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Ethnic Residential Segregation, Social Contacts, and Anti-Minority Attitudes in European Societies
Abstract
Ethnic residential segregation has long been viewed as a major structural mechanism through which ethnic and racial minorities are denied equal access to opportunities, rewards, and amenities. Residential segregation also decreases opportunities for establishment and development of social ties and contacts between members of ethnic minorities and members of the majority population. This article examines the complex inter-relations between ethnic residential segregation, inter-ethnic social contacts and attitudes toward minorities within the context of European societies. It specifically examines the following hypotheses: first, ethnic residential segregation (i.e. residence in homogeneous all-European neighbourhoods) restricts opportunities for establishment and development of inter-ethnic social contacts; second, positive inter-ethnic contacts are likely to reduce anti-minority attitudes (i.e. perception of threat and social distance); and third, contact mediates the relations between the ethnic composition of neighbourhood of residence and anti-minority attitudes. Using data from the 2003 European Social Survey for 21 European countries a series of multi-level regression models are estimated to examine the hypotheses within a cross-national comparative framework. Although the findings generally support the theoretical expectations, they also underscore the complex ways in which patterns of ethnic residential segregation affect attitudes toward minority populations through inter-ethnic contacts. Explanations for the findings are offered and discussed in light of the theoretical expectations presented at the outset of this article.
... Firstly, research on intergroup relations, particularly between different minority and majority groups, has largely evolved from Allport´s (1954) contact hypothesis, according to which direct interpersonal contact between members of two antagonistic groups leads to a reduction of negative intergroup attitudes. Although research on intergroup relations has largely been related to prejudice and intergroup attitudes (Liebkind, Nyström, and Honkanummi 2004;Pettigrew 1998;Semyonov and Glikman 2009;Tropp and Pettigrew 2005), the same reasoning could be applied to perceived language climateespecially in a society with a distinct minority and majority language group. Secondly, the theory on ethnolinguistic identity suggests that in cases where language is a salient component of identification (as in our case), receiving services and being met within one´s own cultural frameworks are important for having people´s cultural and linguistic identity respected (Giles and Johnson 1987;Lukkarinen 2001;Vincze and Henning-Lindblom 2016). ...
... A larger minority population and an absence of segregated homogeneous neighbourhoods and communities increases the likelihood of contact occurring. An increase in the minority proportion of the population increases the odds that two random individuals from different groups will establish positive and constructive contact (Semyonov and Glikman 2009); thus, the vitality of a language community is linked to majority and minority positions at the local, regional, and national levels. In this article, perceived language climate is examined at both the national and the local levels. ...
... This is partly because people have more contact with members of their own group than with outgroup members, resulting in one's own group being seen as more diverse (Messick and Mackie 1989, 55). Limited inter-ethnic contact preserves the social distance between members of majority and minority groups (Semyonov and Glikman 2009). Bilingual people are in an interesting position because they belong to two language groups and thus are more likely to experience cross-language membership and, consequently, evaluate both groups positively (Liebkind and Henning-Lindblom 2015). ...
... Таким образом, экономическая защищенность, которая выражается прежде всего в уровне профессиональной квалификации, положении на рынке труда и субъективном благополучии, способствует восприятию материальной угрозы со стороны иммигрантов (Монусова 2021). Тяжелое экономическое положение, обусловленное как индивидуальными (низкая квалификация, уязвимый статус занятости, субъективное ощущение бедности), так и структурными (безработица, низкий экономический рост) факторами (Miller 2012), подталкивает принимающее население воспринимать культурное разнообразие как материальную угрозу (Quillian 1995), в то время как экономическое благополучие способствует установлению и расширению межгрупповых контактов (Semyonov, Glikman 2009 нимающего населения (Hjerm 2007;Ben-Nun Bloom, Arikan, Lahav 2015). Одной из основных детерминант, связанных с данным теоретическим объяснением, является национальная идентичность. ...
... В фокусе исследования находились воспринимаемые материальная и символическая угрозы, операционализированные в терминах экономической защищенности и компонентов национальной идентичности. Говоря о других факторах, влияющих на отношение к иммигрантам, можно отметить социальный капитал и доверие (Черныш 2015;Мукомель 2017;Mitchell 2021); религиозность (Scheepers, Gijsberts, Hello 2002;Ben Nun Bloom, Arikan, Courtemanche 2015;Парвадов 2024); политическую ориентацию (Semyonov, Raijman, Gorodzeisky 2006; Leykin, Gorodzeisky 2024); идеологические дискурсы, представленные через СМИ (Fasel, Green, Sarrasin 2013) и страновые характеристики (например, численность населения, процент иммигрантов, уровень безработицы, размер ВВП и экономическая ситуация в стране в целом) (Quillian 1995;Semyonov, Glikman 2009;Монусова 2016). Описанные факторы остались за рамками данной работы ввиду особенностей использованной базы данных ISSP, специализирующейся именно на переменных, позволяющих подробно рассмотреть разные аспекты идентичности, на чем и сделан акцент в работе. ...
This paper examines how components of national identity are related to anti-immigrant attitudes in European countries at the individual level. The research literature on anti-immigrant attitudes was divided into material and symbolic explanations of group threats perception. In the formation of perceived material threats the role of subjective socio-economic status, professional qualification and education, and labor market protection was considered. Within the framework of the symbolic threat theory, national identity was presented, which was conceptually analyzed through the civic-ethnic dichotomy and by the comparative criterion of national pride. Based on the theoretical framework, hypotheses were put forward and tested on three waves of survey data from 20 European countries (total sample size N=30746) of the International Social Studies Program (ISSP 1995-2003-2013). Multi-group confirmatory factor analysis was performed to construct predictors, resulting in the identification of four national identity components. The dependent variable “anti-immigrant attitudes” was constructed in the same way. The main method of analysis was multi-group structural equation modeling. In all three waves, political patriotism, economic security and respondents' education level were negatively related to anti-immigrant attitudes. Ethnic and blind nationalism showed a positive correlation with the target variable. Cultural patriotism showed a positive correlation with the dependent variable for 1995 and 2003 and statistical insignificance for 2013. Metric invariance was established, indicating intergroup validity of the results over time. National identity components showed greater explanatory potential compared to respondents' socio-economic characteristics, providing evidence in support of the symbolic threat theory.
... With significantly more people of African origin moving outside of their continental origin to Europe and the USA, the western world continues to be ethnically and culturally diverse (Agyemang et al., 2015), with the African population in diaspora becoming the minority within the mainstream white population (Wickramage, Vearey, Zwi, Robinson, & Knipper, 2018). For example, the PAB across Europe are the minorities when compared to the dominant mainstream white population (Agyemang, Bhopal, & Bruijnzeels, 2005;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). Studies show that PAB minorities are remarkably subordinate, or identified for their limitations of power in society, disconnection, or diminished status some of which result from prejudices, relegation and discrimination or miscommunication (Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). ...
... For example, the PAB across Europe are the minorities when compared to the dominant mainstream white population (Agyemang, Bhopal, & Bruijnzeels, 2005;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). Studies show that PAB minorities are remarkably subordinate, or identified for their limitations of power in society, disconnection, or diminished status some of which result from prejudices, relegation and discrimination or miscommunication (Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). The PAB in diaspora remarkably brownish, tan and different in social and cultural identity (Hine, Keaton, & Small, 2009 (Bishwajit et al., 2017;Bommakanti et al., 2020). ...
ABSTRACT
The introduction of consumer MHealth technology is highly extolled for its potential to facilitate access to health, alleviate the shortage of health care resources, reduce hospitalization of patients, and mitigate health cost. The overwhelming endorsement shows the use of MHealth to complement existing healthcare infrastructure by targeting heterogeneous audience for specific health need. However, consumer MHealth innovation is traditionally considered for measures of coverage, efficacy, and cost-effectiveness with little discussion of the unintended consequences of escalating inequalities for underserved consumers of low socioeconomic populations. Furthermore, MHealth studies show that inequalities are fundamentally addressed as derivative of socioeconomic phenomenon without further explanation of how social and technology factors reinforce and aggravate its patterns. Therefore, the proliferation of consumer MHealth innovation and its concomitant health inequalities have important consequences. Researchers, managers, and other health information systems’ stakeholders increasingly face the dilemma of reconciling the perplexing, and often contradictory rise in health inequalities in their commitment to implement MHealth innovation.
Existing studies reveal the paucity of empirical research and methodological limitation, including the lack of relevant theories to describe, explain or predict how sociotechnical mechanisms reinforce and aggravate inequalities in MHealth. Thus, the study of inequalities in consumer MHealth presents fundamental challenges relating to its substantive nature, its origin, and scope; as well as the methodological concern of how to address the anomalies.
It is therefore the objective of this research to address these gaps by exploring the antecedents of inequalities in consumer MHealth, and to resolve the following challenges: (1) the lack of consensus on the theoretical concepts of the relevant factors, (2) the elaboration of the relationship between the antecedent factors, and (3) to develop IS framework which can be used to mitigate inequalities in consumer MHealth innovation for PAB.
To achieve the above objective, the researcher adopted the interpretivist paradigm and qualitative approach as a reflective method to capture the emergent complexity of human sense making in a natural sociotechnical interaction between information technology, the people, and the context. Multiple case study and purposive sampling were also adopted to enable comparative selection of cases, and to intensify comprehensive data gathering that captures the richness of the cases. Accordingly, the prerequisite technology artefact was operationalised with MHealth for physical activity and fitness (PAF). Essentially, the aim was to document in
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detail the conduct of everyday events in the implementation and use of MHealth for PAF and to identify the meaning assigned to these experiences by participants.
The research study was conducted in the Republic of Ireland (ROI); and the data collection occurred in the period between July 2019 and March 2020. Twenty-four individuals from twelve households of ethnic minority people of African background (PAB) participated individually in the data collection which involved demographic survey, observational data with think-aloud protocol (TAP), and role-play demonstration (RPD), as well as in-depth interviews. The lack of pre-existing notion of the MHealth phenomenon and the originality of this study necessitated the use of TAP and RPD, which were devised as templates to apprehend the true nature of the emerging phenomenon. The TAP and RPD are direct observational tools designed to illuminate human interactions which are situated in practice, to grasp knowledge that are mainly observed but absent from other documentation. The researcher reasoned that unless research participants are extremely insightful, they might not know or remember all the rationale for their behaviour. Thus, the researcher prepared and collected quantitative and qualitative data from each participant for eight weeks. Thereafter, the researcher organised all data with NVivo QDAS and concurrently conducted grounded theoretical analysis. The qualitative analysis resulted to categories and core categories which have explanatory and predictive powers and provide understanding of the inequalities in consumer MHealth.
Thus, this research study has immense contribution to IS theory and practice, especially for its novel methodology which uncovers the nine antecedents for examining inequalities in MHealth. Similarly, the discovery of the formative factors of inequalities in MHealth provides useful taxonomy, and clearly reveals that socioeconomic factor is one part of the nine antecedents that impact MHealth. Furthermore, the researcher developed the MHES model, and a framework to mitigate inequalities in consumer MHealth innovation. Consequently, the IS stakeholders, the PAB and underserved populations can leverage the MHESF at individual, social or organisational level to mitigate inequalities in consumer MHealth innovation.
However, the transdisciplinary nature of sociotechnical research such as this requires complementary representation from relevant IS reference disciplines, as well as greater involvement of MHealth stakeholders for richer insight. Furthermore, qualitative studies of this type are subjective, idiographic, and emic, with emphasis on relevance. Notwithstanding, this study paves way for mixed method research that combines relevance and theory verification.
... Although living in a diverse society leads to more intergroup contact opportunities (Semyonov & Glikman, 2009), it increases the likelihood for both positive and negative encounters. Thus, living in a more diverse society leads to both positive and negative effects on racial attitudes, which can eventually lead to a certain level of polarization in racial attitudes (Laurence & Bentley, 2018). ...
... Despite both theories being opposites in their traditional foundations, the introduction of the concept of contactvalence reconciles them at least partially. Where positive intergroup contact reduces intergroup anxiety and threat (Pettigrew et al., 2007), negative contact reinforces them (Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). Therefore, intergroup anxiety and threat mediate the relationship between intergroup contact and racial attitudes (Binder et al., 2009;Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2011). ...
Correspondence testing is an increasingly used method to measure ethnic discrimination. Hereby researchers make use of names to signal ethnic origin. Nevertheless, it is rather rare that the used names are thoroughly pretested. Names are implicitly or explicitly assumed to contain clear signals of ethnic origin. Besides, individual differences in ethnic perceptions of names are ignored. Therefore, this study aims to analyze how the ethnic perception of Polish, Moroccan, Turkish, and Congolese names differ according to one’s negative racial attitudes and intergroup contacts as well as the ethnic diversity of the municipality where one resides. We conducted a survey among 990 ethnic majority members in the Dutch-speaking part of Belgium. People with more negative blatant attitudes find it harder to perceive the ethnic origin of names as compared to people with less negative blatant attitudes. The opposite holds for people with negative subtle attitudes. More ethnic diversity in the municipality where one resides makes it easier to recognize Moroccan, Turkish, and Congolese names, but not Polish names. This implies that the level of ethnic discrimination is probably underestimated among people with blatant racial attitudes, as well as among respondents that live in less diverse areas.
