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Labor Union Response to Diversity in Canada and the United States
Abstract
Canadian and American research finds that organized labor's engagement with race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation until recently has been largely exclusionist. The Canadian labor movement emerges as having been somewhat more responsive to equity issues, particularly gender and sexual orientation, and at an earlier stage than its U.S. counterpart. The American movement, however, did create limited room for African-American issues and unionization from early this century and now shows signs of broader engagement with diversity issues in general. The literature is strong in case studies pointing to exceptional situations involving minority militancy and union acceptance and in highlighting the role of activists inside and external to the labor movement. It suffers from a lack of large-scale analysis and comparison.
... The Congress incorporated into its Platform of Principles a ninth principle, which enshrined the "Exclusion of all Chinese from Canada" as a goal; it was amended in 1909 to "Exclusion of all Asiatics" so as to encompass Japanese and South Asians (Ireland, 1960, p. 217-218). This overtly racist organizing principle served its purpose until 1931when it was eliminated from the platform of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada (Hunt & Rayside, 2000) but replaced by a tenth principle that was even more racist and called for the "Exclusion of all races that cannot be properly assimilated into the national life of Canada" (Ireland, 1960, p. 220.) Hunt and Rayside (2000) argue that a contributory factor to the Trades and Labour ...
... The Congress incorporated into its Platform of Principles a ninth principle, which enshrined the "Exclusion of all Chinese from Canada" as a goal; it was amended in 1909 to "Exclusion of all Asiatics" so as to encompass Japanese and South Asians (Ireland, 1960, p. 217-218). This overtly racist organizing principle served its purpose until 1931when it was eliminated from the platform of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada (Hunt & Rayside, 2000) but replaced by a tenth principle that was even more racist and called for the "Exclusion of all races that cannot be properly assimilated into the national life of Canada" (Ireland, 1960, p. 220.) Hunt and Rayside (2000) argue that a contributory factor to the Trades and Labour ...
... It was the need for labour to facilitate capital accumulation as well as the embarrassing situation that Canada found itself in challenging South African apartheid while using racial precepts in its immigration regime that brought racialized labour, in increasing numbers, to this country in the 1960s and onward. Hunt and Rayside (2000) Calliste, 1996, p. 383, emphasis in original). ...
... Organizing workers in economic sectors that were largely unorganized, however, meant incorporating workers outside of labour's traditional constituencies, since groups such as women and racialized minorities were over represented in 'new' workplaces (Wial, 1993;Kumar and Schenk, 2006). Furthermore, because traditional union practices were designed by, and for, a predominantly white and male workforce, new organizing campaigns needed to adapt to the distinct concerns of a female and racialized workforce (Hunt and Rayside, 2000;Yates, 2004Yates, , 2005. ...
... For example, the feminization of the labour movement in Canada and the United States resulted in both the increased presence of women in leadership positions and in the broadening of collective bargaining (Milkman, 2007;Boris and Klein, 2007). Similarly, the increased involvement of workers of colour, disabled workers and gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered workers allowed concerns of racism, ableism and homophobia to gain legitimacy in Canada's labour movement (Hunt and Rayside, 2000). The empowerment of non-traditional worker groups within unions has been critical to the success of some new organizing strategies. ...
The inclusion of new groups of workers has been an important component of union renewal efforts. Several unions in Canada have begun to dedicate significant resources to better organize and represent Aboriginal workers. Drawing on interviews with union activists, organizers and representatives from two national public sector unions in Canada, we present an overview of union strategies to engage with Aboriginal peoples. Results suggest that understanding the distinct territorial context of Aboriginal peoples’ relationships to work and unions has been necessary to the success of these union strategies. This approach begins by drawing connections between Aboriginal peoples’ present-day relationships to work and their prior occupancy of, and dispossession from, lands and resources. Because of the geographical specificity of how the colonial experience affected Aboriginal peoples’ relationships to work and unions, unions have had to adopt non-normative approaches to their engagements with Aboriginal peoples. In workplaces where settlers were dominant, addressing racism in the workplace and gaining support for initiatives to hire and train Aboriginal workers were important. Alternatively, in Aboriginal workplaces, organizing was a priority. Here questions of union legitimacy have taken precedence and the focus of unions has been on partnership building. Most importantly, however, engagement with Aboriginal peoples has brought attention to the colonial practices within unions and helped to foster growing Aboriginal voice within the labour movement.
