The Chicago School, Hayek, and Neoliberalism

To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the author.


Friedrich A. Hayek taught at the University of Chicago from the fall semester of 1950 through 1962, a period during which the second, or new, Chicago School of Economics was formed. The question naturally arises: What was his role in its formation? A quick look at the historical record, and common sense itself, suggests that it must have been close to nil. Milton Friedman, whom many would consider the central figure in the School, was hired in 1946, before Hayek had arrived. Hayek tried to get a job in the economics department in 1948, but they declined to make him an offer. He ended up instead on the Committee on Social Thought. During his time at Chicago (1950–1962) Hayek worked principally on political philosophy rather than economics, with The Constitution of Liberty (1960) being the end result. And Hayek famously disagreed with the leader of the Chicago School, Milton Friedman, on monetary theory and methodology, two of the defining aspects of Friedman’s legacy.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.

... In the United States, meanwhile, Chicago became the pole of this academic movement that Paris acted as in Europe. 42 This prominence of the University of Chicago in Neoliberal academia can be traced back to Henry Simons, a contemporary of the Lippmann Colloquium whose work was discussed there, 43 though he did not attend. 44 The main difference between Simons' work and the work of the Parisian Neoliberals of the time was his emphasis on using monetary aggregates to keep real prices stable. ...
Full-text available
The period between 1980 and 2020 has been one of the most socially transformative in recent human history. This paper will address the relationship between two social trends which have emerged over the course of the past four decades. The first of these trends is the rise to prominence of policies and programs meant to operationalize Neoliberal monetary policy. The world economy experienced a period of uncertainty after the U.S. abandoned the gold standard and its production edge waned, its new competitors abandoned the dollar standard, culminating in a financial crisis by the end of the decade. As a result, the 1980s saw the start of a reimagined global economy centered around the United States. Particularly significant to this paper will be policies of developmental economics in the global financial system during this period. The second trend which will be addressed in this paper is the emergence of transnational organized crime groups as competitors to legitimate African states. A United Nations report published in July of 2020 reports that Boko Haram, Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and Al-Shabaab, as well as their smaller competitors, have dramatically expanded their already integrated roles in the, “licit economies,” and begun a, “push further into communities,” in this region. Even further, it has long been held that the illicit economy of this region is significantly larger than the licit one. In order to understand the development of these organizations into this current form one must analyze the broader changes which have taken place in their social systems and the relationship between these groups and those changes. Thus, this paper will investigate the cause and nature of this social change throughout the period by evaluating these societies’ interaction with the practioning of this new ideology. This will be done in three sections: background, puzzle and argument meant to respectively establish the societies and the practitioners of this ideology, provide a framework for assessing their interactions and apply that framework to the past four decades of events in order to ultimately assess their extent and implications. It is the author’s stated goal, which will be returned to in this paper’s conclusion, for the implications of this study to be elaborated upon in such a way that it addresses in depth not only the contemporary status of the world, but may provide concepts of evaluating societal change deducible to any social system and operational within one's own.
... SeeVan Horn and Mirowski (2009), Caldwell (2011), Mitch (2016, andEbenstein (2018) for various aspects of this part of the story. ...
This paper revisits Friedrich Hayek’s book, The Road to Serfdom, on the seventy-fifth anniversary of its publication. Though the book is well-known, its arguments are often mischaracterized. The paper traces the origins of the book, noting the various people and arguments that Hayek was responding to, and places it in the context of its times. The structure of the book is explored and some common criticisms addressed. Finally, it is shown how, after its publication, the book took on a life of its own. (JEL B25, B31, P11, P16, P21, P26)
Neoliberalism is a doctrine that adopts a free market policy in a deregulated political framework. In recent years, neoliberalism has become increasingly prominent as a doctrine in Western society, and has been heavily discussed in both academia and the media. In The Origins of Neoliberalism, the joint effort of an economist and a philosopher offers a theoretical overview of both neoliberalism’s genesis within economic theory and social studies as well as its development outside academia. Tracing the sources of neoliberalism within the history of economic thought, the book explores the differences between neoliberalism and classical liberalism. This book’s aim is to make clear that neoliberalism is not a natural development of the old classical liberalism, but rather that it represents a dramatic alteration of its original nature and meaning. Also, it fights against the current idea according to which neoliberalism would coincide with the triumph of free market economy. In its use of both history of economics and philosophy, this book takes a highly original approach to the concept of neoliberalism. The analysis presented here will be of great interest to scholars and students of history of economics, political economy, and philosophy of social science.
