The Strength Model of Self-Control


Self-control is a central function of the self and an important key to success in life. The exertion of self-control appears to depend on a limited resource. Just as a muscle gets tired from exertion, acts of self-control cause short-term impairments (ego depletion) in subsequent self-control, even on unrelated tasks. Research has supported the strength model in the domains of eating, drinking, spending, sexuality, intelligent thought, making choices, and interpersonal behavior. Motivational or framing factors can temporarily block the deleterious effects of being in a state of ego depletion. Blood glucose is an important component of the energy.
The Strength Model of
Roy F. Baumeister,
Kathleen D. Vohs,
and Dianne M. Tice
Florida State University and
University of Minnesota
ABSTRACT—Self-control is a central function of the self
and an important key to success in life. The exertion of
self-control appears to depend on a limited resource. Just
as a muscle gets tired from exertion, acts of self-control
cause short-term impairments (ego depletion) in subsequent
self-control, even on unrelated tasks. Research has
supported the strength model in the domains of eating,
drinking, spending, sexuality, intelligent thought, making
choices, and interpersonal behavior. Motivational or
framing factors can temporarily block the deleterious effects
of being in a state of ego depletion. Blood glucose is an
important component of the energy.
KEYWORDS—self-control; ego depletion; willpower; impulse;
Every day, people resist impulses to go back to sleep, to eat
fattening or forbidden foods, to say or do hurtful things to their
relationship partners, to play instead of work, to engage in in-
appropriate sexual or violent acts, and to do countless other sorts
of problematic behaviors—that is, ones that might feel good
immediately or be easy but that carry long-term costs or violate
the rules and guidelines of proper behavior. What enables the
human animal to follow rules and norms prescribed by society
and to resist doing what it selfishly wants?
Self-control refers to the capacity for altering one’s own re-
sponses, especially to bring them into line with standards such
as ideals, values, morals, and social expectations, and to support
the pursuit of long-term goals. Many writers use the terms self-
control and self-regulation interchangeably, but those who make
a distinction typically consider self-control to be the deliberate,
conscious, effortful subset of self-regulation. In contrast,
homeostatic processes such as maintaining a constant body
temperature may be called self-regulation but not self-control.
Self-control enables a person to restrain or override one re-
sponse, thereby making a different response possible.
Self-control has attracted increasing attention from psychol-
ogists for two main reasons. At the theoretical level, self-control
holds important keys to understanding the nature and functions
of the self. Meanwhile, the practical applications of self-control
have attracted study in many contexts. Inadequate self-control
has been linked to behavioral and impulse-control problems,
including overeating, alcohol and drug abuse, crime and
violence, overspending, sexually impulsive behavior, unwanted
pregnancy, and smoking (e.g., Baumeister, Heatherton, & Tice,
1994; Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990; Tangney, Baumeister,
& Boone, 2004; Vohs & Faber, 2007). It may also be linked
to emotional problems, school underachievement, lack of
persistence, various failures at task performance, relationship
problems and dissolution, and more.
Folk discussions of self-control have long invoked the idea of
willpower, which implies a kind of strength or energy. During the
heyday of the behaviorist and cognitive revolutions, however,
psychology had little use for theorizing in energy terms, and
self theories in particular had scarcely mentioned energy
since Freud. However, in the 1990s, research findings began to
point toward an energy model of self-control. There might be
something to the willpower notion after all.
The idea that self-control depended on a limited energy
resource was suggested by us (Baumeister et al., 1994) based on
our review of multiple research literatures. We observed that
self-control appeared vulnerable to deterioration over time from
repeated exertions, resembling a muscle that gets tired. The
implication was that effortful self-regulation depends on a limited
resource that becomes depleted by any acts of self-control,
causing subsequent performance even on other self-control
tasks to become worse.
The basic approach to testing the depleted-resource hypothesis
was to have some research participants perform a first self-control
task, while others performed a comparable but neutral task, and
Address correspondence to Roy F. Baumeister, Florida State Uni-
versity, Department of Psychology, 1107 W. Call Street, Tallahassee,
FL 32306-4301; e-mail:
Volume 16—Number 6 351Copyright r2007 Association for Psychological Science
then all would move on to perform a second, unrelated self-
control task. If self-control consumes a limited resource, then
performing the first task should deplete the person’s resource,
leaving less available for the second task—and therefore
causing poorer performance on the second task. Other theories
would make different predictions. For example, if self-control
mainly involved activating a cognitive schema or mental
program, then the first self-control task should prime the schema
and activate the self-control system, so performance on the
second self-control task should improve, not worsen.
Early laboratory evidence for depleted resources in self-
regulation was reported by Muraven, Tice, and Baumeister
(1998) and Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Muraven, and Tice (1998).
In one study, watching an emotionally evocative film while trying
either to amplify or to stifle one’s emotional response caused
poorer performance on a subsequent test of physical (handgrip)
stamina, as compared to watching the film without trying to
control one’s emotions. (Stamina counts as a measure of
self-control because it involves resisting fatigue and overriding
the urge to quit.) In another study, suppressing a forbidden
thought weakened people’s ability to stifle laughter afterward.