... Consequently, firms may self-impose 'autonomous rules' to avoid further regulations from legislators, unions, and other stakeholders. Historically, unions in Canada did not play an important role in promoting diversity at work, tending to see women and racial minorities as threats to job security, high wages and solidarity (Hunt and Rayside, 2000 ). Increasingly, however, unions and marginalized groups see each other as allies in strengthening union membership, and in fighting against discrimination and for minority rights. ...
... In this regard, unions have included women (Hunt and Haiven, 2006; Parker and Foley, 2010), pay equity (Hart, 2002 ), sexual orientation (Brown, 2003; Hunt and Haiven, 2006) and racial minorities (Reitz and Verma, 2004 ) in their bargaining efforts and collective agreements. Government regulation often underplays the role of unions in applying pressure on management to change workplace policies and practices (Hunt and Rayside, 2000). While organizations could resist pressures from unions, they often acquiesce in demands for fair practices because they promote efficiencies and productivity gains. ...
Much of the diversity management debate is trapped in a binary opposition between regulation and voluntarism. We argue for an evidence-based approach and illustrate this by offering a context-sensitive overview of workforce diversity debate and practice in three countries: France, Canada and the UK. We use Reynaud's social regulation theory in order to challenge the assumption that there is a clear separation between regulation and voluntarism. The article unpacks the complexities and ambivalences of regulation of workforce diversity, which is generated by multiple influences.
... Particularly underresearched is how collective bargaining agreements between employers, provincial trade divisions and trade unions structure workers' geographic mobility. The topic of mobility is especially interesting given union revitalization efforts in many Western countries (see Phellen 2007;Frege and Kelly 2004) and those specifically focusing on Canada (see Hunt and Rayside 2000;Kumar and Schenk 2006;Camfield 2011). This study on worker mobility and unions specifically draws from Briskin's (2011) and Yate's (2004) claims that for unions to renew they must expand what issues they deal with, for example including issues such as child-and healthcare. 2 These revitalization efforts aim to expand issues unions can officially respond to in their collective bargaining agreements, helping unions stay relevant to workers. ...
The fluctuating expansion of oil sands development in northern Alberta, Canada has led to employers hiring a large number of mobile work-ers. The working conditions for some of these mobile workers are modulated in part by unions through their role in negotiating collective bargaining agree-ments. Using a social reproductive framework, this study has two main findings: through collective agreements mobile workers are treated as a distinct category of worker, and there is a simultaneous expansion of workplace rules and regula-tions alongside a divide of the workplace from the home. The resulting expan-sion of the union regulated space in contrast to the divide of workplace from the home challenges union revitalization efforts, while also reaffirming traditional gendered experiences of mobility.
... It is often argued that, historically, unions did little to support the interests of women and minority groups, and if anything reinforced rather than challenged inequalities (Colling and Dickens, 1998: 406;Dex and Forth, 2009: 237;Dickens, 1997: 287). More recently, however, observers have suggested that unions have increasingly sought to prioritize equality matters (Dex and Forth, 2009: 246;Dickens, 1999: 15;Hunt and Rayside, 2000). There is a growing expectation, for example, that they will actively bargain over equality and encourage employers to adopt equality practices in order to protect workers from discrimination. ...
This article provides an empirical assessment of the relationship between unionization and the adoption of equal opportunities (EO) policies and practices in British workplaces, using data from the 2004 Workplace Employment Relations Survey. The results demonstrate an association between union recognition and the adoption of a range of EO practices. However, this association largely only holds where unions are able to influence EO decision-making via negotiation or consultation. There is little evidence that the equality practices adopted in unionized workplaces where negotiation and consultation does not occur are any different from those adopted in non-unionized workplaces.
... A significant body of literature has arisen exploring avenues for union renewal in Canada. This literature identifies trade liberalization, rising neoliberal sentiment among governments, a loss of class consciousness, and de-industrialization (Arthurs, 2011;Levesque & Murray, 2002;Reshef & Rastin, 2003) as well as a failure by unions to respond to growing gender, ethnic, racial, and cultural diversity (Fairbrother & Yates, 2003;Hunt & Rayside, 2000) as important factors in the decline of the labour movement. Prescriptions include recommendations for greater rank-and-file activism and new models of organizing (Hickey, Kuruvilla, & Lakhani, 2010;Kumar & Schenk, 2006), particularly strategies designed to target traditionally underrepresented populations (C. ...