... It would also be desirable to replicate these studies across different immigrant-related outcomes than perceived immigrant threat. For example, future studies could focus on measure of ethnic segregation (e.g., Semyonov &Glikman, 2009) andexclusionism (e.g., Pellegrini et al., 2021), or from a more positive side, helping behaviour towards immigrants (e.g., Baldner et al., 2020). Future research should also seek to generalize the validity of our findings to different countries, samples, and other inequality-related issues. ...
... It would also be desirable to replicate these studies across different immigrant-related outcomes than perceived immigrant threat. For example, future studies could focus on measure of ethnic segregation (e.g., Semyonov &Glikman, 2009) andexclusionism (e.g., Pellegrini et al., 2021), or from a more positive side, helping behaviour towards immigrants (e.g., Baldner et al., 2020). Future research should also seek to generalize the validity of our findings to different countries, samples, and other inequality-related issues. ...
This research aimed at explaining immigrant threat perceptions and pro‐immigrant collective action intentions through moral conviction regarding the construction of the US–Mexico border wall and general need for closure (NFC). Among independent samples of Democrats and Republicans, we found that NFC (measured in Study 1, manipulated in Study 2) was negatively related to pro‐immigrant collective action intentions through enhanced immigrant threat perceptions when moral conviction was low. Instead, when moral conviction was high, Democrats were more motivated to act collectively to support immigrants through reduced immigrant threat perceptions, independent of NFC, whereas Republicans were less motivated to act collectively to support immigrants through enhanced immigrant threat perceptions, independent of NFC. These results suggest that moral conviction offers a powerful moral and issue‐specific motivation that can psychologically buffer against the negative influences of general NFC. We discuss how these results complement and advance the literature and open up new research avenues.
... It happens when people cluster together according to differences in various affinities, like wealth, religion, ethnic background, culture, or way of life. This results in the overrepresentation of some demographic groups in one residential area, while other groups are underrepresented (Gottdiener & Hutchinson, 2011;Rasinkangas, 2013;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009;Young, 2000). Racial segregation is heavily associated with North American cities, but the phenomenon is not isolated to that region. ...
... Residential segregation also maintains and amplifies existing inequalities. Partly these are a continuation of economic differences, as many immigrant groups have been found to not share living environments with the wealthiest segments of the majority population (Semyonov & Glikman, 2009), but there are other developments as well. Residential segregation can be linked to, uneven development in infrastructure and unequal access to job markets and education. ...
This dissertation analyzes how living environment influences the majority population’s attitudes toward immigration and the way they deliberate on the issue in small groups. It examines the potential of established theories of inter-group threat and inter-group contact in explaining individuals’ attitudes, and also tests the significance of an alternate explanation, one that is based on in-group consolidation and theories of group polarization. Also, it maps the central themes and arguments people bring forth when asked to discuss in immigration in small group deliberations, where both proponents and opponents of immigration are present.
The introductory chapter in this dissertation presents the theoretical background as well as the research framework and data that are used in the analysis. Through the introduction of relevant theories and reflection of past research, it aims to shed light on the complicated relationship between the individual and the social context they habit. Its main purpose is to argue that our perceptions and views about societal matters, including immigration, are shaped by our living environment in different ways depending on the individual. Therefore, none of the theories can be seen as universal, while all of them can play a significant role in explaining sentiments concerning immigration in some cases.
The first article shows the complexity of analyzing the links between social context and opinion formation. It finds that attitudes do in fact vary between different parts of the same urban area. Even though attitudes measured in some individual neighborhoods indicate that the residents’ attitudes can be explained by local ethnic diversity, the relationship between them is not linear. Instead, it seems that for the city as a whole, the clustering of people with similar life situations and backgrounds into same areas and coming into contact with shared views better explain differences in opinion. The second article finds that while degrees of inter-group social distance vary between different residential areas, these differences cannot be explained with either theories of inter-group threat or contact. There are, still, some noteworthy differences in how individual level characteristics interact with different contextual variables. For example, in neighborhoods with a large share of foreign speakers, women are more accepting of immigrants to enter the country than men. Also, young people are more likely to accept an immigrant into their family than older people in ethnically homogeneous neighborhoods, while no difference between age groups’ attitudes can be observed in ethnically more heterogeneous neighborhoods. The third articles aims to measure to what extent in-group consolidation polarizes attitudes toward immigrants. It finds that attitude polarization does indeed take place, but only for a limited group of the general population. The results indicate that while young people are considerably influenced by the general sentiment in their living area, the neighborhood effect becomes less significant as people age. The fourth article finds that immigration debate in small groups is heavily influenced by broad, international narratives and national level themes and topics, while local level implications are mostly left out. The narratives people use when discussing immigration are in many ways adopted from national news coverage and political rhetoric.
... The local installation of asylum-seeker centres (ASCs) has made refugees and asylum seekers 1 highly visible in the everyday life of many European citizens. Building on a rich literature dealing with the effects of outgroup presence on attitudes toward outgroups (Quillian, 1995;McLaren, 2003;Schneider, 2008;Semyonov and Glikman, 2009) or on radical right support (Rink, Phalet and Swyngedouw, 2009;Savelkoul, Laméris and Tolsma, 2017;Janssen et al., 2019), conducted mainly at the country level, this has led to renewed scholarly interest in the reactions of native populations to the local presence of asylum seekers as a currently highly salient outgroup. Although the focus of this earlier research is on voting for the far right (Dinas et al., 2019;Stecker and Debus, 2019;Schaub, Gereke and Baldassarri, 2020;Gessler, Tó th and Wachs, 2021;Tolsma, Laméris and Savelkoul, 2021), several works also study attitudes toward the local installation of ASCs (Lubbers, Coenders and Scheepers, 2006;Zorlu, 2017), asylum seekers, and asylum and immigration policies (Hangartner et al., 2019). ...
... Indeed, the majority of the studies dealing with outgroup presence and intergroup contact conclude that large outgroup sizes facilitate contact and, consequently, are positively related to actual intergroup contact (Schlueter and Wagner, 2008;Semyonov and Glikman, 2009;Schlueter and Scheepers, 2010;Savelkoul et al., 2011;Schmid, Al Ramiah and Hewstone, 2014;Savelkoul, Laméris and Tolsma, 2017). For the Netherlands, Schlueter and Scheepers (2010) showed that the percentage of non-Western immigrants in a municipality is positively associated with intergroup contact. ...
The influx of refugees to Europe is a topic that dominates the political and media agenda. Furthermore, the installation of asylum-seeker centres (ASCs) has made asylum seekers and refugees highly visible in the everyday life of many European citizens. Drawing on theories of ethnic threat and intergroup contact, we examine how geospatial proximity to ASCs translates into threat or contact in an everyday context and how this affects attitudes toward asylum seekers. By taking advantage of a natural experiment, where the ASCs are assigned to city districts as-if at random, as well as innovating measures of outgroup exposure and geospatial proximity, we find that, although higher numbers of asylum seekers in one’s own neighbourhood are related to an increased perception of their local presence, the actual presence of asylum seekers does not lead to more negative attitudes or a greater threat perception, nor to more frequent contact. It is only when the number of asylum seekers in one’s own direct neighbourhood suddenly increases that attitudes toward asylum seekers deteriorate.
... Meanwhile, macro-level theories offer insights into broader structural factors such as social policies, demographic trends, and cultural or economic developments. Discrimination in the housing market may further restrict housing options for ethnic minorities (Bolt & van Kempen, 2010;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). In the Baltic capitals, ethnic segregation is influenced by context-specific macro-level factors, including the historical role of ethnic minorities in the industrial labour market, the multilingual education system, internal migration towards metropolitan regions by more "successful" populations, and the sudden transition to a capitalist neoliberal economic system Hadjimichalis & Hudson, 2014;Harvey, 1982). ...
... Aside from the rise of ICT, the sociospatial segregation of territorial units (Semyonov andGlikman 2009) has challenged Festinger, Schachter, andBack (1950) concept of "propinquity" which was developed to explain why group formation is more likely to happen in closed geographic environments. Blokland et al. (2021) argue that spatial and social closeness are different phenomena, and that "the role of space in distinctions between strong, weak, and absent ties" needs to be developed. ...
... This type of segregation has long been viewed by social scientists as a structural mechanism through which ethnic and racial minorities are denied equal access to unlimited social opportunities, rewards, facilities, and relationships. This phenomenon is also considered a key aspect for understanding inter-group relations and social mobility processes of individuals and ethnic groups (Charles, 2003;Grbic et al., 2010;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). It occurs in two ways: the segregation between two racial or ethnic groups with the same living background in a city or country (such as the American black ghetto or South African apartheid) and the segregation of ethnic-racial groups with a foreign background, such as internal immigrants (including the segregation of rural migrants in the city in China's hukou system) and international migrants (including the refugee camps in European countries) (Fortuijn et al., 1998;Malmberg et al., 2013;Rokem & Vaughan, 2018;Zhao & Wang, 2017). ...
Despite more than a century of research on urban segregation, this phenomenon is still one of the main concerns of urban planners and policymakers and a characteristic of cities that require intervention. Any policy-making in this field as an urban reality requires a clear understanding and definition of this phenomenon. But which definition? In response to this question and obtaining a basis for the definition of segregation, many efforts have been made in the past decades. However, these efforts have failed to present a framework that theoretically and practically responds to all dimensions and approaches in defining segregation. To fill this gap, the present study provides a comprehensive and integrated definition of urban segregation based on a meta-synthesis and qualitative content analysis by reviewing, categorizing, and combining the various and complex definitions in the existing literature. It presents two main categories of definitions of urban segregation: definitions based on the structural dimension and definitions based on the spatial dimension. Considering the complexity and multiple dimensions of urban segregation, a comprehensive definition of this phenomenon to present all aspects of segregation must answer six main questions: What is the nature of segregation? What people, on what basis, why, in what places and times, and how are segregated? The answers to the questions show that the presented categorization of the definitions of urban segregation covers different dimensions and aspects of this phenomenon. Therefore, combining them contributes to a comprehensive definition of it. Being more comprehensive than the previous definitions, the presented definition in this study specifies the main dimensions of urban segregation. It can provide an efficient basis for future theories, policies, and planning in urban segregation. Although the presented categories are inseparable parts of a whole, they can be examined in detail separately in future studies. Also, by connecting the definitions in the literature to intellectual paradigms and planning theories, a deeper understanding of the shaping factors and components of urban segregation can be achieved.
... Several studies have shown that positive contacts between different groups reduce negative attitudes towards another group [42,43]. It is hindered due to high regional ethnic segregation in Estonia. ...
Regional disparities are one of the sources of social inequality. The empirical study is based on theoretical concept of components of immigration-related ethnic conflicts. The chapter analyses immigration-related conflict risks sources. These conflicts manifest as tensions arising from the interaction between newcomers, often hailing from diverse cultural and ethnic backgrounds, and the established population. This study provides insights into immigration-related ethnic conflict risk levels across 75 Estonian municipalities, offering an understanding of regional risk factors and regional distribution of risks. Using the risk components, we quantify immigration-related conflict risk and use hierarchical cluster analysis to categorize municipalities into distinct types by interaction of conflict components. The empirical analyses reveal segregation of immigration-related ethnic conflict risk; however, this risk varies significantly among different municipality groups and is to a certain extent related with immigration. Three different groups of municipalities can be distinguished in Estonia. A total of 30% of all municipalities have elevated risk levels. In these municipalities, the readiness for conflict is higher than linear interaction with migration rates would predict. We conclude that immigration-related ethnic conflicts are dynamic phenomena shaped by the interplay of immigration processes and pre-existing ethnic divisions within societies.
... Pirmiausia, etninės mažumos dažnai turi menkesnius resursus ir todėl menkesnes galimybes pasirinkti gyvenamąją vietą. Iš kitos pusės, diskriminacija būsto rinkoje gali suvaržyti jų pasirinkimus (Bolt, van Kempen, 2010;Semyonov, Glikman, 2009). Visgi, nors tautinių mažumų teritorinės diferenciacijos problema Vakarų šalyse nagrinėjama dešimtmečius, šie tyrimai yra mažai naudingi aiškinant situaciją, susiklosčiusią posovietiniuose miestuose. ...
... For example, local residential walkability is positively associated with knowing neighbors, participating in neighbors' social activities, and local social connectedness (Leyden 2003). Sprawl also affects inter-group contacts through racial/ethnic segregation (Semyonov and Glikman 2009). ...
Persistent racial inequality in socioeconomic status within urban areas has been a significant concern in both the US and European countries. Differences across racial groups in intergenerational mobility (IM) have been identified as a key source of this persistence. However, efforts to understand racial inequality in IM have rarely considered the role of urban sprawl. This article argues that urban sprawl affects differences in IM between racial groups directly and indirectly through racial segregation, racial bias, and social capital. We analyze data from 874 metropolitan counties in the US using structural equation models to test these direct and indirect effects of sprawl on racial inequality in IM. We found that urban sprawl was negatively associated with racial inequality in IM. The direct effect, which we partially attribute to higher racial disparities in social capital in more compact counties, was statistically significant. For the indirect effects, racial segregation had the largest mediating effects between urban sprawl and racial inequality in IM, followed by economic connectedness (EC) and racial bias. The net indirect effect of sprawl on racial inequality in IM was negative because negative indirect effects through racial segregation and EC outweigh positive indirect effects through racial bias. Our findings demonstrate the significant role of urban form in racial inequality in IM.