In another, resisting the temptation to eat chocolates and
cookies (and making oneself eat health-promoting but un-
appetizing radishes instead) caused participants to give up faster
on a subsequent frustrating task, as compared to people who
had not exerted self-control (see Fig. 1). These studies all
pointed toward the conclusion that the first self-control task
consumed and depleted some kind of psychological resource
that was therefore less available to help performance on the
second self-control task.
The term ego depletion was coined to refer to the state of
diminished resources following exertion of self-control (or other
tasks that might deplete the same resource). These ego-depletion
effects are not due to a diminished a sense of self-efficacy or to the
inference that one is poor at self-control. Wallace and Baumeister
(2002) explicitly manipulated feedback about success and failure
at self-control and measured self-efficacy, but neither factor had
any discernible impact on the ego-depletion patterns. Nor
are these patterns due to participants refusing to exert themselves
on the second task because they think they have done enough on
the first task, as various findings have shown (see Baumeister,
Gailliot, DeWall, & Oaten, 2006); for example, it has been found
that depleted participants will subject themselves to more
boredom than will nondepleted ones on a second task.
Is willpower more than a metaphor? Gailliot et al. (2007)
explored the role of glucose, a chemical in the bloodstream that
can be converted to neurotransmitters and thus furnishes fuel
for brain activity. Acts of self-control cause reductions in blood-
glucose levels, which in turn predict poor self-control on
behavioral tasks. Drinking a glass of lemonade with sugar helped
counteract these effects, presumably by restoring glucose in
the blood. Lemonade mixed with diet sweeteners (no glucose)
had no such empowering effect.
The analogy between self-control and a muscle was suggested
by the early findings that self-control performance deteriorates
after initial exertions, just as a muscle gets tired from exertion.
Other revealing aspects of self-control performance also extend
the resemblance to a muscle (see Box 1).
First, just as exercise can make muscles stronger, there are
signs that regular exertions of self-control can improve willpower
strength (for a review, see Baumeister et al., 2006). These
improvements typically take the form of resistance to depletion,
in the sense that performance at self-control tasks deteriorates at
a slower rate. Targeted efforts to control behavior in one area,
such as spending money or exercise, lead to improvements
in unrelated areas, such as studying or household chores.
And daily exercises in self-control, such as improving posture,
altering verbal behavior, and using one’s nondominant hand
for simple tasks, gradually produce improvements in
self-control as measured by laboratory tasks. The finding
that these improvements carry over into tasks vastly different
from the daily exercises shows that the improvements are
not due to simply increasing skill or acquiring self-efficacy
from practice.
Second, just as athletes begin to conserve their remaining
strength when their muscles begin to tire, so do self-controllers
when some of their self-regulatory resources have been
expended. The severity of behavioral impairment during
depletion depends in part on whether the person expects further
challenges and demands. When people expect to have to exert
self-control later, they will curtail current performance more
severely than if no such demands are anticipated (Muraven,
Shmueli, & Burkley, 2006).
Third, and consistent with the conservation hypothesis,
people can exert self-control despite ego depletion if the stakes
are high enough. Offering cash incentives or other motives for
good performance counteracts the effects of ego depletion
(Muraven & Slessareva, 2003). This may seem surprising but in
Eat radish Eat chocolate No-food control
Duration of persistence (min)
Fig. 1. Speed of giving up on an unsolvable task after eating chocolate or
exerting self-control to resist chocolate in favor of radishes on a previous
task (as compared to a no-food control). From Baumeister, Bratslavsky,
Muraven, & Tice, 1998.
352 Volume 16—Number 6
The Strength Model of Self-Control
fact it may be highly adaptive. Given the value and importance
of the capacity for self-control, it would be dangerous for a
person to lose that capacity completely, and so ego depletion
effects may occur because people start conserving their
remaining strength. When people do exert themselves on the
second task, they deplete the resource even more, as reflected in
severe impairments on a third task that they have not anticipated
(Muraven et al., 2006).
To be sure, we think there are levels of depletion beyond
which people may be unable to control themselves effectively,
regardless of what is at stake. Pragmatic and ethical limitations
have prevented us from showing this in laboratory work thus far.
Again, the muscle analogy is relevant: Mildly tired athletes can
indeed manage to summon the strength for a major exertion at
decisive moments, but after a certain point fatigue becomes
How far the muscle analogy can be pushed remains an open
question. Are there self-control states resembling sprained or
injured muscles? One might speculate that burnout or
other pathological states resemble the incapacities stemming
from muscles that have been abused beyond their normal
capacity for recovery.
Multiple lines of work have identified procedures that can
moderate or counteract the effects of ego depletion. Inducing
a state of positive emotion such as humor seems to have that
effect (Tice, Baumeister, Shmueli, & Muraven, 2007). Having
implementation intentions—formulating ‘‘if–then’’ statements
about how to behave in a situation prior to entering it—seems
to be effective most likely because such intentions operate
as behavioral plans and guidelines that reduce the need for
executive control (Webb & Sheeran, 2003). To be sure, none of
these procedures clearly counteracts the depleted state in the
sense of replenishing the depleted resource. Rather, they may all
operate by inducing the person to expend more of the depleted
resource. In contrast, there is some reason to think that
replenishing glucose in the bloodstream does actually rectify the
depletion by restoring the depleted resource (Gailliot et al., 2007).
