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Activist Challenges to Deliberative Democracy

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Abstract

The CharactersDeliberative Judgment of ActivismDeliberative Procedures are ExclusiveFormal Inclusion is not EnoughConstrained AlternativesHegemonic DiscourseNotes

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... Pedagogical practices in border crossing often involve spaces of dialogue in the form of contact zones wherein different positionalities "meet, clash, and grapple with each other" (Pratt, 1991, p. 34). Rather than narrow-mindedly focusing on goals of consensus and amicability (Burbules, 2006), contact zones are construed as a "collision of voices" (Lu, 1994, p. 455), in which a multiplicity of opinions, experiences and positions are expressed, explored, and interrogated (Young, 2001). They can encourage students to "explore ways of resisting the unifying forces of 'official' discourse" (Lu, 1994, p. 453) by crossing borders to "see real dialogue and possible conflict as a constructive, engaged, and politically charged practice" (Schmidt, 2007, p. 167). ...
... Dialogue, however, can also be used to challenge and confront, promoting positive dissensus and a multitude of ideas, knowledges, and understandings (Young, 2001), as demonstrated in the work of Barnett (2010) and Lewis (2016) with K-12 music students. As complex ideas are considered, competing views, multiple explanations and differing opinions should not only be appreciated, but also engaged, potentially creating contact zones. ...
... In chapter six, I considered the ways in which students engaged in authorial agency through their dialogical interactions. Rather than view dialogue as a move toward a pre-defined end goal, this study supports the work of scholars who argue that dialogue can and should focus on dissensus and divergence, pushing toward the creation of new ideas that reframe experience and lead toward constructive action (Burbules, 2004(Burbules, , 2006Gould, 2008;Schmidt, 2007Schmidt, , 2012bPratt, 1991;Young, 2001). Practically, this may mean designing curricular experiences that are flexible and responsive. ...
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... The underlying idea of both criticisms is that deliberative situations are not 'free', as in Habermas' (1996: 119) ideal of 'communicative freedom', but rather constrained by, and reinforcing, a pre-existing context that contains social inequalities (McLaverty 2014). Young (2003) gives some more concrete examples of how deliberation may reinforce such inequalities. First, many deliberative bodies presuppose certain institutional relations as a given, but these relations themselves may warrant critical enquiry (Young 2003: 112-5). ...
... For instance, to build on one of Young's most frequent examples (e.g. Young 2003), when the discussion topic would be whether unemployment benefits should be tied to employability tests, the opposing teams may either argue that there are other better ways to gain employability, or that the whole concept of employability is flawed and unjustly gives people individual responsibility over whether or not they can find a job. Given that the opposing teams need to distinguish themselves from each other, the format aims to incentivise teams to think 'out of the box' and consider the second option. ...
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In recent decades, deliberation about public issues has become a central theme in citizenship education. In line with an increasing philosophical and political appreciation of the importance of deliberation within democracy, schools, as training grounds for democratic citizenship, should foster high-level deliberative skills. However, when this insight is translated into practical formats, these formats suffer from a number of shortcomings. Specifically, they can be criticised on philosophical grounds for advantaging select societal groups, and on empirical grounds for facilitating groupthink mechanisms. This paper aims to address these shortcomings by suggesting a role for debating techniques within deliberative education. Because debating stimulates the contestation of diverse opinions, it may counteract the silencing of minority viewpoints and the proliferation of groupthink. At the same time, debating-based formats must be closely regulated in order to not imperil compromise formation. A concrete format is presented that balances these considerations and may therefore contribute to more effective deliberation in the classroom.
... (Fung 2005 lack an account of how existing institutions and practices might become more deliberative" (Fung 2005: 398). Unlike Young (2001), he finds that deliberation and activism are not so hard to reconcile as "widespread inequality and failures of reciprocity can justify nonpersuasive, even coercive, methods for the sake of deliberative goals" (Fung 2005: 399) and advocates for 'deliberative activism'. ...