The precarity of the humanities today is symptomatic of the broader reassessment of the value and utility of the public university. This helps explain the prevalent role of humanists in the recent struggles for public education, but it now also demands from humanists a new level of institutional engagement and reflexivity about the conditions of their labor. REPRESENTATIONS 116. Fall 2011 (C) The Regents of the University of California. ISSN 0734-6018, electronic ISSN 1533-855X, pages 1-18. All rights reserved. Direct requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content to the University of California Press at DOI:10.1525/rep.2011.116.1.1.
Full-text available
Która z Rzeczypospolitych była bardziej liberalna? Streszczenie. Interesującym aspektem reform ostatnich dwóch dekad (1989-2009) jest porównanie stopnia ingerencji państwa w zjawiska gospodarcze do (podobnego w długości, acz diametralnie odmiennego z perspektywy geopolitycznej) dwudziestolecia międzywojen-nego (lat 1918-1939). Przy bardzo licznych zastrzeżeniach (wynikających z dostępności oraz porównywalności materiału statystycznego) można zaryzykować twierdzenie, iż stopień bezpośredniej kontroli państwa nad gospodarką II Rzeczypospolitej był niższy niż obecnie. Stanowić to powinno przedmiot refleksji zarówno teoretyków, jak i praktyków polskiej polityki gospodarczej.
Why is ‘neoliberalism’ still a predominant framework within economics and policy-making? This paper considers the mix of theoretical assumptions, causalities and policies known as the ‘Washington consensus’, focusing on developing countries. First, it analyses their main elements, resilience and effects (the ‘lost decades in spite of policy reform’). Second, it examines the reasons of this resilience and argues that a reason is their adaptive capacity via constant exchanges between facts and conceptual assumptions, because this mix is constituted of heterogeneous elements (from neoclassical theory, ad hoc models or empirics-based policy-making): inconsistency is a core feature and as such its correction is irrelevant. These ‘adaptive inconsistencies’ are consolidated by the simultaneous theoretical/policy dimension of the mix. Its cognitive resilience is reinforced by the irrefutability of causations and the cause/effect time lag (‘after current costs, there will be gains’, e.g. growth), and is not challenged by the social costs of policies.
In spite of disagreement over whether or not Henry Simons committed suicide, no one has written about the circumstances surrounding his death. The purpose of this essay is to draw from archival material-much of which has been recently unearthed-to examine Simons’s death in detail. This essay enriches the debate over the nature of Simons’s death by offering an account that brings together evidence that sheds light on the circumstances surrounding it. This evidence suggests that a grave disappointment Simons faced the day before he died contributed to his death and helps explain why Simons’s colleagues who asserted that he committed suicide waited nearly forty years before doing so. The article concludes by offering an interpretation of the archival evidence.
Hayek was at the University of Chicago from 1950 to 1962 and worked as part of the Committee on Social Thought. Despite his 12-year tenure at Chicago and his eventual influence on the trajectory of post-war economics in the United States, the historical record indicates that Hayek had little influence on the rise of post-war Chicago School during his time there.1 Most of the seminal figures of the post-war Chicago School — Milton Friedman, Allen Wallis, and Aaron Director — had all been hired in 1946, four years before Hayek arrived at Chicago. When Hayek came, because he joined the Committee on Social Thought, he did not work in the Economics Department, the Law School, or the Business School — the three pillars of the post-war Chicago School. Moreover, Hayek principally focused on political philosophy, not economics, while he served as part of the Committee.