... More specifi cally, these initiatives should reinforce the need for appropriate accommodations and fair treatment of employees with mental illness. Unfortunately, while many Canadian organizations have organizational policies or collective agreements containing such nondiscrimination clauses for sex, race, and sexual orientation (Brown, 2003;Hunt & Rayside, 2000), this is not so much the case for mental illness (Hebdon & Brown, 2008). Thirdly, it is generally believed that contact is among the most effective ways to reduce stigma towards people with mental illness (Corrigan & Matthews;Couture & Penn, 2003). ...
Guided by Colella, Paetzold, and Belliveau (2004), we surveyed 305 employees on their reactions towards co-workers with mental illness. Co-workers were less likely to view longer/more frequent work breaks as appropriate accommodations for the mentally ill relative to flexible hours, banking of overtime hours, and counselling. Moreover, employees who believed that co-workers with mental illness were being equitably (or fairly) treated at work were more likely to report that they would self-disclose—and seek assistance for—a mental illness. Finally, employees with workplace contact with the mentally ill were more likely to support hiring people with mental illness. Copyright © 2009 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.La présente étude examine, grâce au modèle proposé par Colella, Paetzold et Belliveau (2004), les réactions des employés (n = 305) vis-à-vis des collègues souffrant de maladie mentale. Les résultats indiquent que les employés sont moins portés à considérer les congés plus fréquents/longs comme des mesures d'adaptation appropriées par rapport à d'autres mesures telles que la flexibilité des horaires, l'accumulation des heures supplémentaires et l'aide psychologico-sociale. L'étude révèle aussi que les employés qui estiment que les travailleurs souffrant de maladie mentale sont traités équitablement sont plus enclins à révéler qu'ils ont une maladie mentale et à demander de l'aide. Enfin, les employés qui travaillent avec des malades mentaux sont plus favorables au recrutement de personnes souffrant de maladie mentale. Copyright © 2009 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... The union attitude towards minority issues has also changed in many other developed nations during the twentieth century. In 1976, the Canadian Labour Congress issued a National Anti-Racism Task Force report highlighting the racism problem, after which a number of unions took more active measures to combat such discrimination (Hunt and Rayside 2000). The Australian Council of Trade Unions, in the aftermath of World War II, also became more receptive to immigrants. ...
There has been a long debate concerning whether unions are exclusive or inclusive with respect to immigrants and ethnic minorities. In the exclusive view of unions, unionization is expected to increase the likelihood of employers asking questions that discriminate against immigrants and ethnic minorities and decrease the likelihood of employers asking Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) questions related to immigrant or ethnic minority status. The contrary is expected for the inclusive view. Our analysis, using New Zealand data for job applications, provides some support for the inclusive view of unions, as the higher the unionization rate, the more likely EEO information is sought, but no relationship is found between unionization rate and discriminatory questioning. This suggests that unions are probably helpful in promoting diversity but not yet in combating discrimination against immigrants and ethnic minorities in hiring.
... Fourth, some provide a full range of services to their members; others just bargain collectively and do little else. Fifth, some have traditionally protected privilege, often excluding women or racial minorities, as with, for example, American craft unions (Hunt and Rayside 2000) and South African unions (Wood and Harcourt 1997), both until the 1970s. ...
The North American union certification system has not met the representation needs of most workers. In this essay, certification's effectiveness is critically examined. The exclusive representation and winner-take-all approach satisfies only two out of seven categories of union and nonunion workers with different representational preferences. The "winners" are those who successfully exercise their choice to be either unrepresented or represented by their most preferred union. All others are "losers." A compulsory proportional representation alternative is proposed which allows for both union and nonunion forms of representation, representative election based on proportional votes, and mandatory workplace representation. The merits of this alternative in balancing the needs of both voting majorities and minorities and protecting worker rights from management encroachment are discussed. Some preliminary suggestions on its implementation are offered.
Identifying sources of barriers to occupational mobility is central to evaluating the efficiency of the labor market. In this paper, we present an augmented Roy model in which workers self‐select into occupations, subject to labor market barriers that are specific to their socio‐linguistic group. Our findings provide evidence of differences in labor market outcomes across gender and linguistic groups in Canada. We argue that these differences could be attributed to barriers to labor mobility and that the reduction of these disparities would result in higher aggregate productivity in the country. In the augmented Roy model, the frictions result in inefficient allocation of labor across occupations. The study quantifies the change in aggregate productivity that would result from reducing the friction. The elimination of the frictions increased aggregate output on average by 6.2% and 4.4% in 1991 and 2011, respectively. This finding highlights the importance of reducing language barriers and gender inequality in the labor market. We provide policy recommendations for mitigating the disparities in socioeconomic outcomes between gender and linguistic groups.