... Knight and Johnson (1997) for example illustrate the demanding kind of equality required by deliberation and suggest that deliberative politics would therefore justify the need for substantial redistribution of power and resources. Dryzek (2000) and Young (2001) both draw attention to the structural forces and constraints of existing liberal constitutionalism and capitalist economies and advocate for theorizing deliberative politics as an alternative to these structures. According to Young "deliberative democracy should help create inclusive deliberative settings […] in which basic social and economic structures can be examined, […] [which] for the most part must be outside of and opposed to ongoing settings of official policy discussion" (Young 2001: 684-685). ...
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The main intention of this thesis is to propose a comprehensive approach to the emancipatory potential of deliberative politics. There are several reasons why I think such an approach might be instructive for political theory, emancipatory struggle and society in general. While deliberative democracy has become one of the most prominent fields in political theory, it is failing to have a transformative impact on political practice. Apart from enriching the theoretical considerations, a readjustment of the theory and practice of deliberative politics therefore seems vital for these considerations to gain relevance outside of academic discourse. I believe, my approach could also inform emancipatory struggles. While I argue that activist practices often already reflect deliberative politics, activists themselves do not relate to the concept. Making the relation explicit might help to spark a productive reflection of deliberative theories and activist decision-making. Most importantly though the urgency of radical societal change in my opinion makes it imperative to propose and realize new ways of organising our coexistence on a planet with finite resources. My thesis mainly consists of two parts. In the first part (Chapter 2) I will give an over-view of the theory and practice of deliberative politics. After a short genealogy of the notion of deliberation (Section 2.1.), I turn to the academic field of deliberative democ-racy (Section 2.2.) which seems to be the basis for most of the theoretical considerations and practical innovations that explicitly relate to deliberative politics. In the second part of my thesis (Chapter 3) I then rely on the remarks made by others as well as my own insights to assess the emancipatory potential of deliberative politics. After I review what has already been written about the relation of deliberation to questions of power and emancipation (Section 3.1.), I propose a comprehensive approach to the emancipatory potential of deliberative politics (Section 3.2.). I end my thesis with some concluding remarks (Chapter 4).
... In response to the affective turn in critical studies that focus on real and virtual spaces, this chapter looks at the impact of discursive affective interactions in academics' participation in a virtual space of an online forum. Young's (1996Young's ( , 2003 communicative model of moral discourse offers a means to broaden the rational scope of Habermas (1984Habermas ( , 1987Habermas ( , 1990. The researcher can also look at the role of affect as an integral part of reason in discursive interactions dealing with moral issues related to the practice of racism. ...
... The researcher can also look at the role of affect as an integral part of reason in discursive interactions dealing with moral issues related to the practice of racism. Young's (1996Young's ( , 2003 theory informs the question explored here, as the rational interest is broadened and becomes an appropriate way to analyse the potential of a forum. This, in turn, contributes to a discourse that enables participants to look critically at and eventually transform their own affective experiences. ...
... As this critique favours a kind of rationality which does not make it possible to identify and analyse persistent power relations, it is necessary to broaden the scope of critique in order to allow a diversity of multiple voices, which do not meet the strict rules of rationality within the Habermas model. Such an expansion of communication is present in Young's (1996;1990;2003) communicative model of democracy, which aims to be more inclusive. The researcher explores knowledge new to the field of emancipation through online dialogue in this article, as the implication of the communicative model of democracy and the emotional attributes of both models in discourse is not apparent in online academic environments. ...
... The feelings of doubt which the communicative model (Young 2000;2001;2003) recognises, is in contrast with the rational model's forms of certain knowledge and persuasion. ...
... Deliberative theorists have voiced concerns about activists' lack of openness to ideas advanced by other political actors in the context of democratic deliberation, and about their use of deliberative arenas to promote particular political goals (Talisse 2005). From an activist perspective, deliberative arenas risk both marginalizing the perspective of already disenfranchised groups and also potentially contributing to co-opting and delegitimizing protest (Young 2003). The reasons for this are in part cultural: the deliberative ideal presupposes reasonable, consensus-oriented debate governed by the norms of universalism, rationality, and neutrality (Polletta 2015). ...