... Distinguishing between collective ownership threat and the other forms of threat can sometimes be challenging due to overlap and mutual influence (Esses et al., 2005), while some forms of threat may be more relevant in specific situations than others (Verkuyten & Martinovic, 2017). For instance, larger outgroup populations amplify economic threats because they heighten competition for resources including jobs (Meuleman et al., 2009;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). Symbolic threats gain importance when distinct cultural differences exist between groups (Hainmueller & Hopkins, 2014;Sniderman & Hagendoorn, 2007). ...
We fear losing control over what we perceive to be ours. This fear is called the collective ownership threat (COT). According to the concept of COT, territorial infringements pose collective ownership threats, which are linked to adverse intergroup relations. Given the distinct features of ethnic homogeneity and collectivism, we examine whether COT can be applied to an East Asian context, Japan. Additionally, the reactive liberal model proposes that liberals are more prone than conservatives to feel threatened by the infringements of an out-group. Integrating COT and reactive liberal models, this study conducted an online experiment with Japanese adults. In the experiment, when the participants were shown an article about a territorial infringement by China, they felt COT and resisted Japan’s support of China’s policies. Furthermore, liberals were more inclined than conservatives to see the infringements as COT and therefore strongly resisted Japan’s support of China’s policies. These results indicate cultural invariance and ideological variance in COT.
... First, ethnic minorities often have fewer resources, which limits their ability to acquire housing. Second, discrimination in the housing market might restrict their choices (Bolt & van Kempen, 2010;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). For example, in the United States, there has been a long history of African Americans living in poor housing conditions (Massey & Denton, 1993;Wilson, 2012). ...
One of the specific features of many post-Soviet cities is their multi-ethnic structure, which was strongly influenced by internal migrations within the Soviet Union. Political and economic reforms in the 1990s led to changes in ethnic composition, and the attention given to the processes of ethnic-segregation has started to increase. While most studies focus on capital cities, much less is known about second-tier cities. This article examines the interrelationships between ethnic and social segregation in the metropolitan areas of Lithuania (Vilnius, Kaunas, Klaipėda). The authors use Lithuanian census data from the years 2001 and 2011 to obtain insight into the recent changes in the socio-spatial differentiation of the largest ethnic groups: Lithuanians, Poles, and Russians. The results show a clear relationship between the socio-economic and ethnic status of the residents of metropolitan areas and, therefore, suggest that ethnic segregation is strongly linked to the general processes of social segregation. The findings also show that the higher the proportion of a certain ethnic minority group in an area, the higher the proportion of lower (social) status residents in this group. In addition, in such cases, ethnic minorities often tend to concentrate in particular areas within the cities.
... These shared experiences and kinship ties with other immigrants shall lead to more positive attitudes toward other immigrants (Just and Anderson 2015). Moreover, as immigrants tend to cluster in ethnically diverse neighborhoods (Semyonov and Glikman 2009), there might be less social distance between different immigrant groups as well as more interethnic contact and friendships (Lancee and Hartung 2012;Lubbers, Molina, and McCarty 2007). Potential immigration may also be viewed as enabling immigrants to form links with people who share the same culture and heritage or simply to bring their families to the country in the future (Braakmann, Waqas and Wildman 2017). ...
Attitudes toward immigration are usually investigated from the non-migrant residents’ perspective. Much less is known about how perceptions of immigration policy and immigrants vary across immigration background lines, especially in the wider European context, and whether migrants´ attitudes toward immigration are affected by the same factors and in the same way as those of the nonmigrant population. With still-growing populations of migrants and their descendants in Europe, it is, however, crucial to study interethnic relations not only between migrant and non-migrant populations but also among different immigrant groups. Firstly, we investigate whether immigration attitudes among European migrants are based on intergroup solidarity or, rather, an intergroup threat toward new immigrants and whether minority-specific characteristics have differential effects across the (non-)migrant populations. Employing nine rounds of the European Social Survey from 20 European countries and by estimating multilevel regression models of individual factors affecting (non-)migrants’ attitudes we uncover that first- and second-generation immigrants’ attitudes toward immigration are mostly guided by intergroup solidarity with other immigrants. We further show that minority-specific characteristics work differently across our three sub-samples and that first-generation immigrants’ attitudes become more negative the longer they stay in the host country. The findings contribute to our broader understanding of social cohesion, social inclusion, and intergroup conflict.
... However, a condition for positive outcomes is that contact between groups takes place under similar conditions, with similar templates. For this reason, segregation can further reinforce negative attitudes (Semyonov and Glikman 2009). ...
Migration is topical in many counties, and attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity are volatile. In our longitudinal “Diversity Barometer”, we have studied changes in Swedes’ attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity in Sweden since 2005, using a postal questionnaire sent to a random sample of the Swedish population aged 18–75. In this article, we analyzed data from 2020 (n = 1035) in comparison with previous Diversity Barometer surveys from 2005 to 2018. The findings showed that Swedes had increased contact with immigrants from the Middle East, Asia and Africa. The majority had good experiences of studying or working with people with foreign background, although those with bad experiences had also increased. Attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity were more positive in 2020, thereby stopping a negative trend that started with the refugee influx in 2015. Positive attitudes were more established among women, younger people, those with higher education, people living in larger cities and those with more contact with people with foreign background. Sympathizers of political parties closer to the left wing were more positive towards immigration and ethnic diversity. We used political correctness, contact theory, strain theory and theory about group conflict/threats to provide hypothetical explanations for the observed changes in attitudes.
... In larger units, different groups can live separate lives without much cross-cultural interaction. Semyonov and Glikman (2009) demonstrated this point in a study of anti-minority attitudes in European societies. The authors found that whether mixed settings increased or decreased positive out-group attitudes was contingent on the actual intergroup contact. ...
This article examines how attitudes toward Muslims among native majority adolescents in Norway are associated with the ethno-religious composition of their school environment. The inflow of immigrants has changed the sociodemographic landscape in Norway, introducing new dimensions of urban school segregation. The school context represents a key socializing context outside of the family and structures contact opportunities across ethnic and religious lines. Research on how exposure to peers from different backgrounds influences majority group students’ out-group attitudes have produced conflicting findings, and central theories propose different mechanisms influencing the relationship between relative group size and prejudice. Using a unique dataset with both individual- and school-level information from Norway’s capital region and controlling for observed characteristics of students and their parents, the results show that levels of negative attitudes toward Muslims decreased with relative out-group size. This finding indicates that multiethnic settings bolster tolerant attitudes toward Muslims in Norwegian schools.
... social housing) in Nordic cities (Andersen et al., 2016). Age, unemployment and health status have also been proven important factors associated with ethnic segregation (Darity, 2003;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). Finally, population density is another attributing factor of interest, as it has been shown that ethnically segregated communities tend to be more densely populated (Burgess, Wilson, & Lupton, 2005). ...
The literature of spatial inequalities is currently “fragmented” across ethnic segregation and built environment domains. Inequalities in these dimensions are often considered in isolation one from another. For example, ethnic segregated areas are often more disadvantaged in terms of unemployment, housing conditions and access to services. By using a combination of the most recent Census and a series of openly available datasets related to ambient urban environment characteristics at the Lower Super Output Area (LSOA) for the 12 biggest cities in England, we employed a series of multilevel models to explore the within and between city variations in the relationship across ethnic segregation, and key socioeconomic and built environment features of neighbourhoods. The results showed that ethnic minority segregated areas are associated with distinct and remarkably systematic patterns of socioeconomic characteristics, but do not lack access to good quality schools and public transport compared to the predominant white population communities. Ethnically segregated communities seem to consistently experience higher unemployment, long-term illness, higher average household size, and high exposure to pollution compared to white population groups across English cities. These relationships are remarkably similar across ethnic groups evidencing the extent of systematic persistent disadvantage experienced by minority communities relative to white populations. Moreover, the strength of these relationships varies widely across cities, although the overall systematic pattern prevails.
... Further including individual perceptions of immigration impacts (column 3) takes away the jointly significant effect of socio-demographics (F (6, 671) = 0.62, p = 0.72), for instance, the gender differences that have been reported in previous studies (Semyonov and Glikman 2009;Ponce 2017). Controlling for immigration perceptions, female respondents do not display more pro-social attitudes towards immigration than men. ...
We study how economic, conflict, and environmental drivers of migration influence immigration acceptance in a receiving country. We carried out an online survey experiment in autumn 2015 with 686 student participants from the University of Innsbruck in Austria. In the survey experiment, respondents state their acceptance for a fictitious migrant from Chad where we vary the following causes of the migration decision: (1) violent conflicts, (2) environmental degradation due to global climate change, (3) environmental degradation due to local overuse, and (4) better economic prospects. We find that respondents support migrants who move because of climate change as much as conflict migrants. Acceptance is lowest for migrants who decide to leave for economic reasons, while it is slightly higher in the case of environmental degradation due to local overuse. Strikingly, a sizable share of respondents (25%) would even reject conflict migrants. Respondents who perceive a negative correlation between welfare, crime rates and job opportunities, and the presence of immigrants display lower immigration acceptance for all motives underlying the migration decision. In addition, we find heterogeneous effects depending on the respondents’ gender and political affiliation. Respondents with right-wing party preferences disclose lower acceptance levels for all causes except conflict. Female respondents are more accepting of climate migrants and less of economic migrants than men. This paper informs the debate around the ongoing political and societal polarization in Europe and elsewhere on the acceptance of different types of migrants.
... However, the influence of the presence of immigrants in the radical right success is an area that has been greatly understudied in the scholarly literature. A wide spectrum of scholar literature considers that the presence of immigrants and inter-ethnic coexistence can explain an important part of the origin of anti-immigrant attitudes (Legewie 2013;Rydgren 2008;Semyonov and Glikman 2009). These anti-immigration attitudes are key when studying the radical right vote, since as many authors have pointed out, immigration scepticism and xenophobic attitudes are between the main predictors of voting to the radical right (Mierin , a and Korol , eva 2015;Rydgren 2008). ...
The present paper analyzes the impact of the presence of immigrants in the vote to radical right parties. Specifically, it focuses on the case of the 2018 Italian elections, where the radical right party Lega obtained a great result after a campaign with a strong anti-immigration discourse. To address the topic I review the main theories on inter-ethnic coexistence, focusing on contact theories and group threat theories. My hypothesis is that in Italy the group threat theory will operate, and that therefore in the municipalities with a higher share of immigrants the Lega will obtain better results. I also believe that in lower-income municipalities the impact of the share of immigrants will be greater, because the competition for scarce resources with immigrants will be tougher. To test these hypotheses I construct an OLS multiple linear regression model, where the dependent variable will be the vote for the Lega and the independent variable will be the percentage of immigrants, which will interact in another model with the income variable to analyze the second hypothesis. Our empirical results provide slight support for our first hypothesis, but strong evidence for the latter, showing that in municipalities with lower income the impact of the percentage of immigrants on the Lega vote will be greater.
... Pozitivno povezavo med medskupinskimi stiki in antagonizmom je potrdilo več študij v socialnopsihološki literaturi (Sims in Patrick 1936;Sherif 1966;Sampson 1986;Schofield in Eurich -Fulcer 2001). Hkrati vse več študij dokazuje, da je medskupinski stik učinkovit mehanizem za zmanjševanje predsodkov (Brown 1995;Hewstone 1996;Brewer in Miller 1996;Pettigrew 1986Pettigrew , 1998Pettigrew in Tropp 2000Pettigrew et al. 2011;Dovidio et al. 2003;Semyonov in Glikman 2009;Leong in Ward 2010;Thomsen in Rafiqi 2018). Pomembni nista samo priložnost za nastanek stikov in količina stikov, ampak tudi kakovost stikov. ...
Monografija prispeva k poznavanju odnosa večinskega prebivalstva Slovenije do priseljevanja, priseljencev in njihove integracije. Razkriva dejavnike, ki vplivajo na oblikovanje tega odnosa in moč njihovega vpliva. Avtorji monografije so iskali odgovor na vprašanje, ali na ta odnos vplivajo dejavniki, povezani s percepcijami ekonomske, varnostne ali kulturne ogroženosti, kakšen je pomen medskupinskih stikov večinskega prebivalstva in priseljencev ter kakšen vpliv na oblikovanje odnosa večinskega prebivalstva imajo socialno-demografske značilnosti posameznikov. Izpostaviti velja, da je bil odnos večinskega prebivalstva do priseljevanja proučevan ločeno od odnosa do priseljencev in od odnosa do integracije. Raziskovanje je bilo zasnovano na dveh teoretskih okvirih – teoriji skupinske ogroženosti in teoriji (medskupinskih) stikov.
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The monograph contributes to the understanding of the current attitude of Slovenia’s majority population towards immigration, immigrants, and their integration. It reveals the factors that influence the formation of the majority population’s attitude and the strength of their influence. The authors explore whether the majority population’s attitude is influenced by factors related to perceptions of economic, security or cultural threats, the importance of intergroup contacts between the majority population and immigrants, and the influence of socio-demographic characteristics of individuals. It should be pointed out that the attitudes of the majority population towards immigration and immigration policy were studied separately from the attitudes towards immigrants and from the attitudes towards integration. The research was based on two theoretical frameworks - the group threat theory and the (intergroup) contact theory.