British Columbia’s Community Benefits Agreement that aims to provide jobs in the construction trades for underrepresented groups serves as a case to explore the successes and barriers to distributing the benefits of urban development to Indigenous groups towards the goal of economic justice. Through a content analysis of stakeholder interviews and documents about the agreement, we found that, while there is optimism that the CBA may help advance public discourse on economic justice for Indigenous Peoples, there are significant barriers that have gone unaddressed in this and other labor agreements due to a lack of community engagement. These include lack of transportation, continued marginalization of Indigenous workers into unskilled labor, and the reinforcement of dependence on non-Indigenous economies.
A central assumption in industrial relations theory is that conflict is rooted in an enduring difference between the interests of labor and management. In recent years, the reality of work has changed for many, and scholarship has called attention to overlooked dimensions of conflict that depart from this assumption. The authors account for these developments with the concepts of multiplicity and distance. Multiplicity means that a broad range of actors bring diverse goals, tied to identities and values in addition to interests, to the employment relationship. The competing and fluid motivations that stem from these goals alter how actors individually and collectively name conflict. Distance reflects a growing rift between those who control work and those who labor, rooted in prevailing organizational forms and practices and the transformation of institutions. Distance alters actors’ interdependence and their perceived and actual power in addressing conflict. From these observations, the authors derive propositions suggesting directions for research and theory regarding conflict and the institutions through which actors balance goals.
Employee voice has been mostly scrutinized as a general idea with inadequate attention to workforce gender diversity. Diverse employees present an important central position from which to study employee voice instruments. Female employees are often silenced by what is recognized as usual in work organizations. The lack of physical markers for gender differentiation, the deficiency of legal protections in many locations, the comparative need of union support, and the prevalent downbeat attitudes toward the female gender consequence in more silence for women employees than for men. This paper identifies some of the antecedents and harmful corollaries of such silencing and suggests ways in which the voices of female employees can be heard, arguing that effective management of gender diversity and inclusion would embrace machineries of voice through which gender differences are identified and organizational appraisals conducted to contain those differences in the procedures of decision making and career development. The status quo can shift by breaking the cycle of invisibility and silence by giving female employees room to make constructive contributions to work, unobstructed by fear of violence, prejudice, discrimination, and harassment. To achieve this plan, organizations must develop voice mechanisms that include the specific needs of women employees’ in the workforce. Specific recommendations are provided for HR managers to facilitate the expression of voice for female employees in today’s increasingly diverse organizations.
This book brings together the latest European and North American research on a series of key topics in the field of women's employment. Drawing on published and easily accessible statistics, it sets the topics in the appropriate policy contexts and systematically appraises them from the viewpoint of the challenges for the management of human resources. The book explores: • occupational segregation • the pay gap • work-life balance • part-time working • women, work and pensions • women in professional occupations • equality and diversity management • women and trade unions. This is a highly useful book suitable for a wide range of courses including business studies, sociology, social policy and gender studies.
This study examines the effect of unionization on the labour market integration of newly arrived immigrants in Canada. We find that non-white recent immigrants gain access to unionized jobs at a slower rate than do white recent immigrants. The effect of unionization on earnings is somewhat lower for non-white recent immigrants than for visible white recent immigrants. These findings are based on growth curve modeling of longitudinal data from the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID). Therefore, unionization does not contribute to reducing the earnings gap of non-white recent immigrants relative to white immigrants and the native-born.
Résumé
Des jeunes salariés québécois reprochent à leurs syndicats de ne pas tenir suffisamment compte de leurs intérêts dans la négociation de leurs conditions de travail. Ils ont ainsi fondé leurs propres associations en réaction à la façon dont le syndicat exerce son monopole de représentation. Ce nouveau phénomène traduit une insatisfaction certaine face à la façon dont s’exerce la démocratie syndicale dans certains milieux de travail. L’émergence de ces associations parallèles devrait inciter les leaders syndicaux à faire montre de plus d’ouverture, à engager le dialogue et à entreprendre une réflexion devenue nécessaire sur leur conception de la démocratie — et la notion d’égalité qui y est sous-jacente — à l’ère des droits fondamentaux de la personne.