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The chapter addresses the relations between social movements and deliberative democracy, pointing at opportunities but also at tensions in theorization and practices of democracy. While social movements are important for deliberative democracy, and vice versa, activists and deliberative democrats alike have addressed a number of tensions between deliberative democracy and protest. The global diffusion of deliberative norms, practices, and experiences of democracy in social movements is discussed in the light of the growing literature on deliberative democracy. In particular, faced with challenges to the legitimacy and efficacy of representative democracy, social movements' democratic innovations, such as the Forum and the Camp, represent important experiments in cooperation in settings of deep diversity and inequality. In addition, the reflections on social movements' conceptions and practices help in specifying some conceptualization of deliberative politics.
... El valor alcanzado con la institucionalización de mecanismos de inserción social en Brasil, y en particular con los consejos de políticas públicas, es innegable, debido a las posibilidades reales de incluir en sus estructuras políticas y sociales a una parte de la población que fue excluida de los procesos políticos. La posibilidad de que la sociedad use la comunicación, la voz, como un acto político (Young, 2003;Vargas Cortes, 2005). ...
... É válida, por um lado, a constatação de que a teoria democrática contemporânea encerra, a partir da segunda metade do século XX, um consenso procedimentalista (Santos e Avritzer, 2003) que segue desde o minimalismo democrático inscrito na obra de Schumpeter ainda nos anos 1940, até as formulações "contra-hegemônicas" como, por exemplo, aquelas que saúdam o valor normativo das experiências participativas conduzidas nos processos de transição democrática ocorrentes no Sul Global (Avritzer, 2009(Avritzer, , 2010 ou as que incorporam concepções agonísticas segundo as quais o ativismo e o protesto se inserem no leque de ações entendidas como válidas participações político-democráticas (Young, 2001). ...
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RESUMO Este artigo pretende identificar alguns problemas e temas de pesquisa que se descortinam para a Ciência Política brasileira sob o cenário social, político e econômico aberto com a promulgação do Novo Regime Fiscal no país. A partir de uma pesquisa teórica que revisita referências oriundas de matrizes tão distintas como a public choice e o deliberacionismo, identifica-se a centralidade da dimensão fiscal para a formação e o funcionamento dos regimes democráticos. Desta premissa, constata-se uma homologia entre regimes fiscais e regimes políticos, decorrente da propriedade que aqueles têm de influenciarem as instituições, as políticas públicas e os interesses políticos ocorrentes nestes. Percebe-se, adicionalmente, que as alterações constitucionais experimentadas na lógica das finanças públicas brasileiras podem ser classificadas como um caso extremo de fiscalidade impulsionada pelo horizonte normativo associado à ideia de austeridade expansionista. Assim, propugna-se que as pesquisas teóricas e empíricas, atualmente mais frequentes no Norte Global, sobre a tensa relação entre constrição orçamentária e política democrática, encontram no Brasil um ambiente especialmente propício para serem conduzidas.
... A ênfase normativa dada à igualdade e à inclusão instiga a análise da aplicabilidade desses princípios em sociedades marcadas por desigualdades estruturais, como o Brasil, em que há igualdade apenas formal, mas desigualdade socioeconômica, que se reflete nos processos e decisões políticas (Young, 2003). ...