In 1950, Friedrich Hayek abandoned the title of University of London Tooke Professor of Economics and Statistics, to become the Professor of Social and Moral Science at the Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago (with an intervening Visiting Professorship at the University of Arkansas). The new title is commonly seen as a consolation prize after his failure to obtain a position in the Economics Department at the University of Chicago or, indeed, any other prestigious American universities. In fact, Hayek was recruited by the Committee on Social Thought: he viewed his position as ‘a scholar’s dream’ (Mitch 2010, 2011). The one prior attempt to consider Hayek by the Department of Economics had been in early 1946 (before Milton Friedman’s arrival), was unknown to Hayek and was not taken even moderately seriously by most members of the Chicago Department.
These days, economists talk about the Chicago School as though the meaning behind that phrase was both common knowledge and unquestionably understood. But if those words represent anything more than an empty formulation, the assured attribution buttressing that meaning lies in the ghosts of theories now well past their shelf-life. The type of rock-ribbed price theory that formed the wedge Milton Friedman and George Stigler adroitly used to shatter the immediate post-war consensus no longer sufficiently differentiates the clear-water approach of Chicago from the salt-water recipe characterizing Harvard or Berkeley. Like any other discipline or profession, economics moves on. After years of cross-breeding and mutually dependent influences, such a clear-cut distinction belongs to the past rather than the present state of the profession. Bloody battles and past triumphs are left to historians of thought to dissect. However, what stubbornly persist are labels and oral traditions that are often built upon misunderstandings and fractured fairy tales handed down from one generation to the next.
In 1977, Hayek appeared to express aspirations for the South American Operation Condor countries he was about to visit—the search for ‘better ways of organizing government than Social Darwinism applies the we have.’ He obviously hoped to extrapolate from these military dictatorships to the rest of the world—including the United States. In 1978, Hayek defended the ‘civilization’ of apartheid from the American ‘fashion’ of ‘human rights.’ There are also similarities between the sentiments expressed by Hayek, Mises, and Rothbard and those expressed by Hitler. Rothbard published Egalitarianism as a Revolt Against Nature; and according to Hayek, in ‘southwest England, the class distinctions are very sharp, but they’re not resented. They’re still accepted as part of the natural order.’ This chapter examines Hayek’s racism and anti-Semitism in the context of the eugenics literature.
Conference Paper
Full-text available
Since the 1960s, the term "Chicago School of Economics" has been conceived in many different ways, generating a broad mythology regarding its meanings and features. Controversies still abound in the specialized literature, and the last two decades have seen increasing historiographic interest on the topic, with innovative framings that have challenged established, caricatural views. This paper offers a critical reflection on the Chicago School's historiography-its main arguments and their methodological and historical implications. We identify a fairly clear division between works that emphasize the scientific contributions of the Chicago School, on one hand, and the literature that highlights the ideological and political aspects behind its definition, on the other. We then argue that a robust historical treatment of the subject must take both these dimensions into account.
There appear to be four conflicting categories of Austrian ‘knowledge’: what Hayek wrote and what he asserted in oral history interviews; what he alluded to in interviews and correspondence; what he did not write about but apparently spoke about in other oral history interviews that he may not have known were being taped (and which are being suppressed by disciples); plus the assertions made about him by fund-raising disciples. After winning his Nobel Prize, Hayek became in effect a Cold War propagandist for General Pinochet’s Junta; in 1939, he had sought a similar propaganda position. This chapter attempts to penetrate beneath the propaganda and provide a more reliable framework within which to examine Hayek’s objectives.
Full-text available
The article offers a critique of the prevailing understanding of the relationship between neoliberalism and classic nineteenth-century liberalism in contemporary international political economy (IPE) and offers a redefinition inspired by Polanyi and Gramsci. Within critical IPE studies, a consensus has emerged that neoliberalism cannot be reduced to a simple attempt to roll back the economy and let loose free-market forces. However, this insight relies on contrasting neoliberalism with a classic liberalism, that is, a simple attempt to implement just this naïve laissez-faire ideology. In contrast, this article argues that nineteenth-century liberalism is also characterised by an active use of state and legislative power. Through a historical study of two cases from nineteenth-century Britain, Poor Law reform and the Gold Standard, the paper will argue that state action played a central role even during the heyday of laissez-faire liberalism. With a starting point in Polanyi’s dictum that ‘laissez-faire was planned’, this reinvestigation will point towards a need to develop a more nuanced understanding of the distinctions between economic theory, ideology, and practical policy, as well as pointing towards a general reinterpretation of the role of the state in liberal economic ideology.