This article discusses how interpretive accounts and practices of labour union renewal in the Anglo-American context are linked to the forms of post-industrialism and polarized labour markets evident in world cities. I accordingly argue that the world city is implicated in various components of union renewal, including changing organizational structures, intensive organizing, leadership and democracy, coalition building, new labour internationalism, and labour-management cooperation. Furthermore, the influence of the world city can limit both the scope and scale of the union renewal narratives and practices. The article concludes with a call for the union renewal project to expand beyond world city frameworks and explore multiple sectors and spaces.
This study explores the representation of identity groups and their interests within the labor movement using lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals as my case group. The goal is to provide new knowledge about how national and international unions in the United States are responding to sexual orientation. Data on the official polices of the 13 largest national and international unions was collected through a telephone survey of union staff and officials possessing specialized knowledge about their unions’ responses to sexual diversity.
The data collected here was used to test whether structural and demographic arguments regarding union responsiveness to LGBT issues explain the divergences in union initiatives to recognize sexual diversity. The results of this study confirmed earlier research that structural and demographic variables do matter but revealed that it is necessary to go beyond these variables to more fully explain variation in union responses to sexual diversity. Future research needs to explore other factors involving collective agency, history, ideology, and so on and the differences between the social movement unionism rooted in old class politics and one more influenced by the new social movements to understand why unions such as Service Employees International Union (SEIU) are the most responsive to minorities and the most successful in changing union culture as well as practice.
Western governments have emphasized paid work as a key route to social inclusion for disabled people. Although the proportion of disabled people in ‘mainstream’ employment has increased in recent decades, rates remain significantly below those for non-disabled people. Moreover, disabled workers continue to face discrimination and a lack of workplace accommodation. This paper critically examines the potential of three alternatives to the current situation. First, how might stronger ties between disabled workers and the labour movement allow for greater control over the nature of mainstream work? Second, can more enabling work opportunities be created beyond the ‘mainstream’ in social economy organizations? Finally, how might other forms of unpaid and creative work usefully challenge the dominance of paid employment as a route to social inclusion?
One of the fundamental features of the legal regime of collective labour relations in North America lies in bestowing, by law, a monopoly of exclusive representation upon the trade union that wins the endorsement of the majority of employees.An analogy between this type of organization and our system of representative democracy has often been made in that the people’s representatives are also elected by majority rule. However, unlike parliamentary democracy, which formally allows for a margin of dissent to be expressed by representatives of the Opposition, the organization of collective labour relations fails to provide a similar forum to voice minority interests.Neglected by legislators, trade union dissent has traditionally only been able to express itself in the private circles of the trade union apparatus. However, a new phenomenon is slowly emerging in Quebec. Reacting against the wage concessions accepted by their trade unions in the wake of the government’s battle against budget deficits, young teachers, young police officers and young civil servants have established their own associations: the Association pour la défense des jeunes enseignants du Québec (ADJEQ), the Groupe d’action pour l’équité et l’égalité salariale du SPCUM (GAPES) and the Association des jeunes de la fonction publique du Québec (AJFP). These associations are using public forums, such as parliamentary commissions, to voice their demands. Furthermore, their web sites allow minority employees to express their discontent and grievances anonymously.These new groups reflect clearly the growing complexity of labour relations in our pluralist societies and the inherent difficulties of trying to reconcile collective rights and individual rights. In their own way, those associations are also expressing real dissatisfaction with the way trade union democracy is carried out in some work environments.The new associations may possibly be the result of a transient trend linked solely to the issue of the so-called “orphan” clauses, but the trade union movement would be ill-advised to disregard them. Rather, their emergence should incite trade union leaders to display greater openness, to begin dialogue and, more generally, to think about their conception of democracy and the underlying notion of equality, for such an approach has become necessary in the age of fundamental individual rights.
In Canada, most racial minorities have lower rates of unionization than do members of the majority workforce. Data from the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (N= 32,634) show that racial minority immigrants assimilate into unionization over time. However, unionization reduces net minority wage disadvantages only slightly. Union race relations policies should place more emphasis on collective bargaining as well as on unionization.
The publication of Unfair Advantage, a report published by Human Rights Watch (HRW), documents and analyzes how employers routinely violate international human rights standards by depriving U.S. workers of their legal right to organize. In a recent symposium on Unfair Advantage published in the British Journal of Industrial Relations, 7 essays analyzed the strengths and weaknesses of the HRW report from a variety of ideological and theoretical perspectives. Although the scholars who wrote these essays raised a number of important issues concerning Unfair Advantage, they failed to provide any concrete or practical methodologies for using this report to promote the collective bargaining rights of U.S. workers in the early years of the twenty-first century. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to critique these symposium papers as well as to propose a minimum program, on the basis of Unfair Advantage, for advancing the collective bargaining rights of U.S. workers.