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Resumo Este artigo buscou avaliar a efetividade deliberativa em um conselho municipal de saúde, com o intuito de produzir informações que contribuam para o aprimoramento da democracia deliberativa. Trata-se de estudo de caso, de abordagem qualitativa, sobre o Conselho Municipal de Saúde de Criciúma, Santa Catarina. A coleta de dados foi realizada em 2018 com base nas seguintes estratégias: observação participante, 12 entrevistas semiestruturadas e análise documental. Os dados organizados e sistematizados resultaram em três categorias temáticas, quais sejam: funcionamento; relações de poder entre Estado e Sociedade Civil; e questões conflituosas. Como resultado, constatou-se que os princípios da igualdade de participação, da igualdade deliberativa, da liberdade de pensamento, bem como da pluralidade da composição, os temas discutidos, as normas para a definição da pauta e para a ocupação da presidência tornam este fórum colegiado mais democrático. Todavia o princípio da inclusão deliberativa é prejudicado por questões relativas à divergência de interesses, sobremaneira, os interesses pessoais e políticos em detrimento aos interesses coletivos, sendo esse o maior obstáculo relacionado à efetividade deliberativa. Neste cenário, evidencia-se a importância de informar e conscientizar os conselheiros, a fim de ampliar a capacidade de intervenção no campo ético, político e de conhecimento no campo da democracia e da saúde.
... Evidently, the 'two-track' system of deliberative democracy is not always successful in dismantling social hierarchies or eradicating oppressive structures. As Black Lives Matter and similar contemporary movements indicate, the interaction between the state and social justice movements can be highly confrontational and the state can actively seek to delegitimise protest movements (Young 2003). However, there are also numerous examples of how civil society associations have succeeded in transforming public opinion and influencing formal political decision-making (Dryzek 2000;Hartz-Karp, Carson, and Briand 2018). ...
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Gert Biesta criticises deliberative models of democracy and education for being based on an understanding of democracy as a ‘normal’ order, which involves certain ‘entry conditions’ for democratic participation. As an alternative, Biesta introduces the idea of democracy as ‘disruption’ and the associated subjectification conception of education both of which he draws from the work of Jacques Rancière. This paper challenges Biesta’s critique of deliberative democracy by demonstrating that the ‘entry conditions’ for deliberation serve an important normative function. It is also suggested that Biesta’s critique dismisses some important dimensions of the deliberative model. The paper further contests Biesta’s conceptions of democracy and education by arguing, first, that his position involves certain contradictions that are problematic especially from a normative perspective. Second, the paper argues that Biesta’s conceptions of democracy and education might result in dismissing crucially important questions concerning the long-term evaluation and improvement of democratic and educational institutions.
... But there is a long line of criticism of citizen-based discussion being distorted by another force-the predictable pattern of group psychology in which the advantaged dominate the process and impose their views on everyone else. Political theorists of deliberation, building on the jury literature have found this distortion common if not nearly inevitable (Sanders 1997, Young, 2003. "Inequality is always in the room" as Lupia and Norton (2017) argue in their elegantly entitled critique of deliberation. ...
... Y se preguntan "¿Cómo una escuela de pensamiento marxista que pretendía explicar las premisas del fracaso del proyecto emancipador pudo abstenerse de analizar la pesadilla del «socialismo realmente existente»?" (Zizek y Soler (2005: 81) Algunos autores dirigen su crítica al centro de la propuesta de deliberación. Para Iris Marion Young (2001), la teoría y la práctica de la democracia deliberativa no tiene herramientas suficientes para impedir que deliberaciones sean distorsionadas o puedan ser clausuradas. Para Young es necesario contar con una teoría de la ideología y una genealogía del discurso, y su manera de ayudar a constituir la forma en que individuos se ven ellos mismos y a su mundo social. ...
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Este trabajo explora las principales ideas políticas del filósofo y sociólogo alemán Jürgen Habermas, las contextualiza en el marco de la escuela de su pensamiento y sus influencias; posteriormente se detiene en su propuesta normativo-política de democracia deliberativa. Concluye con la sistematización de diversas apreciaciones que se han vertido hacia esas tesis, y particularmente analiza la actualidad de su propuesta a la luz de las recientes transformaciones políticas en América Latina. Una relectura de la teoría crítica de Habermas se hace necesaria, cuando advertimos que la sociedad civil en Latinoamérica se encuentra debilitada: mientras en la fase neoliberal la sociedad civil fue colonizada por la economía, en la nueva etapa postneoliberal está siendo colonizada por el Estado.