Understanding self-control has potential applications across
a broad spectrum of human behavior. At the positive end, self-
control is associated with good adjustment, secure attachment,
and other favorable psychological states (Tangney et al., 2004).
At the negative end, poor self-control is associated with elevated
rates of psychopathological complaints and symptoms, as well as
increased vulnerability to various substance-abuse and eating
disorders (Tangney et al., 2004). Evidence that ego depletion
contributes to a variety of problem behaviors—including
excessive alcohol consumption, overeating, sexual misbehavior,
prejudicial discrimination, and violence—is accumulating.
Intelligent behavior is vital to human success, and it depends
partly on self-control. Some processes, such as rote memory, are
fairly automatic and independent of executive control, and these
appear to be relatively unaffected by depletion. But logical
reasoning, extrapolation, and other controlled processes
depend on control by the self, and performance on these tasks
dips sharply when people are depleted (Schmeichel, Vohs, &
Baumeister, 2003).
Interpersonal processes also seem to hinge on self-regulatory
operations, with some needing self-control more than others.
Richeson and Shelton (2003) reasoned that self-control is needed
for discussing delicate, sensitive issues—for instance talking
about racial politics with a member of a different race—because
one has to avoid saying anything that might give offense or be
misinterpreted. The researchers had White participants engage
in such a conversation with a Black person; afterwards, the
participants showed impaired performance on the Stroop task,
a classic measure of self-control in which participants are
BOX 1.
Contexts, Moderators, Mediators, and Implications of the
Limited-Resource Effect
Responses that require self-regulation include
!Controlling thoughts
!Managing emotions
!Overcoming unwanted impulses (e.g., not eating tempting candies
because of being on a diet)
!Fixing attention
!Guiding behavior
!Making many choices
Behaviors thatare sensitive to depletion ofself-regulatoryresources include
!Eating among dieters
!Aggression after being provoked
!Sexual impulses
!Intelligent and logical decision making
Interpersonal processes that require self-regulatory resources include
!Self-presentation or impression management
!Kindness in response to a partner’s bad behavior
!Dealing with demanding, difficult partners
!Interracial interactions
Moderators of ego depletion include
!Heightened motivation to achieve a goal
!Collectivistic cultural background
Physical indicators of ego depletion include
!Heart-rate variability
!Neural changes using electroencephalograph methods
Mediators of ego depletion include
!Subjective time perception (time perception is elongated—i.e., time
moves slowly)
!Blood-glucose levels
Harmful effects of depletion may be counteracted through
!Humor and laughter
!Other positive emotions
!Cash incentives
!Implementation intentions (‘‘if ... then’’ plans)
!Social goals (e.g., wanting to help people; wanting to be a good
relationship partner)
Volume 16—Number 6 353
Roy F. Baumeister, Kathleen D. Vohs, and Dianne M. Tice
instructed to say the color in which other color words are printed
(e.g., when seeing the word green printed in blue, the participant
must override the automatic response of saying ‘‘green’’ in
order to say ‘‘blue’’). Having such a conversation with a member
of one’s own race does not deplete the self and impair sub-
sequent self-control.
Presenting a desired image to others can also tax self-control
strength resources (Vohs, Baumeister, & Ciarocco, 2005). After
exerting effort at managing the impression they made (e.g., when
trying to convey a particular image while making a recording),
people showed deficits at self-control. Moreover, and conversely,
after people had exerted self-control, they were less effective at
managing their behavior so as to make a good impression and in
fact sometimes behaved in annoying or off-putting ways.
The existence of a single energy resource that is used for a broad
range of self-control acts suggests that self theory must move
beyond merely cognitive models. The self is more than a network
of cognitive schemas: It is a dynamic system able to manage
behavior in advanced, complex, and biologically expensive
The use of the body’s energy for complex action control
extends beyond self-control. Recent studies indicate that the
same energy is used for effortful decision making, as well as for
active rather than passive responses (e.g., Vohs et al., 2007).
These seem to correspond to what laypersons understand as
‘‘free will,’’ namely the ability to override impulses, behave
morally, show initiative, and behave according to rational
choices (Baumeister, in press).
Most broadly, the strength model of self-control offers
suggestions about how and why the human self evolved in its
current form. The functional purposes of the self almost certainly
include managing behavior toward fostering enlightened
self-interest and facilitating group membership by garnering
social acceptance. Self-control is helpful for both these goals.
The role of energy suggests that self-control is a complex,
biologically expensive form of behavior. Thus, we may infer that,
to enable humans to create and sustain the complicated groups
to which they belong, including cultural systems, evolution had
to find a way to use the body’s energy to control behavior in
these advanced and subtle ways. For example, human beings
everywhere regulate their behavior according to various rules,
such as social norms, moral principles, and laws.
A particularly broad and important question is what other forms
of behavior (beyond self-control and choice) use this limited
resource: How special is this form of mental effort? We noted that
success at building self-control through exercises has been
inconsistent, so it is also necessary to explore why some
regimens work better than others. Finding a reliable way to
improve self-control would not only shed light on how the self
functions but would also have practical value for therapists,
coaches, educators, parents, and many others.