Employee voice has been largely examined as a universal concept in unionized and non-unionized settings, with insufficient attention to diversity of workers (Rank, 2009). As invisible minorities, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (GLBT) employees provide a valuable focal point from which to examine employee voice mechanisms. Positing that GLBT employees are often silenced by what is perceived as “normal” in work organizations, this paper identifies some of the negative consequences of this silencing and proposes ways in which the voices of GLBT employees and other invisible minorities can be heard. With its relevance to policies and practices in other organizations, the “Don't ask; don't tell” policy of the U.S. military is used as a lens through which to analyze voice, silence, and GLBT employees in other organizations. Heterosexist environments can foster organizational climates of silence, where the feeling that speaking up is futile or dangerous is widespread among employees. Specific recommendations are provided for HR managers to facilitate the expression of voice for GLBT employees in today's increasingly diverse organizations.
In a survey of 2500 workplace union delegates in eight unions we examined the power of workers at the local, workplace level. We found local member power to be significantly related to a number of factors associated with the organising agenda. Local power was stronger where: unions were democratically organised; delegates were confident, active, had clear roles and had strong networks of support at the workplace and with the union office, particularly through the organiser; unions promoted common identity through inclusive policies than took seriously women's issues; the employer (and the delegates' supervisor) were supportive of the union delegate's role; and where job security was not declining. Training indirectly helped strengthen local power. Employer-related factors were only one eighth as important as union-related factors. No Yes
A central aspect of labour process theory is the recognition that management must institute controls over the workforce to maximize levels of labour output. Yet, these controls are never complete and employees maintain some ability to actively determine the level of engagement in their work. This article examines the manner in which control is manifest within teams in two different organizations. The article demonstrates that within these two case study organizations, teams develop differently, primarily due to the processes in which the atypical team is engaged. The different processes result in the atypical team having a greater level of control over its members' primary processes and, in addition, greater control over what they do when not engaged in their primary task.
I discuss the recent union renewal strategies adopted by UNITE-HERE Local 75, the union representing a majority of Toronto’s organized hotel workers—a fragmented and diverse labour force. Local 75’s renewal strategies are multiscalar with knowledge and resources flowing through the organization forming a spatial circuit of union renewal . Conceptualizing union renewal as a spatial circuit maps the interdependencies of different scales of labour organization and the tensions that emerge among such scales. The paper focuses on the hotel union’s strategic attempts to (re)create pattern bargaining at local and international scales and organize new hotels prior to their construction. I conclude with a brief discussion linking the recent merger of UNITE-HERE and its departure from the AFL-CIO to broader renewal processes.
This paper analyzes the recent growth of janitorial unionism in LA against the background of the previous history of unionism's rise and decline in the city's building service industry, asking how and why the Justice for Janitors campaign succeeded in LA, and whether its success will last. This case study indicates the continuing relevance of questions about how poor immigrant workers are able to build successful and enduring organizations and about the relationship between immigrant workers and the rise and decline of unions. It concludes that , on one hand, the immigrant presence was neither a necessary nor sufficient condition of success. On the other hand, in this specific case, the JfJ campaign was probably better off with the immigrants than without them.
This article compares the participation of black and white union members in their local unions. Using more detailed measures of union participation than those employed in earlier studies, and focusing on members, not just leaders, the authors find little difference between the extent of participation by blacks and that by whites. This surprising result, which contradicts the finding of previous studies that blacks participate in unions less than whites, holds even with controls for gender, salary, education, number of years as a member, the presence of friends in the union, the strength of a sense of efficacy, confidence in the ability to gain local union office, and the liberalness of attitudes about civil rights. (Abstract courtesy JSTOR.)
The essay examines the drafting of Canada's industrial standards legislation and its consequences in the clothing industry. In particular, it argues that the legislation formalized the subordination of specific sectors of workers in the clothing shops. The decision was a political one. How could gender be used as a basis of discrimination in a trade union movement in which women were in the majority? Although the traditional unions (ILGWU and ACWA) made some efforts to organize women, the presence of women in the union bureaucracy was limited. Because of this, the move away from shop-floor unionism towards industry-wide collective bargaining ensured that women had, at best, a peripheral position in union decision making. When the men in the industry sat down to negotiate the legal framework for their trade, most of the political manoeuvring went on in a domain exclusive of women. In the negotiations for the legislation in Ontario and Quebec's clothing industry, men reaffirmed the gendered nature of the work in the trade through legal language enshrined in the industrial standards schedules set for the industry.