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Flagging labor governance in far-flung supply networks has prompted greater scrutiny of instrumental CSR and calls for models that are tethered more closely to accountability, constraint, and oversight. Political CSR is an apt response, but this paper seeks to buttress its deliberative moorings by arguing that the agonist notion of ‘domesticated conflict’ provides a necessary foundation for substantive deliberation. Because deliberation is more viable and effective when coupled with some means of coercion, a concept of CSR solely premised on reciprocal corporate-stakeholder engagement is pre-mature; efforts should first be directed toward the antecedents of reciprocity and how it is to be achieved, and only then does deliberation become a reliably substantive exercise. The resulting account of agonistic CSR is generated through agonistic principles of realism, pro-action, contestation, and countervailence, and illustrated by the Bangladesh Accord.
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According to the mainstream literature, the concept of democracy coincides with the historical configuration of the liberal-democratic regimes, producing a static image that rests on a minimal, procedural meaning. We instead support the idea of process-oriented democracy, which occurs in the conflicting relationship between citizens and the state. Every process of democratisation is exposed to the risks of a de-democratisation featuring the regression of democratic conditions. We also integrate the concept of democracy of liberal derivation with other meanings that are gaining ground in the face of a crisis of legitimisation of Western liberal regimes. Democracy is also linked to political participation, connected to the two interrelated concepts of citizenship and democratisation; citizens to whom the rights of belonging to a political community are guaranteed, take part in the public life of that community, trying to influence its course. They may only be interested in public affairs, developing mass political attitudes not necessarily translated into direct engagement, or may also actively participate in the political process in the conventional forms of voting or, otherwise, using non-conventional, protest-oriented repertoires of action. The three main actors of collective political participation are “political parties”, “interest groups” and “social movements”. In this chapter, we will dedicate a specific section to interest groups, which are now central in the dynamics of decision-making in contemporary democracies. Every democratisation process always starts from a non-democratic condition. We will observe the main forms of non-democratic state organisation, from traditionalism to totalitarianism, and the various types of authoritarianism and then dedicate the last section to transition regimes, the so-called pseudo-democracies, and post-democracies.
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Deliberative democracy requires both equality and difference, with structures that organize a cohesive public while still accommodating the unique perspectives of each participant. While institutions like laws and norms can help to provide this balance, the built environment also plays a role supporting democratic politics—both on- and off-line. In this article, I use the work of Hannah Arendt to articulate two characteristics the built environment needs to support democratic politics: it must (1) serves as a common world, drawing users together and emphasizing their common interests and must also (2) preserve spaces of appearance, accommodating diverse perspectives and inviting disagreement. I, then, turn to the example of Facebook to show how these characteristics can be used as criteria for evaluating how well a particular digital platform supports democratic politics and providing alternative mechanisms these sites might use to fulfill their role as a public realm.
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We analyse the idea of democratic imagining in relation to the roles of university teachers and students. Central to any form of pedagogical engagement among teachers and students is the practice of civility. Enacting one’s practices in a decent manner during deliberative pedagogical encounters implies that teachers and students act in non-discriminatory and non-repressive ways in pursuit of enhancing their critical praxis. In addition, when pedagogical practices have a leaning towards non-discrimination and non-repression there is always the possibility that democratic practices will remain inclusive both internally and externally. Democratic imagining holds university teachers and students to the moral standards of human engagement, that is, treating one another with decency. And, when people act with civility they open themselves up to deliberative encounters underscored by non-discriminatory and non-repressive acts of being towards cultivating socially just communities of praxis.
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This article examines the capacity of management plans to respond to conflicts arising in conservation planning and management. As a widely adopted policy tool for nature conservation, management plans are often prepared in situations with diverging interests. Our starting point is that these plans inevitably influence planning situations, and the conflicts emerging in these situations, even though conflict resolution may not be their primary purpose. Inspired by Lucy Suchman's work on plans in technology development, we analyse the situated effects of four management plans dealing with wildlife and land‐use conflicts. Based on the analysis, we identify features that increase the sensitivity of management plans to power asymmetries in planning situations. We suggest that attentiveness to power effects is a step towards ‘uncomfortable planning’, a principle identified by Rafael Ramirez and Jerome Ravetz to be key in responding to the possibility that plans in uncertain, complex and controversial situations make things worse. Uncomfortable planning seeks to involve the peripheral voices and experiences that plans tend to neglect and that often form the roots of conflicts in planning. Adhering to uncomfortable planning is thus a way to enhance the aptitude of management plans as tools in contentious conservation planning situations.