This chapter analyses Hayek’s description of the Mont Pelerin achievement: a ‘consistent doctrine and some international circles of communication.’ According to the MPS Statement of Aims: ‘It aligns itself with no particular party.’ Yet the MPS President (1996–1998), Edwin Feulner had been Executive Director of the Republican Study Group before becoming President of the Heritage Foundation (1977–2013); and of the 76 economic advisers on Reagan’s 1980 campaign staff, 22 were MPS members. Two chairs of the Federal Reserve—Arthur Burns and Alan Greenspan—were MPS members; as were Jerry Jordan (President of the Cleveland Fed), Homer Jones (Senior Vice President of the St. Louis Fed), plus six chairs of Republican President’s Council of Economic Advisers (Burns, Greenspan, Paul McCracken, Herbert Stein, Martin Feldstein and Beryl Sprinkel). In the UK, MPS members are overwhelmingly associated with the Conservative Party; and in Chile, MPS membership appears to be synonymous with the promotion of Pinochet’s dictatorship.
Cambridge Core - Political Economy - The Age of Fragmentation - by Alessandro Roncaglia
This chapter reconsiders Stigler’s 1965 distinction between textual and scientific exegesis, and explores its importance in the study and writing of the history of economic thought, as well as in the doing and writing of economic theory. After introducing the distinction, and its reception in Chicago and elsewhere, the chapter counters it (i) by laying out Pocock’s views on the reading of history as the identification and unscrambling of various language games that may conceivably be in play; and (ii) by elaborating Stigler’s own views of the role of mathematics in the theorizing of economic phenomena, as he exposed them in his 1949 LSE lectures. We read these texts through the lens provided by Carl Schmitt in his 1932 articulation of the friend/enemy dichotomy, and his characterization of the “enemy” as the defining character of the “political.” This chapter then reads Stigler as a Schmittian, and develops a critique of his views using his exegetical distinction as its particular point of departure, one that its authors hope will feed into questions concerning the teaching and curricular design of economic theory.
Full-text available
This paper depicts the co-evolution of the political economies of the “Old Chicago” and Freiburg Schools. These communities within the “laissez-faire within rules” research program and the long-standing “thinking-in-orders” tradition emerged in the 1930s and culminated in the 1940s into a surprisingly coherent stream of institutional economic thought, crystallizing around the personalities of Henry C. Simons and Walter Eucken. We show how, in an age of disintegration of national and international orders of economy and society, the political economists at Chicago and Freiburg underwent a double transition: From students of equilibrium to students of order, as well as from students of various positive orders to defenders of a specific normative order. The normative order of the economy on both sides of the Atlantic was the competitive order and its rules-based framework. Along with shared angst amid disintegrating orders, personal transatlantic connections between the two communities are identified, starting in Berlin during the 1920s. We highlight the special role of Friedrich A. Lutz who, from the mid-1930s to Eucken’s passing in 1950 and beyond, served as a lifeline between the isolated Freiburg School and US economists. Lutz’s activities are embedded in a narrative of transatlantic conversations around Friedrich A. Hayek and the early meetings of the Mont Pèlerin Society.
The rhetoric of positivism had a profound effect on the worldview and practice of economists in the middle of the last century. Though this influence has greatly diminished, it still may be found in the attitude of many economists towards the history of their discipline. This paper traces the effects of positivism in economics, then argues that the history of economics is a critical component of both the undergraduate teaching and the graduate training of economists, and that as such, it should be reintroduced into the economics curriculum. It concludes by documenting some recent hopeful signs of change
Full-text available
One of the first things we learn when we begin to study price theory is that the main effects of monopoly are to misallocate resources, to reduce aggregate welfare, and to redistribute income in favor of monopolists. In the light of this fact, it is a little curious that our empirical efforts at studying monopoly have so largely concentrated on other things. We have studied particular industries and have come up with a formidable list of monopolistic practices: identical pricing, price leadership, market sharing, patent suppression, basing points, and so on. And we have also studied the whole economy, using the concentration of production in the hands of small number of firms as the measure of monopoly. On this basis we obtained the impression that some 20 or 30 per cent of our economy is effectively monopolized.