Identifying the biological substrates of self-control depletion
(and replenishment) would be another helpful direction for
further work. Better understanding of the developmental process
would likewise strengthen the theory and make it more
applicable to human welfare and problems.
Psychology can contribute to society by finding ways to enable
people to live healthier, more successful, and more satisfying
lives. Self-control is a promising avenue to achieve this. It
appears to facilitate success in life in many spheres, and,
crucially, it appears amenable to improvement. Indeed,
self-control can be grouped with intelligence among the (rather
few) traits that are known to contribute to success in human
life across a broad variety of spheres; yet unlike intelligence,
self-control appears amenable to improvement from psycho-
logical interventions, even in adulthood. The strength model can
illuminate how self-control operates and functions. By building
on this knowledge, psychology may be able to improve the
mental health and well-being of many people.
Recommended Reading
Baumeister, R.F., Schmeichel, B.J., & Vohs, K.D. (2007). Self-regulation
and the executive function: The self as controlling agent. In A.
Kruglanski & E.T. Higgins (Eds.), Social psychology: Handbook
of basic principles (2nd ed., pp. 516–539). New York: Guilford. A
recent and thorough overview of the research in a broad context.
Gailliot, M.T., Baumeister, R.F., DeWall, C.N., Maner, J.K., Plant, E.A.,
& Tice, D.M. et al. (2007). (See References). Reports experiments
linking behavioral self-control measures to blood glucose.
Baumeister, R.F., Gailliot, M., DeWall, C.N., & Oaten, M. (2006). (See
References). Anoverviewof the research programon self-control with
emphasis on personality implications and alternative explanations.
Acknowledgments—The authors gratefully acknowledge re-
search support from the Templeton Foundation.
Baumeister, R.F. (in press). Free will in scientific psychology.
Perspectives on Psychological Science.
Baumeister, R.F., Bratslavsky, E., Muraven, M., & Tice, D.M. (1998).
Ego depletion: Is the active self a limited resource? Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology,74, 1252–1265.
Baumeister, R.F., Gailliot, M., DeWall, C.N., & Oaten, M. (2006). Self-
regulation and personality: How interventions increase regulatory
success, and how depletion moderates the effects of traits on
behavior. Journal of Personality,74, 1773–1801.
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Baumeister, R.F., Heatherton, T.F., & Tice, D.M. (1994). Losing control:
How and why people fail at self-regulation. San Diego, CA:
Academic Press.
Gailliot, M.T., Baumeister, R.F., DeWall, C.N., Maner, J.K., Plant, E.A.,
& Tice, D.M., et al. (2007). Self-control relies on glucose as a
limited energy source: Willpower is more than a metaphor. Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology,92, 325–336.
Gottfredson, M.R., & Hirschi, T. (1990). A general theory of crime.
Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Muraven, M., Shmueli, D., & Burkley, E. (2006). Conserving self-control
strength. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,91,
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Motivation and limited resources. Personality and Social
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Richeson, J.A., & Shelton, J.N. (2003). When prejudice does not pay:
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Science,14, 287–290.
Schmeichel, B.J., Vohs, K.D., & Baumeister, R.F. (2003). Intellectual
performance and ego depletion: Role of the self in logical
reasoning and other information processing. Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology,85, 33–46.
Tangney, J.P., Baumeister, R.F., & Boone, A.L. (2004). High self-control
predicts good adjustment, less pathology, better grades, and
interpersonal success. Journal of Personality,72, 271–322.
Tice, D.M., Baumeister, R.F., Shmueli, D., & Muraven, M. (2007).
Restoring the self: Positive affect helps improve self-regulation
following ego depletion. Journal of Experimental Social Psychol-
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Vohs, K.D., Baumeister, R.F., & Ciarocco, N. (2005). Self-regulation
and self-presentation: Regulatory resource depletion impairs
impression management and effortful self-presentation depletes
regulatory resources. Journal of Personality and Social Psychol-
ogy,88, 632–657.
Vohs, K.D., Baumeister, R.F., Twenge, J.M., Nelson, N.M., Rawn, C.D.,
Schmeichel, B.J., & Tice, D.M. (2007) Making choices impairs sub-
sequent self-control:A limitedresource accountof decision making,self-
regulation,and active initiative. Manuscript submittedfor publication.
Vohs, K.D., & Faber, R.J. (2007). Spent resources: Self-regulatory
resource availability affects impulse buying. Journal of Consumer
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Wallace, H.M., & Baumeister, R.F. (2002). The effects of success
versus failure feedback on further self-control. Self and Identity,1,
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Roy F. Baumeister, Kathleen D. Vohs, and Dianne M. Tice
... According to the strength model of self-control [22], people may engage in cyberslacking when they lack self-control [23], while some empirical studies have shown that technostress may result in deficient self-control [24], which may in turn induce cyberslacking [25]. Alternatively, the stress-strain-outcome model [26] suggests that cyberslacking may also be an outcome of stress and burnout [17,27]. ...