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Este artículo sostiene que la desobediencia coercitiva motivada por el cambio climá-tico a veces es antidemocrática, pero no por eso es impermisible. El cambio climático representa un peligro tan grave para los derechos básicos de millones de personas en todo el mundo, que incluso el derecho básico a la democracia puede verse justificadamente desplazado como medio para disminuir el riesgo de una catástrofe climática. El artículo responde también a quienes afirman que la desobediencia coercitiva climática es siempre democrática porque sirve para igualar la influencia informal sobre las decisiones públicas o protege las precondiciones de la democracia. Estos argumentos solo rescatan algunos actos de desobediencia climática coercitiva. Los demás son antidemocráticos, pero no por eso impermisibles.
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Deliberations are discussions about what an institution, community, or nation should do, and are essential for maintaining a robust democracy. This study examined whether Epistemic Network Analysis (ENA) can complement existing methods for assessing deliberations, none of which fully account for the dynamic interplay among specific speech acts and speakers that unfolds over the course of a conversation. In this pilot study, students at two universities deliberated about the same issue online. ENA models of discussions at each university with the content of speech acts as nodes showed differences between discussions at the two universities that were consistent with a qualitative analysis of the transcripts, but also revealed patterns that were not initially apparent in the qualitative account. This suggests that ENA is a valuable tool for modeling deliberations.
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Uniwersytet jako wspólnota intelektualna i przestrzeń badań, edukacji oraz rozwoju kształtuje kulturę akademicką. Celem kształcenia jest przekazanie absolwentom prawa wiedzy - bez wątpienia kluczowej dla wykonywania zawodu, ale również kompetencji i umiejętności umożliwiających uczestniczenie w kulturze prawa. Deliberacja jest procesem, w którym poprzez świadome, odpowiedzialne oraz ukierunkowane na poznanie działanie, możliwa jest racjonalna, ale również refleksyjna zmiana, uwzględniająca zarówno preferencje podmiotów jak i jednocześnie dynamikę zmiany otaczającego ich świata. Organizacja uniwersytetu w oparciu o filozofię deliberacji wpisuje się w tradycję akademicką, opartą o autonomię poznawczą, rozumianą jako podmiotowe prawo badaczy i studentów do wolności nauki i nauczania.
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This paper addresses how the design of collaborative regimes influences markers of legitimacy in Swedish water‐ and large carnivore governance. Based on institutional analysis and statistical analysis of survey data, the study examines two systems with different types of collaborative designs and compares them in relation to markers of legitimacy, in terms of perceived process quality, policy agreement and policy acceptance among the involved decision‐making actors and concerned organizations. The findings show how the design of collaboration influences some, but not all, explored markers of legitimacy. First, the categories of actors involved; whom they are accountable to; and the authority given to the collaborative forums, effect perceptions of influence, the possibility of reaching joint agreements and the degree of policy agreement among involved decision‐makers. Second, the findings indicate that the degree of policy agreement among concerned organizations is unaffected by differences in institutional design. Third, the degree of policy acceptance among involved decision‐making actors and concerned organizations was unaffected by institutional design and notably high in both systems. The results both verify and develop previous research findings and the message to policymakers is to carefully consider the design when introducing new collaborative forums, including whom to invite, in what role, and with what mandate.