... It reinforces inequalities in access to job opportunities [8], education [9], health care [10], transportation [11], and other services [12]. Some experts also pointed out that ethnic residential segregation may help develop racist attitudes and radicalize views regarding migration and minority cultures [13], contributing to increase the polarization of society. ...
Residential segregation is a social and economic issue of concern, with implications at the economic, educational, and health levels. Fifty years ago, Schelling introduced a model of interacting agents of two types to warn that mild discriminatory mechanisms can still generate high global segregation levels. That work gave rise to many variants and was a pioneer in the agent-based approach to model social phenomena. In this work, we add a second feature to agents, their opinion state, giving rise to a variant that allows us to combine two mechanisms (social influence and mobility dynamics), which could relate to the emergence of polarized neighborhoods. Here, unhappy agents can move to another place (as in the classical Schelling model) or change opinions by imitating one of their neighbors. We show that these mechanisms create and sustain both segregation and polarization, by creating echo-chambers dynamically. We present results about the patterns in which clusters of different types and opinions arise under this model’s rules and study their variation depending on the model’s weight parameter, which determines the importance of each feature on the agent’s level of satisfaction with its neighborhood.KeywordsResidential segregationSchelling modelOpinion formationAgent-based modelOpinion polarization
... Citizens living in marginalized and segregated environments have limited access to social resources (Laurence, 2017) and live in isolation from wider society (Cantle, 2005). In such an environment, they have little opportunity to interact regularly outside their neighbourhood and community (Uslaner, 2012;Lichter, 2013), which reduces their ability to form social bonds beyond their close social environment (Semyonov, Glikman, 2009).In Slovakia, this phenomenon affects Roma, who are one of the largest national minorities. A significant proportion of them live in so-called marginalised Roma communities, which are spatially separated from municipalities and towns (Mušinka et all., 2014;Rusnáková, Čerešníková, 2015).Roma living in a segregated environment have long been among the groups of slovak citizens most at risk of social exclusion, poverty and discrimination. ...
The high unemployment rate of Roma in Slovakia, which according to the European Union
Agency for Fundamental Rights (2016) is three times higher than the unemployment rate of the
majority population, is also related to the possibilities of Roma to search for information about
free job vacancies. Several studies show that people living in social exclusion have limited
access to social networks outside their immediate circle. This can have serious consequences,
as networks connecting different "social worlds" are important means by which people find a
good job. We will look at the issue from the point of view of theories of social exclusion and
social networks. The aim of our contribution is to show from what sources marginalized Roma
draw information about job opportunities. We will look at the issue from the point of view of
theories of social exclusion and social networks. We obtained research data from the project
APVV-17-0141 (questionnaire research) focused on barriers affecting the employment of
residents from marginalized Roma communities. A total of n = 677 respondents participated in
the research, number n = 222 (32,70%) out of the total of respondents were currently employed.
As the important sources of information and opportunities about the employment possibilities
in case of men and women from marginalised communities were identified social sources and
municipality offices or directly employers. The category "known" was relatively low in the
results of the mentioned research. In the context of the above mentioned theories, these findings
are interesting because they can also be interpreted as that people in a marginalized (or
spatially segregated) environment turn mainly to resources in their immediate vicinity, which
may be unemployed without information about job opportunities. This fact is also a
confirmation of the importance of the so-called formal resources.
Keywords: Employment, Marginalized Roma communities, Social exclusion, Social networks
... Moreover, not only can preferences differ between people, they can also change over time. Positive contacts with out-group people are likely to decrease prejudice and social distance (Semyonov & Glikman, 2009), which in our case would be resembled by a decrease in the optimal fraction and reduce segregation. Additionally, in reality there exist households without children that might be part of their neighbours' neighbourhood perception, but not of the school compositions. ...
Excess school segregation is a phenomena observed across many countries and one common explanation from the literature is the hypothesis that parents might want to live in a diverse neighbourhood, but when it comes to their children, they are less tolerant with respect to school compositions. This study uses an agent-based model where households face residential decisions depending on neighbourhood compositions and make school choices based on distance and school compositions. Results indicate that increased school segregation relative to residential segregation can be observed in large parts of the parameter space, even when the tolerance for households belonging to the other group is equal for neighbourhood and school compositions. Our results demonstrate that asymmetric preferences are not a requirement for excess school segregation and show that residential segregation combined with distance preferences play a key role in this increase.
... If the strength of the coefficient is reduced substantially after the inclusion of one of such 'mechanism' variables, we infer that the relation of tracking runs mainly or for an important part through this mechanism (cf. Verba, Lehman Schlozman, and Burns 2005;Semyonov, Raijman, and Gorodzeisky 2006;Stubager 2008,;Semyonov and Glikman 2009, who use a similar logic). We can assess the degree of significance of this reduction by comparing the confidence intervals of the coefficients across two models. ...
Many scholars argue that the practice of educational tracking exerts a distinct effect on young people’s political engagement. They point out that students in academic tracks are becoming more politically engaged than those than those in vocational ones, and suggest that this may be due to differences across tracks in the curriculum, pedagogy, peer environment or student self-confidence. The current paper aims to investigate whether tracking is related to political engagement through any of these four mechanisms. It uses survey data collected among students in the final year of upper secondary education in France and employs a stepwise multilevel analysis to explore this question. It finds little differences between tracks in the curriculum and in pedagogy relevant for political engagement. Students in academic tracks nonetheless express a stronger commitment to vote than those in vocational ones. This difference between tracks disappears when the social composition of the school population is taken into account, suggesting that the peer environment is the primary mechanism driving the effect of tracking in France. However, in contexts with greater variation between the tracks in curriculum and pedagogy, the latter may well be equally or more important mechanisms.
... Fischer (1982) szerint ezt a kontaktot a szociális környezet és a földrajz befolyásolja, a térbeli közelség ugyanis a legapróbb közös tulajdonságokat is felnagyítja (Kossinets & Watts, 2009). A konfliktushipotézis érvényesülésének egyik legnagyobb akadálya a szegregátumokban való élés (Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). A szegregációs érvelés szerint az etnikai diverzitásnak a társadalmi kohézióra gyakorolt negatív hatása a szegregátumokban való élés tényéből fakad, nem pedig önmagának az etnikai diverzitásnak való kitettségből. ...
... In addition to the more direct effects of increased knowledge and critical thinking, education may also affect attitudes indirectly by providing opportunities for increased contact and positive interaction with people who hold more positive attitudes towards out-group members, including members of minority groups themselves. Although the causal order of these associations is unclear (Pettigrew, 1998), research finds that individuals with higher levels of education report more intergroup contact with members of ethnic minority groups (Schlueter and Scheepers, 2010;Pettigrew et al., 2011), as well as more positive contact (Semyonov and Glikman, 2009) with colleagues and friends with diverse backgrounds (Savelkoul et al., 2011;Savelkoul, Tolsma and Scheepers, 2015). ...
Previous research has consistently shown a negative correlation between education and anti-immigrant sentiment. This association is most pronounced when distinguishing between adults with higher education and those without a tertiary degree. Yet it remains unclear whether educational attainment actually matters for attitudes, mainly due to a lack of longitudinal studies. This article investigates the so-called liberalizing effect of education on adults’ attitudes towards immigrants by taking into account individual, regional, and period effects. Using 12 waves of the Norwegian Citizen Panel (2013-2020) combined with contextual data from Statistics Norway, we assess the effects of: 1) educational attainment at the individual-level; 2) the expansion of higher education at the regional-level; and 3) higher education during a time of social upheaval. Results from multilevel cross-classified, repeated measurement models show that within-individual and within-county changes in educational attainment have a small but liberalizing effect on attitudes. Further, individuals with at least 3-4 years of university education do not react as strongly to the highly salient European migration crisis than those with lower levels of education. This finding suggests that higher education inhibits perceptions of threat that may manifest during “big events” such as a dramatic increase in asylum seeking. We interpret these novel results as evidence of an inoculating effect, in that higher education protects individuals against whatever instinct exists to react strongly during such crises.
... As said, the political orientation scale is divided into eleven categories, so we preferred to include the median value 5 into two categories centre-left and centre-right. Political orientation is important as immigration has been depicted by many right-wing parties as the central danger against the social welfare and quality of life of true national citizens, so anti-immigration sentiments can explain, in part, right-wing voting (Bello, 2016;Davidov et al., 2020;de Vreese, 2017;Gorodzeisky, 2011;Kunovich, 2004;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009). ...
The current refugees’ crisis is undermining the main government coalitions of many countries in the European Union (EU), and tolerant attitudes and open admission policies toward immigrants seem to be part of the recent past history. The dilemma is gaining a lot of media attention as the public and political debate on migration is now playing an important role in all the European elections. Thus, the aim of this paper twofold. First, an analytical tool is developed to measure two synthetic indicators: (1) the citizens’ openness towards immigration for 23 countries—18 EU Countries, plus Iceland, Israel, Norway, Switzerland, and Russia—included in the 2016 European Social Survey; and (2) the citizens’ openness towards immigrants and refugees for 22 countries (same set without Hungary). And second, the effects of political orientation of citizens over the last synthetic indicator (immigrants and refugees) are studied. The approach of Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) will be adopted here, with the purpose of identifying which countries are more, or less, open to the phenomenon of immigration and refugees. The results show that the Nordic countries and leftist are those which show more openness to immigration and refugees.
... The extent of immigrant segregation also hinges on the presence and scale of discriminatory practices imposed in the host country. Racism, cultural prejudice, and hostile attitudes towards some ethnic and/or religious groups inevitably hamper the process of spatial integration as well (Ehrkamp, 2006;Gurner, 2010;Semyonov & Glikman, 2009); Muslims in Europe are a good case in point (Foner and Alba, 2008). The advocates of place stratification theory refer to the institutional (public) and private actorsprivate landlords, real estate agents, mortgage lenders, local governments, and othersthat set barriers to immigrants' residential mobility in order to maintain the physical and social separation of the dominant (host) population from those viewed as "undesirable" (Pais, South, & Crowder, 2012). ...
Even though the issue of immigrant-native segregation in Europe has been continuously researched for the last thirty years the attempts to illuminate the changing levels of ethnic segregation in the European city in the 21st century leave the case of Germany largely unexplored. The aim of this paper is to shed light on the evolving patterns of segregation and neighborhood change in Berlin in the 2010s (2007-2016). The traditional indices of segregation and the neighborhood typology are used to assess changes in the levels of segregation and patterns of residential intermixing, respectively. We also employ the sequence analysis method to investigate full trajectories of neighborhood change, and a regression tree for the sequences of neighborhood transitions is used to evaluate the effect of urban structure on ethnic neighborhood change. Despite considerable immigration, in total, immigrant-native segregation in Berlin declined over the last decade. Three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, along with the selective spatial effects of international immigration, the spatial division of Berlin into the inner- and outer-city appears to be a decisive factor in the evolution of the local patterns of immigrant-native residential intermixing.
... The most-studied aspect of this line of research has been households' ethnic background. From this perspective, native households tend to move into native-dominated neighborhoods and to avoid immigrant-dense neighborhoods, whereas non-native households tend to move into more mixed neighborhoods [8,11,13,36,56,57]. ...
Some have argued it is possible to infer different groups’ contributions to ethnic residential segregation from their individual neighborhood preferences. From this perspective, natives tend to be more segregation-promoting than non-natives, since they prefer neighborhoods where they are the majority. It remains unclear, however, whether this holds when one evaluates their contributions to segregation within a dynamic perspective. Using register data from Statistics Sweden, I define and model ten different groups’ residential behavior based on their ethnicity and family composition. I thereby simulate the residential mobility of the full population of Stockholm municipality residents from 1998 to 2012. Even though my results at the micro-level are consistent with previous studies, the simulation results show that foreign singles’ mobility patterns are more segregation-promoting than any other groups, since this group shows a greater in-group feedback effect regarding choice of new neighborhoods, an effect that increases their flow from low-to-high segregated neighborhoods progressively. My results suggest that (1) integration initiatives would be more efficient if focused on this particular group and (2) a proper evaluation of micro-behaviors’ implications for macro-patterns of segregation requires a dynamic approach accounting for groups’ heterogeneous behaviors and their main interdependencies on shaping segregation over time.
Recently, some political philosophers have started to argue that the history and continuation of colonial injustices means that former colonising states have no right to exclude members of former colonies or colonially inflected societies. However, less attention has been paid to the issue of how postcolonial migrants ought to be treated once admitted into former metropoles. In this paper I assess whether postcolonial migrants ought to be required to socially integrate once admitted. On the one hand, there seems to be a compelling argument in favour of this requirement, because of the relational equality promoting benefits of social integration. I show how postcolonial migrants are subject to relational inequality within former metropoles and draw attention to compelling empirical evidence that shows that facilitating close and frequent interactions between members of ‘outgroups’ and ‘ingroups’ is an effective means of promoting relational equality. However, I then argue that postcolonial migrants ought not to be required to socially integrate for two reasons. Firstly, such policies in fact risk reinforcing relational inequality, and secondly, they risk subjecting postcolonial migrants to unreasonable burdens. This does not mean that former colonising states ought to dispense with social integration policies altogether, but they ought to be more attuned to the preferences of postcolonial migrants. In contexts in which they oppose social integration policies, a more appropriately relational egalitarian act would be for former colonising states to keep open the possibility of future social integration, rather than to impose it.
