions. After Ss had memorized 2 texts describing simple activities, they were instructed that they would have to later execute one of the scripts. On an intervening recognition test, words from the to-be-executed script produced faster latencies than did words from a 2nd to-be-memorized script. This intention-superiority effect was obtained even when (1) selective encoding and poststudy imagery or rehearsal of the to-be-executed script was prohibited and (2) Ss expected a final free-recall test for both scripts. In a control condition in which Ss had to observe someone else executing a script, latencies for words from the to-be-observed script did not differ from neutral words. In conclusion, representations of intentions show a heightened level of subthreshold activation in long-term memory that cannot be accounted for by the use of controlled strategies. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The authors investigated the relationship between organizational justice and organizational retaliation behavior—adverse reactions to perceived unfairness by disgruntled employees toward their employer—in a sample of 240 manufacturing employees. Distributive, procedural, and interactional justice interacted to predict organizational retaliation behavior. A relation between distributive justice and retaliation was found only when there was low interactional and procedural justice. The 2-way interaction of distributive and procedural justice was observed only at a low level of interactional justice, and the 2-way interaction of distributive and interactional justice was observed only at a low level of procedural justice. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Chapter
Retribution and revenge, two highly related concepts, are arguably the oldest, most basic and most pervasive justice reactions associated with human social life. While scholarship about retribution and revenge has tended to focus on criminal justice, empirical evidence indicates that retribution is important in other matters related to law. For example, medical malpractice, discrimination, and a panoply of civil lawsuits can be primarily fueled by a desire for retribution. Retributive motives can appear at the core of intractable business disputes and other commercial disagreements. In this article, Professor Vidmar develops a conceptual framework to study retribution as a psychological and social phenomenon. He explores a number of conceptual issues, including how a social science approach differs from legal and philosophical approaches. His discussion explores the sociological and psychological functions that punishment serves. Separate sections of the article discuss the cognitive dynamics of retribution and its emotional/behavioral aspects as well. The article raises important questions about retribution. Are reactions different if the justice is dispensed by the victim, by neutral authorities, or by "acts of fate" (or God)? What are the consequences when nothing happens to the perpetrator? How does excessive punishment of the offender or remorse affect retributive reactions? The author's insight raises important implications for legal and other settings in which punishment is administered.
Article
Two different notions of justice might motivate people to demand punishment of an offender. The offense could be seen as lowering the victim’s and community’s status/power position relative to the offender, requiring a degradation of the offender to restore a moral balance (just desert). Or, the offense could be seen as questioning community values, requiring a reaffirmation of those values through social consensus (value restoration). Two studies referring to tax evasion and social welfare fraud yielded supportive evidence. Just desert was related to traditional punishment, especially when participants did not identify with a relevant inclusive community (Australians). Value restoration was related to alternative (restorative) punishment, especially when community values were regarded as diverse and requiring consensualization. It tended to be related to traditional punishment when community values were regarded as clear and consensual.
Article
Two studies investigated people’s perceptions of the acceptability of restorative justice procedures for handling crimes that differ in severity. Results from Study 1 supported our hypothesis that as crimes increase in seriousness, people require a restorative justice procedure that also has a possible retributive component (i.e. a prison sentence). Study 1 also demonstrated that individuals assigned lower prison sentences for offenders who successfully completed a restorative procedure as compared to a traditional court procedure. The results from Study 2 replicated those from Study 1, as well as demonstrating that offenders who failed to successfully complete the restorative procedure received no reduction in prison sentence. These findings suggest that in order for citizens to view a restorative justice procedure as an acceptable alternative to the traditional court system for serious crimes, the procedure must allow for the option of some retributive measures.
Article
In six studies participants searched for a target stimulus among other stimuli. Lexical decision and Stroop measures of accessibility showed that accessibility of target-related words was enhanced prior to finding the target and reduced after finding it, relative to both a preceding stage, relative to a control, no-goal condition and relative to a condition in which the goal was not fulfilled. In addition, Studies 4, 5, and 6 showed that goal-related accessibility and post-fulfillment inhibition were proportional to the goal’s expectancy, the goal’s value, and their interaction. Together, these studies support the notion that goals enhance accessibility of the goal-related constructs, which is maintained as long as the goal is active, goal fulfillment inhibits accessibility of goal-related constructs, and these effects are proportional to the strength of the motivation.
Article
We conceptualized an interrupted priming task as a state of an unfulfilled goal and a completed priming task as a post-fulfillment state. The accessibility of a primed construct was measured with both lexical decision and impression formation procedures. Lexical decisions showed enhanced accessibility of prime-related constructs after interrupted priming and reduced accessibility of the prime-related construct after completed priming. Replicating previous findings [Martin, L. L. (1986). Set/reset: Use and disuse of concepts in impression formation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51, 493–504], an ambiguous target was assimilated to the primed construct after interrupted priming, and was contrasted away from the primed construct after completed priming. Together, these results suggest that task fulfillment instigates inhibition of accessible constructs, in addition to (or instead of) a process of suppressing accessible constructs upon encountering a new target. These findings demonstrate how motivation can affect accessibility through inhibition as well as through suppression.