This study investigates determinants of the male-female unionization differential. Logit analysis is used to estimate three union membership equations, using data taken from the May 1976 Current Population Survey. Standard human capital measures, plus location, race, and sex, are first included as explanatory variables, and then occupational and industry status are added sequentially. The results indicate that sex differences in occupational and industrial status account for over half of the male-female unionization differential. The authors also conclude, however, that increasing the female unionization rate to equal the male rate would only modestly diminish the sex difference in wages. (Author's abstract.)
This paper, based on case studies of unionized factories, examines industrial restructuring and shop floor politics in the Canadian garment industry. It briefly describes the international context for conducting business. While the Canadian state has historically protected its domestic industry, more recently it has set the stage for the transition to an export promotion policy. On the shop floor, new managerial strategies have been directed at reorganizing work by combining different forms of managerial control with the demand for greater employee flexibility. This paper shows how union women in the sportswear industry respond to the restructuring of their work. Their resistance, often led by union shop stewards, sheds light on the relationship between managerial control and the ''effort bargain.''
On August 15, 1983, 9,500 members of the American based International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU), 88% of whom were women, unleashed the first industry-wide strike in forty-three years in Montreal, Canada's principal garment-producing centre. The media was full of the strike: the sweatshops, the health hazards, the return of home sewing, the dying industry.
The response of the Canadian labour movement to sexual orientation discrimination has been mixed and uneven. The Canadian Labour Congress, along with several provincial federations and a growing number of unions, have taken a leadership role in promoting equal rights for gays and lesbians, while other labour organizations have done nothing at all. Public sector and Canadian-based unions are much more likely to have been active than have American-based unions, even though there are important exceptions to these trends. These developments are partially explained by regional dynamics, membership demographics, degree of activism, the presence of women 's committees, and organizational leadership.
Four potential explanations for the historical and contemporary reactions to women workers by trade unions are analyzed. Although unions have traditionally accepted the prevailing ideology of women's place, have reacted against the threat of cheap labor from any source, and have experienced problems organizing white-collar women workers, these factors do not adequately explain unions' treatment of women workers. The most cogent explanation is the nature of the collective bargaining system itself. Majority rules -- and men have always formed the majority in the labor movement. For this reason, women's interests have not been adequately represented by trade unions. /// Quatre explications possibles aux réactions historiques et contemporaines des syndicats à propos des femmes qui travaillent sont étudiées ici. Bien que les syndicats aient traditionnellement accepté l'idée courante de la place de la femme, aient réagi contre la menace d'une main-d'oeuvre à bon marché de quelque provenance soit elle, et aient rencontré des problèmes dans l'organisation des employées de bureau, tous ces facteurs n'expliquent pas très bien la façon dont les syndicats traitent les femmes qui travaillent. L'explication la plus valable découle de la nature même du système collectif des négociations. Les règles de la majorité -- et les hommes ont toujours composé la majorité du mouvement travailleur. C'est pour cela que les intérêts des femmes qui travaillent n'ont jamais été très bien défendus par les syndicats.
This study focuses on the characteristics of women who have reached national union office in Canada. Questionnaire responses are analyzed to determine if women are found primarily in un-paid, part-time and union secretary of treasurer positions and to find if less competitive officer positions are occupied by younger, married officers as well as those with children. It was also deter-mined whether female officers tend to run against other females in union elections and come from unions where female members are in the majority.
A guide to the AFL-CIO, which came under new leadership in October 1994 following the "New Voice" campaign, held its first democratic election for top officers and set about reforming the union movement to take account of a changing economy. Topics discussed include: political action; women; immigrant workers; global strategy and international worker solidarity; and changing the union's image. Case studies of how labour won the strike against UPS, and the legislative fights to increase the minimum wage and defeat Fast Track Trade Authority, are also included.
This article examines the male-female difference in propensity to unionize. Logit analysis is used to estimate a series of voter predisposition equations for the unorganized employees included in a national survey of working conditions. Measures of employee background, labor force location, and family responsibilities are included as explanatory variables. The results indicate that women are more likely than men to desire union representation, a difference attributable in part to more favorable beliefs and attitudinal valence regarding unions. The tendency of previous analysts to infer the propensities of women workers from union membership differences is criticized, and the implications for unionism of the changing sex composition of the work force are discussed.