Recently, quantitative cross-national research has begun tracing the contours of cultural racism using items on people’s belief in cultural superiority. This article bridges research on cultural racism with studies on intergroup contact—a widely-researched antidote to xenophobia—to examine how both interact to influence anti-Muslim attitudes in Europe. Using independent data sources (European Social Survey and Pew data), two studies test the hypothesis that cultural racism hinders the xenophobia-alleviating effect of contact. Results show that for the most widespread forms of anti-Muslim sentiment, rejection of Islam and of Muslim family members, cultural racism and contact work independently of one other. However, for the rejection of potential Muslim immigrants, the contact effect is often significantly diminished for those who hold culturally racist views. On the other hand, interactive effects show that the culturally racist group may benefit more from contact when it comes to accepting Muslim neighbors.
Immigration has always been a dynamic phenomenon. In the 19th century, the United States experienced massive immigration from the United Kingdom, Germany, and Scandinavian countries. Between the two World Wars, emigration became widespread among European countries, especially towards the Americas, exemplified by Italian emigration to Argentina (Keeling, 1999). The recent socio-political climate has intensified the debate on immigration, with the rise of extremist political parties advocating national identity, leading to social conflicts between supporters of welcoming refugees and those who perceive newcomers as economic and cultural threats (Alonso and Fonseca, 2012). This nationalist surge has significantly reshaped public attitudes towards immigrants, influenced by political orientation and socio-economic characteristics (Martín and Indelicato, 2021).
Traditionally, studies on attitudes towards immigrants and national identity have utilized Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) and Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA), relying on measurement models with latent variables derived from econometric models (Meuleman, 2021; Thomsen, 2018). This study introduces new methodological perspectives by employing Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) and Fuzzy Set Theory (FST). DEA provides a synthetic indicator of openness to immigrants, while FST transforms vague questionnaire data into precise information. Using the Technique for Order Preference by Similarity Ideal Solution (TOPSIS), synthetic indicators measuring anti-immigrant sentiment and national identity values are obtained.
The data for this study were sourced from the European Social Survey (ESS) and the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), focusing on the ESS Round 8 immigration modules and the ISSP national identity modules from 2003 and 2013. The results demonstrate that attitudes towards immigrants and national identity are shaped by individual socio-economic characteristics, with Northern European regions and the Iberian Peninsula showing greater openness towards immigrants. Furthermore, national identity is divided into four sub-categories based on ethnic and civic criteria through the Apostle Method.
This work provides a new methodological viewpoint for studying social sciences, particularly in understanding attitudes towards immigrants and nationalist sentiment, offering valuable insights for policymakers and researchers in addressing the complex dynamics of immigration in contemporary societies.
Dramatic events can evoke feelings of compassion, fear, or threat, and can affect public opinion regarding controversial issues. Such an event was the drowning of 3-year-old Alan Kurdi, a Syrian boy whose body washed up on a Turkish shore, and was photographed, producing an iconic image that was seen worldwide. The image evoked empathy and compassion that neuroscience and psychological research associate with a motivation to help. This article examines the impact of this event on four different aspects of attitudes toward immigration. The timing of the European Social Survey in Portugal allowed us to use this tragic event as a natural experiment. Our results suggest that Kurdi’s drowning had a significant effect on only two sentiments, but no such impact was detected on other attitudes. The results show that the event did not change the respondents’ opinion regarding the possible negative consequences of immigration on the host country’s economy, crime level, or culture, nor did it change their perception of the skills required by immigrants. On the other hand, the empathy induced by the tragic event increased their willingness to have a less restrictive immigration policy and their openness to having close social relationships with immigrants, although these changes were short-lived.
How does interpersonal exposure to immigrants influence citizens’ opinions about immigrants? The Intergroup Contact Theory (ICT) famously predicts improved attitudes under certain circumstances. However, research on the population innumeracy phenomenon predicts that this same exposure may worsen demographic misperceptions about immigrants. The current study seeks to analyze these contradictory possibilities with data on native-born citizens’ encounters with non-EU immigrants from the 2017 Eurobarometer survey. The analysis considers a wide variety of exposure contexts and generates hypotheses about which will matter most for each outcome based on cognitive availability processes and the optimal conditions outlined in the original ICT. The results indicate that intergroup exposure increases both positive attitudes toward immigrants and incorrect perceptions about immigrants. However, context matters. Those with exposure to immigrants among their primary networks or through their participation in sport, volunteer, and cultural activities exhibit the most pro-immigrant evaluations. Those with exposure through their neighborhoods and workplaces exhibit the most inflated perceptions. The study concludes by considering the implications of these findings for future research.
Two separate lines of literature have analyzed the role social trust and human values, such as universalism and conservatism, have on anti-immigrant sentiment. While both show strong effects, the question of whether social trust weakens or strengthens already embodied values has not been addressed. The possibility that trust works against or with conservatism, for example, predicts two opposing forces on anti-immigrant sentiment. This study analyzes the potential moderating effect of trust on human values, and how this varies cross-nationally. It develops a conceptual framework that hypothesizes different models of trust and tests these using eight rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–2016). Findings point to trust consistently working with values, which suggests a magnification of conservative values’ anti-immigrant effects. While there is little evidence for national cultures of trust and values, country-specific results show variation in how trust moderates values, with greater evidence for trust’s moderation of conservatism and some unpredicted patterns in countries like Cyprus. Findings are discussed within the context of anti-immigrant politics and entrenched values, scholarly debates surrounding bridging and bonding, and the resulting extent of social trust’s radius.
Background
Work on whites’ mobility behavior finds that they tend to move to less diverse neighborhoods than minorities. Work on white mobility preferences finds that whites who dislike diversity prefer less diverse neighborhoods. Do liberal whites practice what they preach, and do conservative whites really avoid diversity?
Objective
Combine data on white ethnocentrism and migration behavior to analyze liberal and conservative white mobility in the United Kingdom and the United States.
Method
Ordered logit and Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) models of destination choice predicted by attitudes toward Brexit, Trump, and immigration.
Results
Whites select significantly less diverse neighborhoods than nonwhites, but there is little or no racial difference in the destinations that white liberals and conservatives, British Brexiteers and Remainers, and American Trump supporters and opponents move to.
Conclusion
Ethnicity matters for segregation, but conscious white ethnocentrism is much less important. Future work could explore unconscious ethnocentrism, differing ethnic information about neighborhoods or ethnically divergent amenities as potential explanations.
This paper examines whether the spatial concentration of migrants from the same province of origin (native-place in-group members) is associated with a greater degree of social distance from the native residents in Shanghai. Applying spatial clustering analysis to government population registration data, we first define spatial concentration as a high representation of native-place in-group members in a series of adjacent neighborhoods. Combining individual information with household survey data from the Shanghai Urban Neighborhood Survey, we link respondents with population registration data using information on the geographic location of each respondent and distinguish migrants living in spatially clustered communities from their counterparts living elsewhere. This study has two main findings. First, the spatial concentration of in-group members reinforces group identity. Second, migrants living in in-group-clustered communities tend to have a larger social distance from the native residents. We argue that this increased social distance can be explained by the residential segregation created by the spatial concentration of in-group members. We further classify in-group-concentrated communities into segregated and non-segregated communities. Compared with migrants living in non-segregated communities, only those living in segregated communities have a larger social distance from native residents. This finding is only applied to the sample of urban communities. We suspect that the spatial concentration of in-group members leads to greater preservation of the social norms and culture of migrants.
Kuinka alueellinen eriarvoistuminen ja asuinalueiden eriytyminen edistävät yhteiskunnan kahtiajakautumista? Suomessa on laajalti keskusteltu yhteiskunnan ja poliittisen keskustelun polarisaatiosta. Kuitenkin teoreettisesti ja empiirisesti tutkimus poliittisesta polarisaatiosta, sitä määrittävistä jakolinjoista sekä sen vaikutuksista Suomessa on vielä melko vähäistä. Tämän artikkelin tarkoituksena on esittää, miten polarisaatiota voidaan tarkastella Suomen olosuhteissa. Sen esimerkit keskittyvät maahanmuuttoasenteisiin, mutta teoreettisesti sen argumentit ovat yhteen sopivia myös muiden poliittisesti merkittävien asiakysymysten kanssa. Suomessa poliittista polarisaatiota ei tulisi tarkastella vain puolueiden ja äänestäjien ideologisen välimatkan avulla, vaan on etsittävänä niitä yhteiskunnallisia jakolinjoja, joissa kahtiajakautuminen on ilmeisintä. Artikkeli tarkastelee sekä alueellisesti että paikallisesti tapahtuvan asuinympäristöjen erilaistumisen merkitystä yhteiskunnallisten eriarvoisuuksien voimistajana sekä poliittisen polarisaation synnyttäjänä. Lopuksi artikkeli keskustelee mahdollisista keinoista hillitä näitä kehityskulkuja.
In this study, we examine Russian millennials’ attitudes toward migrants—an estimated 10 million legal and four million illegal migrants, who work in construction, service, and retail industries. More specific- ally, we examine the influence of various factors such as perceived fear of migrant crime, economic, and cultural competition on explaining xenophobia measured by social distance and ethnic exclusionism. Drawing from a survey of 944 university students in St Petersburg, Vladivostok, and Rostov-on-Don, Russia, our findings suggest that fear of migrant crime along with perceived cultural threats are strong predictors of xenophobic attitudes toward migrants. However, the economic threat did not appear to be a strong predictor of xenophobia. Variations existed between cities on dimensions of a perceived threat from migrants, suggesting that geographic and city characteristics are important factors.
The report brings together findings from four research teams on low status labour migration to explore how working and living conditions affect the social cohesion of migrants in the agriculture and care sectors of Germany, Greece, Ireland and Spain. Thematic chapters provide the policy contexts researched through cross-country study of agricultural and care migration in Europe, national survey data, and semi-structured interviews with migrant workers, employers, NGOs, trade unions and local authorities. Interviews with migrants explored their experience of working/living conditions; access to services; knowledge of social rights and opportunities to form social networks and engage with community and civil society. Interviews with NGOs and trade unions addressed their work and engagement with migrant workers including insights into working and living conditions. Interviews with both categories of respondents also explored the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic on the health, work and social engagement opportunities of migrant care workers, including how these were shaped by support from NGOs, trade unions, and public authorities.
Ethnic and racial minorities in many countries experience worse relative health outcomes and earlier mortality compared to national averages or outcomes of the majority population. Although socioeconomic status often contributes to a portion of ethno-racial health disparities, there are many unanswered questions about the relationship between socioeconomic status and ethno-racial health disparities across contexts. Recent scholarship in the USA has found support for a “diminished returns” effect in which the socioeconomic health gradient is systematically smaller for marginalized groups, yet it is unclear whether this pattern exists in other national contexts. This study tests the interaction between socioeconomic status and ethno-racial minority status in 30 countries across six waves of the European Social Survey. The results include evidence of the diminished returns pattern, particularly for populations with origins in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. Multilevel mixed-effects models find variation across countries in the interaction between socioeconomic status and ethno-racial minority status. The findings suggest racism and socioeconomic status interact to affect health and health disparities in multiple contexts and highlight the importance of cross-national comparison to further understand variation across countries.
This study examined the impact of native youth’s subjective well-being on exclusionary attitudes toward immigrants, seeking to understand the relationship between subjective well-being, political distrust, and anti-immigrant attitudes over time. Using longitudinal data, we followed three cohorts of native young adults ( N = 1352; Mage = 22.72, SD = 3.1) in Sweden over a period of 2 years. The results showed that subjective well-being did not predict an increase in anti-immigrant attitudes among native youth, but anti-immigrant attitudes had a significant impact on subjective well-being. The data also found bidirectional and mutually reinforcing relationships between subjective well-being and political distrust, and between political distrust and anti-immigrant attitudes. These results highlight that improving young adults’ subjective well-being represents an important basis for preventing the development of political distrust, which in turn could reduce native youth’s susceptibility to adopt hostile attitudes toward immigrants.
Using data from the 2002 and 2014 waves of the European Social Survey, enriched with contextual data, we examine the impact of perceived ethnic enclaves upon several social outcomes of their residents. Diversity studies usually find a strong negative relationship between social trust and increasing ethnic heterogeneity for majority members. What happens however in residential areas such as ethnic enclaves that offer more opportunities for bridging contacts for majority members and for bonding among migrants and minorities? Our results show that majority, 1st and 2nd generation residents of enclaves have on average poorer social outcomes than non-residents. Nevertheless, residential sorting forms a large part of the enclave penalty story when it comes to the well-being of all groups in the study and the levels of trust and perceived discrimination of the 2nd generation. Importantly, our study suggests that enclaves are not necessarily areas in which people are doomed to chronic unhappiness, and we do not find conclusive evidence that lack of exposure to outgroupers is to blame for lack of trust across ethnic boundaries. Poorer personal and regional economic conditions exacerbate the negative association of the enclave residents with trust, happiness and social distance.