Article
We suggest that the goal to aggress increases accessibility of aggressive thoughts, and that after goal-fulfillment, accessibility of aggressive content is reduced. Experiment 1 showed an increase in accessibility of aggression after imagining an aggression-eliciting situation compared to non-aggressive content. After goal-fulfillment the accessibility of aggression was reduced, regardless of whether fulfillment was achieved by imagining physical or symbolic revenge. Experiment 2 showed similar effects for a non-aggressive conflict-resolution and, in addition, demonstrated a post-fulfillment reduction in actual aggressive behavior. Experiment 3 demonstrated that aggressive acts that do not constitute goal-fulfillment instead increase accessibility of aggression. Relations between our model and previous views on catharsis of aggression are discussed.
Article
The intention superiority effect is the finding that intentions to perform an activity are stored in a heightened state of activation. The effect has also been generalized to the finding that once an intention is fulfilled, it is inhibited relative to more neutral material about which no intentionality has been formed. In two experiments, we tested some ecological and naturally occurring situations taken from the literature on prospective memory and demonstrated that they have consistent consequences for the activation level of an intention. In Experiment 1, a constellation of unrelated activities displayed heightened activation prior to completion and displayed inhibition after completion. In Experiment 2, canceling the intention resulted in inhibition just as completing the intention does in this paradigm. The results are discussed in terms of their practical and theoretical importance to theories of prospective memory.
Article
Five studies examined the effect of expressing a construct after suppressing it on subsequent accessibility. Suppression of color terms (Studies 1, 2, and 5) and of stereotypes (Studies 3 and 4) were examined. Both expression alone and suppression alone enhanced the construct's accessibility relative to the no-suppression/no-expression condition, demonstrating activation by recent construct use and postsuppressional rebound, respectively. However, introducing expression after suppression reduced accessibility relative to both the suppression alone and the expression alone conditions. These results are explained within a motivational theory of rebound, according to which suppressing a construct induces a need to use it, and subsequent expression satisfies this need, thereby instigating an inhibition of the accessibility of need-related constructs.
Article
This review analyzes research and theory pertaining to the psychology of injustice, using as its organizing theme the role that the perception of disrespect plays in the experience of injustice. The analysis focuses primarily on the links between disrespect and anger, disrespect and injustice, and anger and injustice. Determinants of the intensity of people's reactions to injustices are also reviewed. In addition, the review examines the goals of retaliation as well as the forms that retaliation can take. Parallels between justice reactions to those acts of disrespect directed toward the self and those directed toward others are noted. Finally, the review discusses the implications of justice research for understanding the specific and general entitlements that people believe are their due.
Article
Readiness depends on how accessible categories are to the stimulated organism. Accessibility is a function of the likehood of occurrence of previously learned events, and one's need states and habits of daily living. Lack of perceptual readiness can be rectified by relearning the categories, or by constant close inspection of events and objects. Sensory stimuli are "sorted" to appropriate categories by searching for and using cues. 4 mechanisms are proposed: "grouping and integration, access ordering, match-mismatch signal utilization, and gating." Failure of perceptual readiness may occur because of inability to learn appropriate categories or through interference of accessible categories. These ideas may shed light on "perceptual defense." 88 references.
Set/reset or inhibition after goal fulfillment? A fair test between two mechanisms producing assimilation and contrast
  • N Liberman
  • J Förster
  • E T Higgins
Liberman, N., Förster, J., & Higgins, E. T. (2007). Set/reset or inhibition after goal fulfillment? A fair test between two mechanisms producing assimilation and contrast. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 43, 258–264.
Das Behalten erledigter und unerledigter Handlungen [The memory of completed and uncompleted actions]
  • Zeigarnik
Zeigarnik, B. (1927). Das Behalten erledigter und unerledigter Handlungen [The memory of completed and uncompleted actions]. Psychologische Forschung, 9, 1–85.
submitted for publication) Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance: What gives victims satisfaction when they seek revenge? The volitional benefits of planning The psychology of action
  • M Gollwitzer
  • M Kriesch
  • M Schmitt
Gollwitzer, M., Kriesch, M., Schmitt, M. (submitted for publication). Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance: What gives victims satisfaction when they seek revenge? Gollwitzer, P. M. (1996). The volitional benefits of planning. In P. M. Gollwitzer & J. A. Bargh (Eds.), The psychology of action (pp. 287–312). New York: Guilford.