Full-text available
Reviving the Invisible Hand is an uncompromising call for a global return to a classical liberal economic order, free of interference from governments and international organizations. Arguing for a revival of the invisible hand of free international trade and global capital, eminent economist Deepak Lal vigorously defends the view that statist attempts to ameliorate the impact of markets threaten global economic progress and stability. And in an unusual move, he not only defends globalization economically, but also answers the cultural and moral objections of antiglobalizers. Taking a broad cross-cultural and interdisciplinary approach, Lal argues that there are two groups opposed to globalization: cultural nationalists who oppose not capitalism but Westernization, and "new dirigistes" who oppose not Westernization but capitalism. In response, Lal contends that capitalism doesn't have to lead to Westernization, as the examples of Japan, China, and India show, and that "new dirigiste" complaints have more to do with the demoralization of their societies than with the capitalist instruments of prosperity. Lal bases his case on a historical account of the rise of capitalism and globalization in the first two liberal international economic orders: the nineteenth-century British, and the post-World War II American. Arguing that the "new dirigisme" is the thin edge of a wedge that could return the world to excessive economic intervention by states and international organizations, Lal does not shrink from controversial stands such as advocating the abolishment of these organizations and defending the existence of child labor in the Third World.
Friedrich A. Hayek is regarded as one of the preeminent economic theorists of the twentieth century, as much for his work outside of economics as for his work within it. During a career spanning several decades, he made contributions in fields as diverse as psychology, political philosophy, the history of ideas, and the methodology of the social sciences. Bruce Caldwell—editor of The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek—understands Hayek's thought like few others, and with this book he offers us the first full intellectual biography of this pivotal social theorist. Caldwell begins by providing the necessary background for understanding Hayek's thought, tracing the emergence, in fin-de-siècle Vienna, of the Austrian school of economics—a distinctive analysis forged in the midst of contending schools of thought. In the second part of the book, Caldwell follows the path by which Hayek, beginning from the standard Austrian assumptions, gradually developed his unique perspective on not only economics but a broad range of social phenomena. In the third part, Caldwell offers both an assessment of Hayek's arguments and, in an epilogue, an insightful estimation of how Hayek's insights can help us to clarify and reexamine changes in the field of economics during the twentieth century. As Hayek's ideas matured, he became increasingly critical of developments within mainstream economics: his works grew increasingly contrarian and evolved in striking—and sometimes seemingly contradictory—ways. Caldwell is ideally suited to explain the complex evolution of Hayek's thought, and his analysis here is nothing short of brilliant, impressively situating Hayek in a broader intellectual context, unpacking the often difficult turns in his thinking, and showing how his economic ideas came to inform his ideas on the other social sciences. Hayek's Challenge will be received as one of the most important works published on this thinker in recent decades.