This paper is a further research of our Part 1 study on the social integration between the local group and the re-settler group after the village-to-village relocation projects for poverty alleviation. The Part 1 study classified the resettlements in terms of residential segregation into four types: centralized type, adjacent type, enclave type, and infill type. It also evaluated and compared the social isolation value (SO) and spatial isolation value (SP) by typology and group. In Part 2 study, following the typology and evaluation results, this paper explored social and spatial factors that influence social integration (reversely indicated by SO), and the subsequent measures were proposed.
For the social factor study, we built two multivariate linear regression models, to respectively find out the relation of social integration degree with socioeconomic attributes of the re-settler group and local group. We have found that family size, monthly income, opinion towards the project, and information access are critical social factors for both groups. Besides, the re-settlers are also related to age and asset change. Re-settler of middle age and have household assets drastically increased after the project, and residents from middle sized family, with middle income have performance in social integration. In contrast, re-settlers over 70, residents who live alone and with low level income have reported the lowest social integration. The importance of the personal opinions towards the project and high degree of information access are highlighted.
For the spatial factor study, we build nine regression models. Among them, the overall one is for general residents regardless of typology and group; the other eight specific ones are respectively for eight conditions in terms of the four resettlement types and two groups. The overall regression showed that SP was the most influential factor, then follows the public facilities features and home location. From the eight specific regressions, our findings and advice are: ① Centralized type, besides SP, public space attraction is crucial for locals, while the distance to the public square is more important for re-settlers. Therefore, the public square should be allocated accessibly, and planners should improve the hardware deployment and service quality. ② Adjacent type, public square attraction is decisive for re-settlers while building density is more important for locals. Planners should reorganize the layout of existing buildings for better utilization of the outdoor and indoor spaces. ③ Enclave type, SP is vital for both groups. For re-settlers, public space attraction matters; while for the local group, SP is the only spatial factor related. We assume that social and policy factors may be more influential than spatial factors alone. ④ Infill type, the distance to the main road and to another group were critical for both groups. Planners should consider appropriate route planning and upgrading of the road network and location for new area to reduce the distance to the main road; as well as location, scale, shape of the new area to reduce the average distance between the two groups members.
This article examines how contact with perceived foreigners affects natives’ attitudes towards immigration. Using six waves of individual level panel data from Germany (2007–2017), we find that natives’ reported mutual visits with foreigners reduce worries about immigration. However, the results do not imply an increase in this effect in the course of repeated contact. Our analyses also consider the possibility that the effect of out-group contact on attitudes is heterogeneous across social groups. Our results show that contact effects are not restricted to younger age groups but also hold for older age groups. Surprisingly, there are stronger reductions in worries among right-leaning compared to left-leaning individuals.
The study examines change over time in sentiments toward out-group populations in European societies. For this purpose data were compiled from four waves of the Eurobarometer surveys for 12 countries that provided detailed and comparable information on attitudes toward foreigners between 1988 and 2000. A series of multilevel hierarchical linear models were estimated to examine change in the effects of individual- and country-level sources of threat on anti-foreigner sentiment. The analysis shows a substantial rise in anti-foreigner sentiment between 1988 and 2000 in all 12 countries. The rise in anti-foreigner sentiment was steep in the early period (between 1988 and 1994), then leveled off after that. Although anti-foreigner sentiment tends to be more pronounced in places with a large proportion of foreign populations and where economic conditions are less prosperous, the effects of both factors on anti-foreigner sentiment have not changed over time. The analysis also shows that anti-foreigner sentiment is more pronounced in places with greater support for right-wing extreme parties. The impact of individual-level socioeconomic characteristics such as education has remained stable over the years, but the effect of political ideology has increased. The meaning and significance of the findings are discussed within the context of European societies.
This paper addresses the complex issue of Albanian migrants' economic and social incorporation in a Greek city, Thessaloniki. The empirical base of the research is 30 in-depth interviews with Albanian migrants. Migrants' integration is seen in a dynamic perspective, which examines different contexts of incorporation: the policy framework, the labour market context, the socio-spatial environment, and the role of social networks. Exclusion and integration of migrants in the host country are seen as dynamic processes, which may be contradictory but operate in parallel. Incorporation thus becomes the process through which immigrants, despite structural and institutional obstacles, build their lives in the host society; it is strongly conditioned by time and it may also take place-specific characteristics.
Research on the relationship between the percentage of an ethnic minority population in a geographically defined area and majority members' prejudice typically reveals a positive covariation. This result supports threat theory. Recent studies, however, have demonstrated significant exceptions. Based on intergroup contact theory, the present study demonstrates with a German probability sample that an increase in the percentage of ethnic minority members affords the majority greater opportunity for intergroup contact and thus reduces the majority's prejudice. These results also falsify frequent political claims that an increase in the minority population above a particular threshold necessarily worsens intergroup relations. The data are discussed in the context of the divergence of our results from those of other studies. Whether threat or contact effects occur may depend on an array of moderators that require further testing.
The present article focuses on determinants of attitudes towards granting social rights to overseas labour migrants in Israeli society. The analysis is based on a national representative sample of the adult population in Israel. The findings reveal that a substantial number of respondents (both Jews and Arabs) oppose granting equal social rights (i.e. education, welfare, health, housing) to foreign workers. These attitudes can partially be explained as resulting from perceived threat to social and economic well-being of individuals as well as threat to national identity and Jewish character of the state. Part of the exclusionary attitudes that cannot be attributed to threats, are explained by individuals' socio-economic characteristics, ethnicity and political orientation. The findings are discussed within the context of Israel as an ethno-national state.
This study focuses on ethnic competition as a contextual explanation of cross-national differences in anti-immigrant prejudice.
It contributes to the existing literature by refining the concept of ethnic competition into a socio-economic and a cultural
aspect, which is reflected in two different measures of outgroup size. To improve cross-national comparability, the outgroup
size measure is based on foreign country of birth instead of citizenship. Moreover, as outgroup size does not only measure
competition, but also contact opportunities and familiarity with immigration, intergroup contact theory is taken into account
and a non-linear relationship between outgroup size and perceived ethnic threat is tested. This study employs multi-level
linear regression and uses the first round data set of the European Social Survey. The main conclusions of this analysis are
that economic and social competition between groups might play a lesser role in the explanation of cross-national differences
in anti-immigrant attitudes than often assumed, and that it might be rather lacking familiarity and fear of conflict over
values and culture that drive the relationship between outgroup size and anti-immigrant attitudes.
This article describes recent trends in the residential patterns of ethnic minorities, specifically Turks and Moroccans, in Dutch cities. In order to evaluate the patterns and their dynamics, some general observations about segregation are included. The patterns in the big cities are compared to those observed elsewhere in the country and in other European cities. This brief comparison is followed by a discussion of how the observed spatial patterns affect the social life of the groups in question. The article concludes with a list of factors that are likely to influence the evolution of ethnic residential patterns in the Netherlands in the near future. There seem to be ever fewer reasons to believe that the trend towards increasing segregation in Dutch cities can be reversed.
In this paper we focus on opposition among European citizens to the granting of civil rights to legal migrants, a phenomenon considered to be a crucial aspect of ethnic exclusionism. We set out to establish to what extent differences in support of ethnic exclusionism can be explained in terms of effects of particular (a) individual and (b) contextual characteristics, and in terms of (c) interactions between contextual and individual characteristics. We have systematically derived hypotheses from Ethnic Competition Theory. We used cross-national comparable data from 15 European countries and performed multi-level analyses (total N = 12,728). We found that people living in individual competitive conditions perceive ethnic out-groups as a threat, and that this in turn reinforces ethnic exclusionism. Contextual competitive conditions, particularly the presence of non-EU citizens, also affect ethnic exclusionism.
The present article presents a meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. With 713 independent samples from 515 studies, the meta-analysis finds that intergroup contact typically reduces intergroup prejudice. Multiple tests indicate that this finding appears not to result from either participant selection or publication biases, and the more rigorous studies yield larger mean effects. These contact effects typically generalize to the entire outgroup, and they emerge across a broad range of outgroup targets and contact settings. Similar patterns also emerge for samples with racial or ethnic targets and samples with other targets. This result suggests that contact theory, devised originally for racial and ethnic encounters, can be extended to other groups. A global indicator of Allport's optimal contact conditions demonstrates that contact under these conditions typically leads to even greater reduction in prejudice. Closer examination demonstrates that these conditions are best conceptualized as an interrelated bundle rather than as independent factors. Further, the meta-analytic findings indicate that these conditions are not essential for prejudice reduction. Hence, future work should focus on negative factors that prevent intergroup contact from diminishing prejudice as well as the development of a more comprehensive theory of intergroup contact.
Allport specified four conditions for optimal intergroup contact: equal group status within the situation, common goals, intergroup cooperation and authority support. Varied research supports the hypothesis, but four problems remain. 1. A selection bias limits cross-sectional studies, since prejudiced people avoid intergroup contact. Yet research finds that the positive effects of cross-group friendship are larger than those of the bias. 2. Writers overburden the hypothesis with facilitating, but not essential, conditions. 3. The hypothesis fails to address process. The chapter proposes four processes: learning about the outgroup, changed behavior, affective ties, and ingroup reappraisal. 4. The hypothesis does not specify how the effects generalize to other situations, the outgroup or uninvolved outgroups. Acting sequentially, three strategies enhance generalization-decategorization, salient categorization, and recategorization. Finally, both individual differences and societal norms shape intergroup contact effects. The chapter outlines a longitudinal intergroup contact theory. It distinguishes between essential and facilitating factors, and emphasizes different outcomes for different stages of contact.
The association of exclusionist and nationalist relations, termed ethnocentrism, has been previously explored within single-country contexts. Studies have shown that dispositional factors, such as social identity and personality traits, affect such reactions and that attitudes differ between social categories. However, broader national and international explanations have been neglected in the literature.
This book fills this major gap by providing a unique account of the relationship between nationalist attitudes and the exclusion of migrants across a range of European countries, the US, Canada and Australia. Drawing on a variety of comparative survey, the authors assess whether ethnic exclusionist reactions and nationalist attitudes are indeed systematically related across countries, and whether variations in such attitudes reflect country-level as well as individual-level differences.
The authors consider the multidimensionality of the concepts of nationalism and exclusionism as well as the empirical associations, and analyse the attitudes of both majority and minority groups within the countries studied.
We may now summarize the five types of enclaves and ghettos. The traditional assimilation-diffusion model of the Chicago three-generational schemas is the most widespread and general type. Settlement begins in the inner city; the second generation moves out a little and becomes more assimilated; the third generation is suburbanized, diffused and totally assimilated. Even in its early days, the center is not the exclusive preserve of one group. The American ghetto model is involuntary and plural (nonassimilatory). It starts in the inner city, but with almost exclusive concentration of the minority. A high proportion of the inner-city black population live in such areas; nearly all in such areas are black. It expands outwards in a segmented shape over time, but remains dually exclusive. Nevertheless, there are attractive neighborhoods on the edge of black clusters to which black professionals move through choice rather than discrimination. Such neighborhoods may be spatially linked to the dominant cluster, but their residents would object to their being termed ghettos. The voluntary plural model is the persistent enclave. It is the San Francisco or New York Chinatown model. A high proportion of the population of the areas may be of a given ethnic group, but the Chinese population of Chinatown forms only a minority (often a small minority) of the total Chinese population of the city. It is a symbolic or tourist center; it is an institutional or market center; it may remain and persist over time, but it is not the exclusive center of the ethnic group. The voluntary plural relocated model describes Jewish residential spatial patterning, that is, a Jewish population concentrated in the inner city relocates en masse to the suburbs. The London Jewish shift from the East End to the northwestern suburbs is the best-studied example in the United Kingdom. Although segregation levels measured by the ID may be high, the areas are not the exclusive preserve of the Jewish population, but are mixed. Nor are all Jews living in such areas. The parachuted suburban model applies to concentrated areas of affluent, often transitory sojourners. The Japanese in London and Düsseldorf or the Hong Kong Chinese in Vancouver are good examples.
Social deprivation and social isolation perspectives provide grounds for expecting residential segregation to increase violent crime among oppressed minorities. This paper examines the impact of racial residential segregation on rates of African-American homicide victimization for large US central cities. The analyses demonstrate that black-white segregation leads to higher rates of black killing although the relationship exists only for stranger and acquaintance homicides. This suggests that social isolation, rather than social deprivation, is the mechanism by which segregation leads to higher levels of homicide among African Americans. -from Authors
A study of the expressed preferences of four different ethnic groups in the Los Angeles metropolitan area shows strong desires for own-race combinations in the ethnicity of neighborhoods that individuals say they would choose when seeking a new residence. The results also show that Anglos are not the only group to practice "avoidance" of other racial/ethnic neighborhoods, although avoidance behavior by Anglos is the strongest. Because the issues of racial composition are socially sensitive, additional tests examined the relationship of preferences to behavior. Although many behaviors generally follow expressed preferences, members of households who expressed "no preference" also were found to largely choose own race neighborhoods. The results of this study suggest that the expressed preference for own race/own ethnicity, in combination with short-distance local moves, is likely to maintain present patterns of separation in U.S. metropolitan areas.