... Self-control is the ability of people to maintain conscious control over their actions against impulses, habits, or automated responses [22], and deficient self-control is defined as a state in which conscious self-control is relatively diminished [41]. Some studies have reported that constant stress may reduce individuals' self-control [42][43][44]. ...
... According to the strength model of self-control [22], an individual's ability to exercise self-control is a limited resource. Any activity consuming strength resources, such as emotion management, mental control, and decision making, can lead to the depletion of self-control. ...
Full-text available
College students frequently experience technostress and engage in cyberslacking whilst participating in technology-enhanced learning (TEL). This research aimed to investigate the influence mechanism of technostress on college students’ cyberslacking. This research recruited 634 students from two Chinese colleges to complete a web-based questionnaire adapted from previous research. Structural equation modelling was adopted and the research results showed that: in TEL (1) college students’ technostress significantly and positively affected cyberslacking; (2) deficient self-control partially mediated college students’ technostress and cyberslacking; (3) burnout partially mediated college students’ technostress and cyberslacking; and (4) deficient self-control and burnout played a chain mediating role between college students’ technostress and cyberslacking. These findings improve our understanding of the influence college students’ technostress has on cyberslacking in TEL, and several suggestions to reduce college students’ cyberslacking in TEL are proposed.
... Die Selbstregulation hilft den Kindern zudem, langfristige Handlungs-bzw. Lernziele zu erreichen (Baumeister et al., 2007). Kinder, die in der Lage sind, mit anderen Kindern kooperativ zu interagieren, verfügen über Strategien zur Zielerreichung, die sozial akzeptiert sind (Kanning, 2009). ...
... Die Regulation von Emotionen und sozialem Verhalten der Kinder kann im Laufe der Entwicklung verbessert bzw. gefördert werden (Baumeister et al., 2007). Signifikante und positive Auswirkungen auf das Sozialverhalten und die psychosoziale Belastung von Jugendlichen aus Lehrpersonenperspektive fand Vierbuchen (2015) nach einem durchgeführten Interventionstraining im sozial-kognitiven Informationsverarbeitungsprozess im Rahmen ihrer quasi-experimentell angelegten Studie. ...
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Kinder aus belasteten Familien weisen eine erhöhte Wahrscheinlichkeit für Verhaltensauffäl-ligkeiten auf. In einer deutschen Studie zeigten ca. 20% der Kinder im Alter zwischen drei und zehn Jahren Verhaltensauffälligkeiten (Hölling et al., 2014). Sie sind in ihren Bildungs-verläufen benachteiligt und fordern Schulen sowie Lehrpersonen heraus. Kinder aus belaste-ten Familien haben ein erhöhtes sozio-emotionales Risiko (z.B. psychische Störungen, Schul-ausschluss), erbringen tiefere schulische Leistungen und haben ein erhöhtes Arbeitslosigkeits-risiko. Um die damit verbundenen volkswirtschaftlichen Kosten zu reduzieren, ist es wichtig, gefährdete Kinder frühzeitig zu identifizieren (Früherkennung) und zu fördern. Aus diesem Grund wurde die Interventionsstudie "Förderung der Selbstregulation in Schule und Familie (FOSSA)" lanciert und entwickelt. Der Intervention wurde ein selbst entwickeltes Arbeitsmodell zu Grunde gelegt. In der Lehr-personenweiterbildung wurden konkrete Strategien auf der Kindsebene, der Klassenebene und der Ebene der Elternzusammenarbeit vermittelt, die sich entweder auf das Verhalten oder die Einstellung gegenüber den Kindern mit Verhaltensauffälligkeiten bezogen. In einem ergänzenden Coaching wurde die Umsetzung der Weiterbildungsinhalte in die Praxis unter-stützt. Im Familienprogramm wurden mit den Eltern und deren Kindern konkrete Strategien für den Umgang mit Emotionen im Alltag geübt. In einer Begleitforschung wurde die Wirkung der Intervention quasi-experimentell überprüft. Insgesamt nahmen 201 Kinder aus dem Kindergarten und der Primarstufe aus verschiedenen Deutschschweizer Kantonen an der Studie teil. 117 Kinder waren in der Interventionsgruppe, 41 Kinder in der Kontrollgruppe 1. 43 Kinder gehörten der Kontrollgruppe 2 an, welche zu-sätzlich in den Kontrollgruppenklassen zufällig ausgewählt wurden. Vor und nach der Inter-vention füllten alle teilnehmenden Lehrpersonen und Eltern einen standardisierten Fragebo-gen mit Fragen zur Schule oder Familie, zum Kind und zur Zusammenarbeit von Eltern und Lehrpersonen aus. Zudem wurde mit den Kindern zu beiden Messzeitpunkten ein standardi-sierter Entwicklungstest durchgeführt. Wichtige Elemente des eingeführten Arbeitsmodells konnten mit den Daten des vorliegenden Projekts bestätigt werden: Die Belastungen der Eltern und der Lehrpersonen hängen mit der reaktiven sowie proaktiven Aggression des Kindes zusammen. Dieser Zusammenhang wird durch Aspekte des sozial-emotionalen Lernens (Emotionsregulation, Kooperation mit Gleich-altrigen) erklärt. Das bedeutet, dass die Aspekte des sozial-emotionalen Lernens bei der Ent-stehung von reaktiver und proaktiver Aggression wesentlich beteiligt sind. Kinder aus belaste-ten Familien verhalten sich weniger aggressiv, wenn sie eine hohe sozial-emotionale Kompe-tenz haben und sich entsprechend gut selbst steuern können. Die Ergebnisse zeigten, dass sowohl Eltern als auch Lehrpersonen das Verhalten der Kinder nach der Intervention in der Interventionsgruppe positiver einschätzten als