The division of labor by sex appears to have been universal throughout human history. In our society the sexual division of labor is hierarchical, with men on top and women on the bottom. Anthropology and history suggest, however, that this division was not always a hierarchical one. The development and importance of a sex-ordered division of labor is the subject of this paper. It is my contention that the roots of women’s present social status lie in this sex-ordered division of labor. It is my belief that not only must the hierarchical nature of the division of labor between the sexes be eliminated, but the very division of labor between the sexes itself must be eliminated if women are to attain equal social status with men and if women and men are to attain the full development of their human potentials.
This study empirically examined the relationship between individuals' race and their union membership status, with particular emphasis on Asian Americans. Using a data set drawn from 14,178 respondents in the March 1996 Current Population Survey, the authors evaluated the predictions of three competing theoretical perspectives-the segmented labor market model, the assimilation model, and the self-protection model-on the union status of Asian Americans. Probit regression results showed that Asians are more likely to join unions than whites. Contrasted to the cases of blacks and whites, immigration-related variables (e.g., length of stay in the United States, naturalized citizens, and foreign nationals) were found to be more significant determinants of union status for Asians than the conventional explanatory variables of union status (e.g., earnings and age). These results are more compatible with the assimilation and the self-protection models than the segmented labor market model.
This work reports patterns of complaints about racial discrimination that appear consistent with the social mechanism of “voice.” Black union members are subject to less racial discrimination but are no less likely to identify themselves as victims of discrimination than black nonunion members. Indeed, black women members are more likely to claim discrimination than their nonunion counterparts. White union members are much more likely to identify themselves as victims of discrimination than non-members even controlling for the erosion of typical racial wage differentials. These findings remain robust across a variety of specifications and suggest that there is something unique about the union setting that encourages complaints.
The research reported here investigates, in a sample of approximately 500 persons, the relationship between individuals' race and/or ethnicity and their union-related attitudes and union vote propensity. As measured by scores on union instrumentality, big labor image, and union governance questions, blacks have the most favorable attitudes toward unions, Hispanics the least favorable. Logistic multiple regression results indicate no difference in union-joining propensity attributable to ethnicity, although several other variables are found to be significantly related to joining predilections.
This study examines the importance of barriers to the participation of women in local union activities. Male and female officers
of local unions in Canada were surveyed to determine the importance of eight barriers to participation. The results indicate
that the most important barriers are that women hold two jobs (at home and at work) and have no time for union activities;
child care responsibilities prevent greater participation in unions; and women underestimate their abilities and believe that
male employees are better suited to union officer positions. The analysis also explores differences in male and female ratings.
Conclusions are reached regarding the importance of overcoming barriers at local levels in reducing the under-representation
of women in national union governance.
This study uses moderated regression analysis and two major sources of individual data to examine gender differences in union
membership, pro-union voting intent, union instrumentality, and relative confidence in union leaders. Some specific male-female
differences are noted, particularly involving union-related variables. Overall, however, the authors report a minimal role
for gender as a determinant of the alternative union-related measures examined.
Using data on 23-30-year-olds from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, the author presents the first comparative economic analysis of union coverage among black, Hispanic, Asian, and white workers in the United States. Coverage is found to be highest in this age group for blacks, followed by Hispanics, non-Hispanic whites, and Asians. Contrary to common belief, immigrants average higher rates of unionization than natives. Once the regression analysis takes into account the larger proportions of urban, immigrant, and less-educated workers in the Hispanic sample, the differences in demand for unionization among comparable whites, Asians, and Hispanics fall to insignificance. Blacks tend to exhibit a markedly stronger demand for representation than comparable workers from other groups. (Abstract courtesy JSTOR.)
To investigate whether unions have helped or hindered the employment prospects of minorities and women, the author analyzes data on 1,273 California manufacturing plants for the period 1974-80. The main finding is that, with the exception of Hispanic females, unions have not been a significant impediment to minority or female blue-collar employment. In the case of black males, the employment share has increased significantly faster in union than in nonunion plants. Despite seniority provisions that might be expected to reduce minority and female employment during recessions such as those in 1974 and 1979, minorities and women as a bloc increased their share of union employment from 1974 to 1980. The author concludes that unions have not generally hindered the employment growth of minorities and women. (Abstract courtesy JSTOR.)