This article examines Europeans' preference to reside in neighborhoods without ethnic minorities. The analysis is based on data from 20 countries obtained from the 2003 European Social Survey (Jowell and the Central Coordinating Team 2003). The data show that in most countries very few Europeans report living in areas with some or with many ethnic minorities, and that in most countries a substantial number of respondents consider their ideal neighborhood one that does not have residents who are ethnic minorities. Multilevel regression analysis reveals that preference for place of residence as a response to its ethnic composition is significantly affected by both individual-level and country-level characteristics. At the individual level, preference for ethnically homogeneous residence tends to be more pronounced among socioeconomically weak and vulnerable populations, conservative populations, and individuals who reside in communities without ethnic minorities. The country-level analysis demonstrates that preference to live in neighborhoods without ethnic minorities tends to increase with the relative size of the non-European ethnic population and to decrease with economic prosperity. Further analysis reveals that in Europe, preference for residing in ethnically homogeneous neighborhoods is influenced by three major social psychological factors: social distance, perceptions of the negative impact of foreigners, and preference for cultural homogeneity. The findings are discussed and evaluated in light of the general literature on structural sources of threat, prejudice, and choice of community, and are compared to findings revealed by research in the United States.
Across Europe, urban education systems are struggling with the process of integration of immigrants in schools. The process of inclusion and exclusion in European cities shows many similarities with earlier experiences in U.S. cities. This article explores the most important aspects of this new urban phenomenon and its impact on urban school systems. It clearly shows that ethnic segregation in elementary and secondary schools is widespread in Dutch cities. This ethnic segregation is caused by a combination of residential segregation and parental choice. The article also deals with recent Dutch studies on the effects of segregation. Finally, it treats the question of how schools and authorities, in a long-standing tradition of parental choice, are dealing with this segregation. Given the debate of choice in the United States, the Dutch case offers an ideal opportunity for empirically testing some assumptions in the discussion concerning the relationship between choice and segregation.
Two opposing hypotheses seek to explain why black-white residential segregation persists despite open housing laws. One perspective argues that discriminatory practices in the marketing of real estate are responsible. Another view contends that it is the preferences of both blacks and whites for their own neighborhoods that maintain segregation. Using data from the Detroit Area Study of 1976 and 1992, the authors test the hypothesis that stereotypes among whites play an important role in explaining their resistance to integrated neighborhoods. They conclude that stereotype use links white preferences to discriminatory real estate practices in a way that helps to explain the persistence of segregation in the Detroit area.
The publication of American Apartheid (Massey & Denton 1993) was influential in shifting public discourse back toward racial residential segregation as fundamental to persisting racial inequality. At the end of the twentieth century, the majority of blacks remained severely segregated from whites in major metropolitan areas. Due to the persistence of high-volume immigration, Hispanic and Asian segregation from whites has increased, although it is still best characterized as moderate. This review examines trends in the residential segregation of blacks, Hispanics, and Asians and recent research focused on understanding the causes of persisting segregation. This discussion is organized around two broad theoretical perspectives - spatial assimilation and place stratification. After detailing the consequences of segregation for affected groups, I identify gaps in our understanding and goals for future research.
In the sociology of racial prejudice, two major paradigms can be distinguished: Cultural-environmental and social class or conflict paradigms. On the basis of Durkheimian theory, it is hypothesized that cultural-environmental variables (education, knowledge) offer stronger and more consistent explanations of racial prejudice than status variables (self-perceived class position, occupational prestige, income). To test this hypothesis, National Opinion Research Center (NORC) data are analyzed. Findings corroborate the major cultural-environmental hypothesis that racial prejudice emerges from ritually dense sociocultural lifeforms. Little support is found for the claim that prejudice arises from class conflict and competition over material resources.
America's major urban centers are becoming increasingly multiethnic. Despite this increase in racial and ethnic diversity, extreme Black-White residential segregation remains the common pattern. As one of the most racially, ethnically, and culturally diverse cities in the world - and one of the most residentially segregated - Los Angeles represents the changing face of urban America. A multiracial sample of adults (N = 4025) is employed to examine neighborhood racial composition preferences - an important, individual-level explanation for residential segregation - and address three shortcomings in existing research. First, I assess composition preferences in a multiracial manner with an innovative replication and expansion of the Farley-Schuman showcard methodology used in the 1976 and 1992 Detroit Area studies. Second, I extend analysis of the cause of preferences beyond racial stereotypes to include parenting, homeownership, perceptions of social class difference, and common fate identity. Third, I test, directly, the effects of these factors on preferences for same-race neighbors. Results lend strong support to race-based explanations of preferences. As stereotypes toward out-groups become more negative, preferences for integration decrease: Blacks are consistently perceived in unfavorable terms, and are, consensually, the least preferred out-qroup neighbors. There is also limited support for so-called class-based explanations of preferences; homeowners prefer fewer Black neighbors. Generally, results suggest both greater resistance to integration with Blacks titan previously thought, but more openness to integration than currently exists.
The objective of this paper is analysis of the changing socio-spatial situation of immigrants in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area during the 1990s. The theoretical framing of this analysis is built on several bases: the metropolitan area's particular urban history and planning processes; the post-industrial features which are common to Southern European cities; the nature of the welfare system; and the specific characteristics of the Lisbon housing market. The analysis explores the links between the circumstances of different immigrant groups and contemporary urban social processes, such as polarisation, exclusion, residential segregation, and fragmentation of the urban social fabric. Regarding differential effects and processes across immigrant groups, two dimensions of comparison can be stressed: the distinction between the labour immigrants, mainly from Portuguese-speaking African countries, and highly-qualified migrants from the European Union; and a further distinction between the 'first wave' of labour migrants from Africa, whose numbers grew sharply after the decolonisation process of the mid-1970s, and whose migration still continues, and a 'second wave' made up mainly of East Europeans, Brazilians and some Asian groups, who arrived after 1999-2000.
Employing an alternative methodology and new data, the authors address the debate concerning the underlying causes of racial residential segregation. Are white Americans avoiding racially mixed neighborhoods because they do not want to live with nonwhites? And if so, is this the case independent of factors with which race is associated, such as crime levels or housing values? An over-the-telephone factorial experiment addresses these issues, measuring variables that shape white Americans' choice of purchasing a home. Based on a national, random-digit-dial survey of 1,663 white Americans, the effects of African American, Asian, and Hispanic neighborhood composition on whites' likelihood of buying a house are explored, as well as the other variables for which race may serve as a proxy. Results indicate that Asian and Hispanic neighborhood composition do not matter to whites. Black neighborhood composition, however, does matter, and matters even more for white Americans with children under age 18. The effect of black composition is net of the variables that whites offer as the primary reasons they do not want to live with blacks. The implications of these findings for segregation trends and for future research are considered.
The British 1991 Census included a question on ethnic identity for the first time. This allows us to measure the extent of ethnic segregation in British cities on a much more reliable basis than has hitherto been available. It also allows us to compare British levels of segregation with those experienced by African Americans in the United States. British levels of segregation are much lower than those found in the USA and, for the Black Caribbean population, they are falling. South Asian levels of segregation are higher than for the Caribbean population but show considerable internal variation. Bangladeshis, the most recently arrived of the groups, show the highest levels of encapsulation, followed by the Pakistanis, while Indian rates are relatively modest. Indirect standardization indicates that the contribution of economic factors to the observed levels of segregation is not substantial. © Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) 1996.
Residential segregation between blacks and whites persists in urban America. However evidence from the 1990 Census suggests that peak segregation levels were reached in the past. We evaluate segregation patterns in 1990 and trends in segregation between 1980 and 1990 for the 232 U.S. metropolitan areas with substantial black populations. We review the historical forces that intensified segregation for much of the twentieth century, and identify key developments after 1960 that challenged institutionalized segregation. The results suggest that the modest declines in segregation observed during the 1970s continued through the 1980s. While segregation decreased in most metropolitan areas, the magnitude of these changes was uneven. Testing hypotheses developed from an ecological model, we find that the lowest segregation levels in 1990 and the largest percentage decreases in segregation scores between 1980 and 1990 occurred in young, southern and western metropolitan areas with significant recent housing construction. Because the black population continues to migrate to such areas, residential segregation between blacks and whites should decline further but remain well above that for Hispanics or Asians.
Following the work of Blumer (1958), I extend and test a theory of prejudice based on perceived threats to dominant racial or national groups by subordinate groups. Perceived threat is hypothesized to be a function of economic conditions and of the size of the subordinate group relative to the dominant group. I test the group-threat theory using a multilevel model that combines population data with survey results on attitudes towards immigrants and racial minorities from Eurobarometer Survey 30. "Group threat" explains most of the variation in average prejudice scores across the 12 countries in the sample and has a small but statistically significant effect on the influence of certain individual-level variables on prejudice. These results demonstrate the importance of perceived intergroup threat in the formation of prejudicial attitudes and suggest a re-interpretation of past findings on the relations between individual characteristics and expressions of prejudice.
Racism is a still a central topic in current debates about multiculturalism, but there is increasing evidence that appeals to racism—as the explanation for urban behaviors and the current patterns of residential separation—are overly simplistic. In a multi-ethnic/racial context in which groups have different agendas, it is no longer useful to cast societal divisions as issues of Black versus White. This is especially true for the residential mosaic. Survey responses from the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality about racial attitudes reveal strongly held own-race preferences across quite different mixes of ethnic and racial groups. The evidence from the analysis reported in this paper suggests that these strongly held ethnocentric positions will continue to have important influences on the patterns of residential separation in urban areas. To argue that White preferences and White discrimination alone are the major forces in creating behaviors and patterns of separation in the urban fabric ignores the forces for separation, which are embedded in these ethnic differences and ethnocentrism more generally. The evidence from this study reaffirms the complex ethnocentric responses not only of Whites but also of other ethnic groups.
For many decades, it has been argued that the
U.S. remains racially segregated because of discrimination in the
real-estate market reflecting whites' desire to isolate themselves from
African Americans. The only modest declines in black-white segregation
since the prohibition of such discrimination in 1968 have provoked a
competing hypothesis: residential segregation persists because blacks
prefer to live in racially isolated neighborhoods and are reluctant
to live in largely white areas. These ideas have not been subject to
empirical scrutiny.
We use open- and closed-ended survey data from more than 2,000 African
Americans in the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality to examine
blacks' preferences and the important related issue of what drives
those preferences. We find that African Americans overwhelmingly prefer
50-50 areas, a density far too high for most whites — but their
preferences are driven not by solidarity or neutral ethnocentrism but
by fears of white hostility. Moreover, almost all blacks are willing to
move into largely white areas if there is a visible black presence. White
preferences also play a key role, since whites are reluctant to move
into neighborhoods with more than a few African Americans.
This article introduces the theoretical approaches of contact, group conflict, and symbolic prejudice to explain levels of
exclusionary feelings toward a relatively new minority in the West European context, the immigrant. The findings indicate
that even after controls for perceived threat are included in the model, intimate contact with members of minority groups
in the form of friendships can reduce levels of willingness to expel legal immigrants from the country. A contextual variable,
level of immigration to the country, is also introduced into the model because it is likely that this variable affects both
threat perception and exclusionary feelings. While context does not seem to directly affect levels of willingness to expel
or include immigrants in the society, it does have a rather powerful impact on perceived threat. Perhaps even more importantly,
the findings suggest that contact mediates the effect of the environment, helping to produce lower levels of threat perception
in contexts of high immigration.
The research examines the extent to which attitudes toward foreigners vary across European countries. Using data from the European Social Survey for 21 countries the analysis reveals that foreigners' impact on society is viewed in most countries in negative rather in positive terms. The negative views are most pronounced with regard to foreigners' impact on crime and least pronounced with regard to foreigners' impact on culture. Multi-level regression analysis demonstrates that the negative views tend to be more pronounced among individuals who are socially and economically vulnerable and among individuals who hold conservative political ideologies. The analysis also reveals that negative attitudes toward foreigners tend to be more pronounced in countries characterized by large proportions of foreigners, where economic conditions are less prosperous, and where support for right-wing political parties is more prevalent. The analysis shows that inflated perception of the size of the foreign population is likely to increase negative views toward foreigners and to mediate the relations between actual size and attitudes toward foreigners' impact on society. The findings are presented and discussed in light of sociological theories on individuals and structural sources of public attitudes toward out-group populations and on the role of perceptions in shaping such attitudes.
In many countries and cities there is fear that large residential concentrations of ethnic minorities will hinder integration and give rise to sub-societies that may eventually come to have little to do with each other. However, while governments develop policies aimed at spatial mixing of various population categories, the actual knowledge about ethnic concentrations and their development is rather thin. This paper intends to contribute to filling this gap in knowledge about ethnic concentrations and related dynamics using very detailed spatial data on settlement patterns in the city of Amsterdam. It focuses on residential concentrations of Moroccans and Turks and analysed the changes with regard to these concentrations between 1994 and 2004. In general no indications were found that one of these groups is consciously strengthening the ethnic identity of the residential areas they live in. Although the existing Moroccan clusters did appear to have become somewhat more Moroccan, the Moroccans themselves experienced a negative migration balance in those areas. Turkish clusters became even less Turkish and there was also a negative migration balance among Turks. Furthermore, concentrations within the 1994 boundaries were, in 2004, less Moroccan and Turkish than would be expected, given the developments that took place in Amsterdam as a whole. Detailed analysis of the clusters demonstrated no clear systematic increase or expansion of existing clusters. Analyses of associations with housing supply support the assertion that the residential dynamics of immigrants must be seen primarily as resulting from a number of steps in the residential career. Residential behaviour that has been described for the immigrant categories in question can be assumed to reflect a development toward integration.