[Claire Poppe - STS 901 - Fall 2006] Fleck focuses on the cognitive and social structures idea and fact development and acceptance. - All ideas stem from "proto-ideas" - hazy, unspecific, unscientific concepts accepted as truth in their time period and existing in a socio-cognitive system. - The social structure involved in cognition is conceived as the relationship between: 1) the knowing subject (individual) 2) the object to be known (objective reality) 3) the existing fund of knowledge (provided by the thought collective). - The thought collective is a community of persons mutually exchanging ideas; it is the bearer of collective knowledge and the historical developer of knowledge. The individual's role is to decide whether results fit within the conditions specified by the collective. In this, he/she is influenced by the "thought style," an ambiguous cloud which directs perception and limits the options for interpretation without the perceiver being aware that they are being influenced. - A scientific fact is a signal of resistance opposing free, arbitrary thinking. Facts are 1) in line with the interests of the collective, 2) accepted by the general membership of the collective, and 3) expressed in the style of the collective. - Truth is only true within a single collective. It changes as collectives gradually change with the incorporation/adaptation or rejection of challenges to the thought style. - Within a thought collective, there is a hierarchy consisting of two different groups: a) Esoteric: a small group of experts with specialized knowledge who develop exoteric, popular knowledge b) Exoteric: a larger, more "popular" group that creates public opinion, though not the entire public - Categories of science from more exoteric to esoteric, more concrete to more flexible: a) Popular science: attractive, lively, readable, artificially simplified science in which facts are reality and truth is objective b) Vademecum science: a closed, organized system of the "commonly held" view of science where facts become fixed c) Journal science: a personal, cautious and modest system open to contradictions and explorations
In the classic bestseller, Capitalism and Freedom, Milton Friedman presents his view of the proper role of competitive capitalism—the organization of economic activity through private enterprise operating in a free market—as both a device for achieving economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom. Beginning with a discussion of principles of a liberal society, Friedman applies them to such constantly pressing problems as monetary policy, discrimination, education, income distribution, welfare, and poverty. "Milton Friedman is one of the nation's outstanding economists, distinguished for remarkable analytical powers and technical virtuosity. He is unfailingly enlightening, independent, courageous, penetrating, and above all, stimulating."-Henry Hazlitt, Newsweek "It is a rare professor who greatly alters the thinking of his professional colleagues. It's an even rarer one who helps transform the world. Friedman has done both."-Stephen Chapman, Chicago Tribune
Stressing verbal logic rather than mathematics, Israel M. Kirzner provides at once a thorough critique of contemporary price theory, an essay on the theory of entrepreneurship, and an essay on the theory of competition. Competition and Entrepreneurship offers a new appraisal of quality competition, of selling effort, and of the fundamental weaknesses of contemporary welfare economics. Kirzner's book establishes a theory of the market and the price system which differs from orthodox price theory. He sees orthodox price theory as explaining the configuration of prices and quantities that satisfied the conditions for equilibrium. Mr. Kirzner argues that "it is more useful to look to price theory to help understand how the decisions of individual participants in the market interact to generate the market forces which compel changes in prices, outputs, and methods of production and in the allocation of resources." Although Competition and Entrepreneurship is primarily concerned with the operation of the market economy, Kirzner's insights can be applied to crucial aspects of centrally planned economic systems as well. In the analysis of these processes, Kirzner clearly shows that the rediscovery of the entrepreneur must emerge as a step of major importance.
Originally published in German in 1935, this monograph anticipated solutions to problems of scientific progress, the truth of scientific fact and the role of error in science now associated with the work of Thomas Kuhn and others. Arguing that every scientific concept and theory—including his own—is culturally conditioned, Fleck was appreciably ahead of his time. And as Kuhn observes in his foreword, "Though much has occurred since its publication, it remains a brilliant and largely unexploited resource." "To many scientists just as to many historians and philosophers of science facts are things that simply are the case: they are discovered through properly passive observation of natural reality. To such views Fleck replies that facts are invented, not discovered. Moreover, the appearance of scientific facts as discovered things is itself a social construction, a made thing. A work of transparent brilliance, one of the most significant contributions toward a thoroughly sociological account of scientific knowledge."—Steven Shapin, Science