in der Kontroll-gruppe. Insbesondere die Kombination von acht Weiterbildungsinhalten führte zu einer Ver-besserung der sozial-emotionalen Kompetenz und zur Abnahme von reaktiver sowie proakti-ver Aggression der Kinder. Im Entwicklungstest schnitten die Kinder im Subtest ‘Emotionen erkennen’ nach der Intervention und im Vergleich zur Kontrollgruppe besser ab. Zudem fühl-ten sich die Lehrpersonen nach der Intervention im Vergleich zur Kontrollgruppe weniger durch die Verhaltensauffälligkeiten des Kindes belastet und sie konnten ihr Handlungsreper-toire bezüglich eines konsequenten Umgangs mit Unterrichtsstörungen sowie Regeln im Un-terricht und einer Optimierung von Unterrichtsabläufen erweitern. Der Erziehungsstil der El-tern der Interventionsgruppe war im Vergleich zur Kontrollgruppe und zu vor der Interventi-on empathischer. Die Weiterbildung stiess bei den Lehrpersonen auf hohe Akzeptanz. Das Familienprogramm wurde von den Eltern sehr positiv bewertet. Weitere Analysen legten dar, dass Eltern und Lehrpersonen das sozial-emotionale Lernen der Kinder unterschiedlich einschätzten. Dieser Unterschied wird teilweise mit der Beziehung zum Kind aus Lehrpersonensicht erklärt. Kinder zeigen in Schule und Familie offenbar nicht nur primär eine unterschiedlich ausgeprägte sozial-emotionale Kompetenz, sondern die Beur-teilungsunterschiede dieser Kompetenz sind ebenfalls als Wahrnehmungseffekte zu interpre-tieren. Zukünftig sollten Lehrpersonen dafür sensibilisiert werden, um adäquate Beurteilungs-prozesse zu gewährleisten. Zusammenfassend kann festgehalten werden, dass die Lehrpersonenweiterbildung in Kombi-nation mit dem Familienprogramm zu einer Verbesserung des sozial-emotionalen Lernens bei Kindern mit Verhaltensauffälligkeiten und zur Abnahme des aggressiven Verhaltens beisteu-ern kann. Der Ansatz ermöglicht es, die Kinder im integrativen Setting zu fördern und die Verhaltensauffälligkeiten zu reduzieren. Durch die frühe Förderung im Kindergarten und in der Primarstufe können Entwicklungsunterschiede zwischen den Kindern identifiziert und pädagogisch aufgefangen werden. Folglich kann die Chancengleichheit erhöht und Belastun-gen von Bezugspersonen reduziert werden. Die Lehrpersonenweiterbildung sowie das Famili-enprogramm können zukünftig zur Unterstützung der Kinder gebucht werden.
... Fortunately, this situation can compensate for self-control resources by eating, resting, and other different ways [7]. Baumeister and others made a very vivid metaphor, comparing self-control to muscles, which will be tired after use and recover to a certain extent after rest [8]. ...
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In the busy modern society, after experiencing fast-paced work, what people most desire is to have a relatively relaxed and comfortable indoor rest scene. At the same time, with the improvement of material living standards, people have higher and higher requirements for the office and indoor rest environment, and the indoor temperature environment is very important to create a sense of comfort. A good indoor somatosensory temperature environment can not only convey the degree of somatosensory comfort but also relax people’s bodies, in which the air conditioning control system can restore the indoor temperature environment. Based on the abovementioned problems, this paper uses the neural network modeling method, based on the indoor comfort index SET ∗ value and other factors that can affect the environmental temperature, aiming at the human body temperature comfort, constructs a BP neural network model with indoor environmental parameters as the input index, and uses the improved particle swarm optimization algorithm to optimize the model, so as to realize the real-time control of SET ∗ value, and then analyzes the relationship between indoor environmental thermal factors and SET ∗ value, The model is optimized through simulation experiments to improve the optimization degree of the model. The practice shows that the restorative indoor environment model based on improved BP neural network constructed in this paper can optimize the room parameters well, so as to improve indoor comfort and give people a warm accommodation environment.
Purpose The current study aims to identify work-related use of information and communication technologies after-hours (W_ICTs) from passive and active perspectives and examine mechanisms and different effects of information and communication technologies on employee innovation behavior. Design/methodology/approach Experience sampling method (ESM) was employed to capture dynamic within-person variance in daily-behaviors and daily-mood. In total, 92 employees completed an identical online survey each day for ten workdays. Findings The findings showed that the influence patterns and mechanisms of passive and active W_ICTs were utterly different. Passive W_ICTs was negatively associated with employee innovation behavior via emotional exhaustion, while active W_ICTs was positively associated with employee innovation behavior through perceived insider status. Furthermore, differential leadership significantly narrowed the positive relationship between passive W_ICTs and emotional exhaustion. However, differential leadership did not significantly moderate the relationship between active W_ICTs and perceived insider status. Originality/value This study is an important step forward in dividing W_ICTs into passive and active W_ICTs and discovers a dual path of two types of W_ICTs on employee innovation behavior. Findings of this study have heuristic value for future research.