In this article, we discuss the role of perceived competition for resources in determining negative attitudes toward immigrants and immigration in North America. We first provide background information on immigration policies and levels of immigration to Canada and the United States. Following an overview of our theoretical perspective, we then describe the research we have conducted in Canada and the United States indicating that perceived zero-sum competition between groups, whether situationally induced or a function of chronic belief in zero-sum relations among groups, is strongly implicated in negative immigration attitudes. In addition, we describe our recent attempts to improve attitudes toward immigrants and immigration through the targeting of zero-sum beliefs and through manipulations of the inclusiveness of national identity.
According to ecological theory, the socioeconomic status of a minority group is inversely related to the group's level of residential segregation from the majority group. This article determines whether the level of black socioeconomic status is related to the level of black residential segregation in the city of Detroit and Detroit's suburbs. Data were obtained from the U.S. Bureau of Census, 1990 Summary Tape Files 4-A. The methods employed to measure residential segregation were the indexes of dissimilarity D and isolation P*. Indexes were computed by census tract to measure segregation and isolation between blacks and whites at the same level of occupation, income, or education. The results revealed that residential segregation between blacks and whites remained high (i.e., above 50%) in both the city and the suburbs despite comparable socioeconomic status. Blacks in the suburbs were more segregated and isolated than blacks in the city at each socioeconomic level.
The measurement of segregation, the understanding of its drivers, and the effects of segregation are three interrelated issues that receive ample attention on both sides of the Atlantic. The comparative study of these subjects in Europe is not an easy task because the continent is highly fragmented and diversified. This regards the types of welfare state, but also the multitude of urban histories. Consequently, there is a lack of uniform information. Nevertheless, this paper makes an attempt to sketch the variety of ethnic and social segregation within Europe, using a large number of sources. It is shown that generally segregation levels in Europe are more moderate compared to what we can find in American cities, but these differences are not absolute. The paper also links the levels of segregation with a range of potential explanations and provides a window on European research focusing on effects of segregation.
An analysis of current findings on mortgage-lending discrimination and suggestions for new procedures to improve its detection.
In 2000, homeownership in the United States stood at an all-time high of 67.4 percent, but the homeownership rate was more than 50 percent higher for non-Hispanic whites than for blacks or Hispanics. Homeownership is the most common method for wealth accumulation and is viewed as critical for access to the most desirable communities and most comprehensive public services. Homeownership and mortgage lending are linked, of course, as the vast majority of home purchases are made with the help of a mortgage loan. Barriers to obtaining a mortgage represent obstacles to attaining the American dream of owning one's own home. These barriers take on added urgency when they are related to race or ethnicity.
In this book Stephen Ross and John Yinger discuss what has been learned about mortgage-lending discrimination in recent years. They re-analyze existing loan-approval and loan-performance data and devise new tests for detecting discrimination in contemporary mortgage markets. They provide an in-depth review of the 1996 Boston Fed Study and its critics, along with new evidence that the minority-white loan-approval disparities in the Boston data represent discrimination, not variation in underwriting standards that can be justified on business grounds. Their analysis also reveals several major weaknesses in the current fair-lending enforcement system, namely, that it entirely overlooks one of the two main types of discrimination (disparate impact), misses many cases of the other main type (disparate treatment), and insulates some discriminating lenders from investigation. Ross and Yinger devise new procedures to overcome these weaknesses and show how the procedures can also be applied to discrimination in loan-pricing and credit-scoring.
Questions have been raised about whether white flight—one factor contributing to U.S. residential segregation—is driven by
racial, race-associated, or neutral ethnocentric concerns. I use closed- and open-ended survey data from the Multi-City Study
of Urban Inequality to explore who says they would leave and their reasons for doing so. Thirty-eight percent of white respondents
said they would leave one of the integrated neighborhoods, with Detroiters and those endorsing negative racial stereotypes
especially likely to do so. When asked why they might leave, whites focused on the negative features of integrated neighborhoods.
Expressions of racial prejudice were also common, but neutral ethnocentrism rare. The results of an experiment asking about
integration with Asians and Latinos are also discussed.
In this paper we update earlier work on racial and ethnic segregation by income to test assertions made by some observers that segregation is now largely a matter of class rather than race. Using the Summary Tape Files of the 1990 Census of Population, we measure the segregation of Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians within four categories of income: poor, lower middle class, upper middle class, and affluent. For all metropolitan areas containing at least 5000 members of the group in question, we compute indices of dissimilarity and interaction between minority members of a certain income and Whites of all income, thus measuring the extent of overall racial/ethnic segregation by social class. We find that Black residential segregation persists at high levels across all income levels, and that the gap between Blacks and other minority groups actually increases as income rises.
Group-threat theorists suggest that increases in the collective threat posed to dominant ethnic and racial groups increase average levels of prejudice and intensify the relationships between individual characteristics and prejudice. However, group-threat theorists focus attention more on differences in the average levels of prejudice across geographic regions and/or time than on differences in the relationships between individual characteristics and prejudice. The purpose of this article is to explore in greater detail possible differences in these relationships—that is, to identify the conditions that intensify or even dampen the relationships between individual characteristics and prejudice. I use relative group size and economic conditions—as suggested by theories of prejudice—to explain variation in the effects of three social structural variables on prejudice (labor market position, education, and income). I use hierarchical linear modeling to analyze multi-level data from 17 East and West European countries. Results indicate that the effects of labor market position, education, and income differ across countries and that the effects are weaker in Eastern Europe compared to Western Europe, largely because of poor economic conditions. There is some support for group-threat theory in that the effect of student status is stronger in countries with larger immigrant populations. However, in opposition to group-threat theory, countries with poor economic conditions have weaker relationships between the social structural variables and prejudice. Thus, results suggest a revision of group-threat theory—indicators of group-threat have different effects on the relationships between individual characteristics and prejudice.
Elevated rates of mortality for African Americans compared to whites, coupled with the persistence of high levels of racial residential segregation, have directed attention to the structural manifestations of racism as potentially important pathogens for health. Using national mortality and census data for 1990 and a measure of black social isolation from whites, we examine the association between residential segregation and mortality in 107 major U.S. cities. Our analyses revealed that black social isolation tended to predict higher rates of mortality for African American males and females, although the strength of the association varied by cause of death. Socioeconomic deprivation explained a modest part of this association for black males but not for black females. Our analyses also found that a positive association between social isolation and mortality was more pronounced, for both blacks and whites, in cities that were also high on the index of dissimilarity. These findings highlight the need for research to identify the specific mechanisms and processes that link residential environments to adverse changes in health status. Peer Reviewed http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/45655/1/11206_2004_Article_411172.pdf
Researchers speculate that in addition to poverty, residential patterns may contribute to black/white differences in mortality rates. But few have assessed the relationship. This study reports considerable variation in the black/white ratio of age-specific all-cause mortality rates (ages 15-24 to 65-74 years) from 1982 to 1986 among the 38 U.S. Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSAs) with populations greater than one million in 1980. The black/white poverty-rate ratio for each SMSA was a stronger predictor of variation in the black/white mortality ratio for men than for women. For both men and women age 15-44, the level of black/white residential segregation was a significant (positive) predictor of the black/white ratio of the age-standardized death rate. This analysis also identifies SMSAs containing geographic areas with unusually high or low black/white mortality ratios, and indicates the need for more-detailed studies of explanations for such variation.
This study tested the hypothesis that the degree to which local government is metropolitanized is associated with mortality rates for African Americans and with residential segregation, which has itself previously been shown to be positively associated with mortality among African Americans.
One hundred fourteen US standard metropolitan statistical areas were examined. The primary dependent variable was the age-adjusted, race- and sex-specific all-cause mortality rate, averaged for 1990 and 1991. The 2 primary independent variables were residential segregation, as measured by the index of dissimilarity, and metropolitanization of government, as measured by the central city's elasticity score.
Mortality rates for male and female African Americans were lower in metropolitan statistical areas with more metropolitanized local governments and lower levels of residential segregation. Mortality for male and female Whites was not associated in either direction with residential segregation. White male mortality showed no association with level of metropolitanization, but lower White female mortality rates were associated with less metropolitanization.
This study suggests the need for further research into whether policy changes in areas not traditionally thought of as "health policy" areas can improve the health of urban minorities.
"This article aims to contribute to an understanding of contemporary American attitudes toward immigration.... The paper uses data from a CBS News/New York Times poll conducted in June 1993. Respondents were asked whether they would like to see the level of immigration to the United States increased, decreased or kept the same. We test several hypotheses about factors influencing respondents' attitudes, including the importance of previously unexamined predictors. These new hypotheses relate to views about the health of the U.S. economy, feelings of social and political alienation, and isolationist sentiments concerning international economic issues and foreign relations. One important discovery is the close connection between possessing restrictionist immigration attitudes and having an isolationist perspective along a broader array of international issues."
Questions have been raised about whether white flight--one factor contributing to U.S. residential segregation--is driven by racial, race-associated, or neutral ethnocentric concerns. I use closed- and open-ended survey data from the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality to explore who says they would leave and their reasons for doing so. Thirty-eight percent of white respondents said they would leave one of the integrated neighborhoods, with Detroiters and those endorsing negative racial stereotypes especially likely to do so. When asked why they might leave, whites focused on the negative features of integrated neighborhoods. Expressions of racial prejudice were also common, but neutral ethnocentrism rare. The results of an experiment asking about integration with Asians and Latinos are also discussed.
Credit default swaps (CDS) which constitute up to 98% of credit derivatives have had a unique, endemic and pernicious role to play in the current financial crisis. However, there are few in depth empirical studies of the financial network interconnections among banks and between banks and nonbanks involved as CDS protection buyers and protection sellers. The ongoing problems related to technical insolvency of US commercial banks is not just confined to the so called legacy/toxic RMBS assets on balance sheets but also because of their credit risk exposures from SPVs (Special Purpose Vehicles) and the CDS markets. The dominance of a few big players in the chains of insurance and reinsurance for CDS credit risk mitigation for banks’ assets has led to the idea of “too interconnected to fail” resulting, as in the case of AIG, of having to maintain the fiction of non-failure in order to avert a credit event that can bring down the CDS pyramid and the financial system. This paper also includes a brief discussion of the complex system Agent-based Computational Economics (ACE) approach to financial network modeling for systemic risk assessment. Quantitative analysis is confined to the empirical reconstruction of the US CDS network based on the FDIC Q4 2008 data in order to conduct a series of stress tests that investigate the consequences of the fact that top 5 US banks account for 92% of the US bank activity in the $34 tn global gross notional value of CDS for Q4 2008 (see, BIS and DTCC). The May-Wigner stability condition for networks is considered for the hub like dominance of a few financial entities in the US CDS structures to understand the lack of robustness. We provide a Systemic Risk Ratio and an implementation of concentration risk in CDS settlement for major US banks in terms of the loss of aggregate core capital. We also compare our stress test results with those provided by SCAP (Supervisory Capital Assessment Program). Finally, in the context of the Basel
Amsterdam's immigrants of Caribbean and southern Mediterranean origin have been characterized as modestly segregated from Dutch residents, and their residential assimilation has been expected to proceed rapidly. This article tests the hypothesis of spatial assimilation using both aggregate data on levels of segregation and individual-level analyses of the people who live in ethnic minority neighborhoods. Evidence is presented of assimilation for immigrants from the former colonies of Surinam and the Antilles, but Turks and Moroccans are shown to face stronger barriers. The former groups' higher standing favors their mobility from ethnically distinct neighborhoods. There is a generational shift for Surinamese and Antilleans, while the Turks and Moroccans born in Amsterdam are as likely as the immigrant generation to settle in ethnic minority neighborhoods. Copyright (c) 2006 The Author. Journal Compilation (c) 2006 Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
Penn World Table Version 6.1. Center for International (CICUP) Retrieved
- A Heston
- R Summers
- B Aten
Heston, A., Summers, R. and Aten, B. (2002). Penn World Table Version 6.1. Center for International (CICUP). Retrieved January 9, 2004 (http://data-centre2.chass.utoronto.ca/pwt/).
The Nature of Prejudice Social Determinants of Racial Prejudice
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Allport, G. (1954). The Nature of Prejudice. New York: Doubleday Anchor. Case, C. E., Greeley, A.M. and Fuchs, S. (1989). Social Determinants of Racial Prejudice. Sociological Perspectives, 32, 469–483.
Discrimination in Metropolitan Housing ETHNIC RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND CONTACT IN EUROPE 707 at University of Utah on October 5
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- S L Ross
- G C Galster
- J Yinger
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The Urban Institute, Metropolitan Housing and Communities Policy Center Ethnic Residential Patterns in Dutch Cities: Backgrounds, Shifts and Consequences
- Washington Van Kempen
- Van Weesep
Washington: The Urban Institute, Metropolitan Housing and Communities Policy Center. Van Kempen, R. and Van Weesep, J. (1997). Ethnic Residential Patterns in Dutch Cities: Backgrounds, Shifts and Consequences. Urban Studies, 35, 1813–1833.
Mortgage Lending, Racial Discrimination, and Federal Policy
- J Goering
- R Wienk
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