Provides a systematic presentation of the economic field of industrial organization, which is concerned with how productive activities are brought into harmony with the demand for goods and services through an organizing mechanism, such as a free market, and how variations and imperfections in the organizing mechanism affect the successful satisfying of an economy's wants. Of the three market mechanisms (tradition, central planning, and free markets), the field of industrial organization deals primarily with the market system approach. This book primarily emphasizes the manufacturing and mineral extraction sectors of industrialized economies, with less discussion of wholesale and retail distribution, services, transportation, and public utilities. Beginning with a discussion of the welfare economics of competition and monopoly, the structure of industries in the U.S. and abroad and their determinants are described, including motives for mergers and their effects. Extended analysis of pricing, product policy, and technological innovation then follows. Antitrust, price fixing, related restraints, structural monopolies, regulation, and price discrimination are examined, as are the complex policies governing pricing relationships between vertically linked firms. The role of advertising in product differentiation and the roles of market structure and product variety are identified. Innovation, patents, and their relation to market structure are explored. Overall, this analysis seeks to identify attributes or variables that influence economic performance and to build theories about the links between these attributes and end performance. (TNM)
Introduction The Road to Serfdom: Texts and Documents of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek
  • Chicago
Chicago: University of Chicago Press. _____. 2007. “Introduction.” In F.A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom: Texts and Documents. Bruce Caldwell, ed., vol. 2 of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 1 – 33
Cognition and Fact: Materials on Ludwik Fleck
  • Cohen
  • S Robert
  • Schnelle
  • Thomas
Cohen, Robert S. and Schnelle, Thomas, eds. 1986. Cognition and Fact: Materials on Ludwik Fleck, vol. 87 of Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science. Dordrecht: D. Reidel
The Meaning of Freedom
  • Knight
  • Frank
Knight, Frank H. 1941. “The Meaning of Freedom,” Ethics, vol. 52, October, pp. 86-109
Historians and the Future of Europe of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek
_____. [1967] 1992. " Historians and the Future of Europe. " In Peter Klein, ed. The Fortunes of Liberalism, vol. 4 of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 201-15.
  • Robert S Cohen
  • Thomas Schnelle
Cohen, Robert S. and Schnelle, Thomas, eds. 1986. Cognition and Fact: Materials on
Mises: The Last Knight of Liberalism
  • Jörg Hülsmann
  • Guido
Hülsmann, Jörg Guido. 2006. Mises: The Last Knight of Liberalism. Auburn, AL:
Compte-rendu dess seances du colloque Walter Lippmann
  • Louis Rougier
Rougier, Louis. 1938. Compte-rendu dess seances du colloque Walter Lippmann, 26-30
The Principles of a Liberal Social Order
_____. [1966] 1967. " The Principles of a Liberal Social Order. " In Hayek, ed. Studies in Philosophy, Politics and Economics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 160-177.
Bookshelf: Economic Thought Over 1000 Years The Wall Street Journal
  • George Stigler
Stigler, George. 1987. " Bookshelf: Economic Thought Over 1000 Years, " The Wall Street Journal. October 2. p. 1.
Economics as Ideology: Keynes, Laski, Hayek, and the Creation of Contemporary Politics
  • Kenneth Hoover
Hoover, Kenneth. 2003. Economics as Ideology: Keynes, Laski, Hayek, and the Creation of Contemporary Politics. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.
of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek
  • Bruce Caldwell
Bruce Caldwell, ed., vol. 2 of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 1 – 33.
Paris: Librarie de Médicis
Aout 1938. Paris: Librarie de Médicis, 1938.
A Life of Friedrich August von Hayek
  • C E Cubitt
Cubitt, C.E. 2006. A Life of Friedrich August von Hayek. Bedfordshire, UK: Authors Online Ltd.
The Road to Serfdom: Texts and Documents of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek
_____. [1944] 2007. The Road to Serfdom: Texts and Documents. Bruce Caldwell, ed., vol. 2 of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
The Trend of Economic Thinking, " in The Trend of Economic Thinking of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek
  • F A Hayek
Hayek, F.A. [1933] 1991. " The Trend of Economic Thinking, " in The Trend of Economic Thinking. W.W. Bartley, III and Stephen Kresge, eds., vol. 3 of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 17-34.
A Positive Program for Laissez Faire Economic Policy for a Free Society
  • Henry Simons
Simons, Henry. [1934] 1948. A Positive Program for Laissez Faire. In Simons, Economic Policy for a Free Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 40-77.
Review: Ludwig von Mises, Omnipotent Government
_____. 1944. " Review: Ludwig von Mises, Omnipotent Government, " Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 236, November, pp. 192-93.