Mobile health interventions are widely used to facilitate individuals’ management of their health behavior. A notable issue is that health interventions with obvious persuasive intent may cause negligence and reactance. In this study, we propose a subtle but powerful way to bolster self-regulation in maintaining healthy behavior by leveraging embodied interaction design. Our study shows that bodily actions in interacting with digital devices can trigger thoughts about prior associated experiences and, thus, be strategically designed to affect individuals’ judgments, decisions, and behavior. Specifically, in three experiments, we find that firmly pressing a touchscreen during mobile interaction (as compared with gently tapping a touchscreen) can activate users’ approach motivation and, thus, induce their preference for a healthy over a tasty beverage, lead to more challenging exercise goals and more exercise, and reduce personal hygiene lapses after receiving hygiene education. Hence, designers of digital health products may consider designing interaction with pressing gestures to facilitate users’ self-regulation and attainment of health-related goals. Policymakers can also encourage the adoption of relevant app designs to improve citizens’ health wellbeing.
We develop a new perspective on various forms of psychological suffering – including attachment issues, burn-out, and fatigue complaints – by drawing on the construct of learned helplessness. We conceptualise learned helplessness in operant terms as the behavioural effects of a lack of reinforcement and in goal-directed terms as the dysregulation of goal-directed behaviour. Our central claim is that if one fails to reach a goal (e.g. the goal to secure a job), then not only this goal but also other related goals (e.g. the goal to maintain social relationships) may lose their motivating effects. The similarity relation between goal stimuli can therefore shed light on how failure in one life domain can come to affect various other life domains. We detail the relation between our proposal and existing theories and discuss new research and clinical directions.
Purpose This research assessed the interactive effects of employee passion and ego-resilience (ER) on relevant work outcomes, including job satisfaction, citizenship behavior, job tension, and emotional exhaustion. The authors hypothesize that higher work passion is associated with less positive work outcomes when employees are low in ER. Design/methodology/approach The authors collected data from three unique samples ( N 's = 175, 141, 164) to evaluate the moderating effect across outcomes. The authors conducted analyses with and without demographic controls and affectivity (e.g. negative and positive). The authors used a time-separated data collection approach in Sample 3. The authors also empirically assess the potential for non-linear passion and ER main effect relationships to emerge. Findings Findings across samples confirm that high passion employees with elevated levels of ER report positive attitudinal, behavioral, and well-being outcomes. Conversely, high passion employees do not experience comparable effects when reporting low levels of ER. Results were broadly consistent when considering demographics and affectivity. Research limitations/implications Despite the single-source nature of the three data collections, The authors took steps to minimize common method bias concerns (e.g. time separation and including affectivity). Future research will benefit from multiple data sources collected longitudinally and examining a more comprehensive range of occupational contexts. Practical implications Passion is something that organizations want in all employees. However, the authors' results show that passion may not be enough to lead to favorable outcomes without considering factors that support its efficacy. Also, results show that moderate levels of passion may offer little benefit compared to low levels and may be detrimental. Originality/value As a focal research topic, work passion research is still in early development. Studies exploring factors that support or derail expected favorable effects of work passion are needed to establish a foundation for subsequent analyses. Moreover, the authors comment on the assumed “more is better” phenomenon. The authors argue for reconsidering the linear approach to predicting behavior in science and practice.
Purpose - Since supervisor incivility and its negative effect may impact employees' psychological health and even the sustainable development of hospitality enterprises, this study aims to explore the channels through which it affects employee turnover intention in China's hospitality industry and suggest possible mitigation measures. Design/methodology/approach - We adopted exploratory factor analysis, measurement model analysis, and the mediation and moderation model and employed SPSS and PROCESS for the analysis. Findings - We found that the impact of supervisor incivility on the employees' turnover intention would be through employees' ego depletion and revealed that organizational support would alleviate such a negative effect. However, organizational support might not mitigate the impact of supervisor incivility on the employees' ego depletion, which is inconsistent with previous studies. We inferred that organizational support might be somewhat related to organizational pressure, thereby enhancing the impact of supervisor incivility on the employees' ego depletion. Research implications-This study not only enriches incivility literature but also suggests new insights into the mixed role of organizational support. Originality/value-Unlike previous studies that mainly focused on workplace pressure from colleagues or customers, this study broadens our understanding of the employees' turnover intention affected by supervisors' workplace incivility and the mixed role of organizational support.
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Some actions are freer than others, and the difference is palpably important in terms of inner process, subjective perception, and social consequences. Psychology can study the difference between freer and less free actions without making dubious metaphysical commitments. Human evolution seems to have created a relatively new, more complex form of action control that corresponds to popular notions of free will. It is marked by self-control and rational choice, both of which are highly adaptive, especially for functioning within culture. The processes that create these forms of free will may be biologically costly and therefore are only used occasionally, so that people are likely to remain only incompletely self-disciplined, virtuous, and rational. © 2008 Association for Psychological Science.
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This research investigated impulse buying as resulting from the depletion of a common-but limited-resource that governs self-control. In three investigations, participants' self-regulatory resources were depleted or not; later, impulsive spending responses were measured. Participants whose resources were depleted, relative to participants whose resources were not depleted, felt stronger urges to buy, were willing to spend more, and actually did spend more money in unanticipated buying situations. Participants having depleted resources reported being influenced equally by affective and cognitive factors and purchased products that were high on each factor at equal rates. Hence, self-regulatory resource availability predicts whether people can resist impulse buying temptations. (c) 2007 by JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH, Inc..
Past work has found that performing one self-control task leads to decrements on subsequent efforts at self-control. The present experiment compared two possible explanations for these decrements, one being a depletion of energy resources, and the other being self-attribution of failure from the first task. Participants performed a Stroop color-word task (an initial self-control exercise) or not, and some received success or failure feedback about their performance. Performing the self-control task led to impaired persistence on a subsequent figure-tracing task, consistent with the energy-depletion model. Success versus failure feedback had no effect, contradicting the self-attribution model.
In "Losing Control," the authors provide a single reference source with comprehensive information on general patterns of self-regulation failure across contexts, research findings on specific self-control disorders, and commentary on the clinical and social aspects of self-regulation failure. Self-control is discussed in relation to what the "self" is, and the cognitive, motivational, and emotional factors that impinge on one's ability to control one's "self." (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Previous work has shown that acts of self-regulation appear to deplete a psychological resource, resulting in poorer self-regulation subsequently. Four experiments using assorted manipulations and measures found that positive mood or emotion can counteract ego depletion. After an initial act of self-regulation, participants who watched a comedy video or received a surprise gift self-regulated on various tasks as well as non-depleted participants and significantly better than participants who experienced a sad mood induction, a neutral mood stimulus, or a brief rest period.
Research on ego-depletion suggests that the ability to self-regulate one's behavior is limited: Exerting self-control on an initial task reduces performance on a subsequent task that also requires self-control. Two experiments tested whether forming implementation intentions could prevent ego-depletion and/or offset the effects of ego-depletion. Experiment 1found that participants who formed implementation intentions during an initial ego-depleting task subsequently showed greater persistence on an unsolvable puzzles task compared to participants who did not form implementation intentions. Experiment 2 found that among participants who had been ego-depleted during an initial task, forming implementation intentions improved subsequent performance on a Stroop task to the level exhibited by non-depleted controls. Thus, implementation intentions help to enhance people's ability to self-regulate their behavior.
If self-regulation conforms to an energy or strength model, then self-control should be impaired by prior exertion. In Study 1, trying to regulate one's emotional response to an upsetting movie was followed by a decrease in physical stamina. In Study 2, suppressing forbidden thoughts led to a subsequent tendency to give up quickly on unsolvable anagrams. In Study 3, suppressing thoughts impaired subsequent efforts to control the expression of amusement and enjoyment. In Study 4, autobiographical accounts of successful versus failed emotional control linked prior regulatory demands and fatigue to self-regulatory failure. A strength model of self-regulation fits the data better than activation, priming, skill, or constant capacity models of self-regulation.
By articulating a general theory of crime and related behavior, the authors present a new and comprehensive statement of what the criminological enterprise should be about. They argue that prevalent academic criminology—whether sociological, psychological, biological, or economic—has been unable to provide believable explanations of criminal behavior. The long-discarded classical tradition in criminology was based on choice and free will, and saw crime as the natural consequence of unrestrained human tendencies to seek pleasure and to avoid pain. It concerned itself with the nature of crime and paid little attention to the criminal. The scientific, or disciplinary, tradition is based on causation and determinism, and has dominated twentieth-century criminology. It concerns itself with the nature of the criminal and pays little attention to the crime itself. Though the two traditions are considered incompatible, this book brings classical and modern criminology together by requiring that their conceptions be consistent with each other and with the results of research. The authors explore the essential nature of crime, finding that scientific and popular conceptions of crime are misleading, and they assess the truth of disciplinary claims about crime, concluding that such claims are contrary to the nature of crime and, interestingly enough, to the data produced by the disciplines themselves. They then put forward their own theory of crime, which asserts that the essential element of criminality is the absence of self-control. Persons with high self-control consider the long-term consequences of their behavior; those with low self-control do not. Such control is learned, usually early in life, and once learned, is highly resistant to change. In the remainder of the book, the authors apply their theory to the persistent problems of criminology. Why are men, adolescents, and minorities more likely than their counterparts to commit criminal acts? What is the role of the school in the causation of delinquincy? To what extent could crime be reduced by providing meaningful work? Why do some societies have much lower crime rates than others? Does white-collar crime require its own theory? Is there such a thing as organized crime? In all cases, the theory forces fundamental reconsideration of the conventional wisdom of academians and crimina justic practitioners. The authors conclude by exploring the implications of the theory for the future study and control of crime.