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With right-wing populist movements gaining ever more traction worldwide, great attention is paid to addressing their exclusionary rhetoric. In this article, I focus on the question how to deal with these radical-right sentiments in our public debates. Believing that both exclusion and inclusion of right-wing populist voices wield counter-productive effects, I juxtapose Habermas’s public sphere theory to Mouffe’s model of agonistic pluralism and posit that both are ultimately insufficient to tackle the populist danger, albeit for different reasons. However, by synthesizing Mouffe’s model with the ideas of Zygmunt Bauman and Iris Marion Young, I introduce the concept of an empathetic public sphere as a model for creating minimal common grounds between right-wing populist “selves” and the “others” they oppose. Finally, I then move this normative model into the realm of media and communication studies and assess how empathetic storytelling might be given shape in today’s fragmented media ecology.
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Scholars have pinpointed that women's underrepresentation in peacemaking results in gendered outcomes that do not address women's needs and interests. Despite recent increased representation at the negotiating table, women still have a limited influence on peacemaking outcomes. We propose that differences in female and male speeches reflected in the gendered patterns in discourse during peacemaking explain how women's influence is curtailed. We examine women's speaking behavior in transitional justice debates in the post-conflict Balkans. Applying multimethod quantitative text analysis to over half a million words in multiple languages, we analyze structural and thematic speech patterns. We find that men's domination of turn-taking and the absence of topics reflecting women's needs and interests lead to a gendered outcome. The sequences of men talking after men are longer than those of women talking after women, which restricts women's deliberative space and opportunities to develop and sustain arguments that reflect their concerns. We find no evidence that women's limited influence is driven by lower deliberative quality of their speeches. This study of gendered dynamics at the microlevel of discourse identifies a novel dimension of male domination during peacemaking.
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Unter dem Stichwort der Polarisierung wird zurzeit die Sorge artikuliert, dass die westlichen Demokratien an inneren Spannungen zu zerbrechen drohen. 1 Aber ist es tatsächlich so, dass zunehmende Distanz zwischen den politischen Lagern die Demokratie zwangsläufig beschädigt oder gar ihre Existenz gefährdet? Um dies zu beurteilen bedarf es eines differenzierten Blicks auf Polarisierungsphänomene und normativer Maßstäbe, die der unhintergehbaren Pluralität moderner Gesellschaften angemessen sind.
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Translation is at the heart of activities of social movements and practices of protest and political mobilisation. This chapter explores activists as translators mediating social, political, and cultural change. Inspired by students of international relations, comparative literature, migration, culture, and gender, the chapter shows how activists in different parts of the world address cultural diversity, structural inequality, and linguistic differences in order to translate their ideas and visions of political and social change. Focusing on grassroots democracy in social movements, the chapter traces the empirical practices of critical, dialogical, as well as disruptive political translation by which activists communicate social change to diverse audiences, multilingual constituencies, and specific target groups.
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A questão fundamental em debate neste trabalho é o futuro do orçamento participativo, enquanto prática política e governamental com quase trinta anos de experimentação, no Brasil e no mundo. Essa prática, que começou com grande euforia e esperança (apreciada mesmo nas reflexões acadêmi-cas), foi perdendo força e aderência gradualmente no Brasil, onde surgiu. Até mesmo as experiências de OP mais mencionadas, de Porto Alegre (RS) e de Belo Horizonte (MG), declinaram e perderam importância. Também come-çou-se recentemente a questionar a eficácia e o impacto da metodologia participativa na gestão orçamentária. Embora isso ainda não tenha sido con-siderado na Espanha, um país que, junto com Portugal, atualmente, possui o maior número de experiências em andamento. Segue sendo necessário, por-tanto, refletir sobre os obstáculos e dificuldades de implementação e obten-ção de resultados nas tentativas remanescentes e por vir.
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Community radio is unique when compared to its commercial and public service counterparts in that, as a non-profit activity, it is owned, managed and controlled by local communities, In theory therefore, community radio offers the potential for more broad-based participation in deliberation and debate within the public sphere engaging multiple voices and perspectives and contributing towards progressive social change. Drawing on a study of four community radio stations in Ireland within a framework drawn from the evolving work of Habermas and associated deliberative, social and media theorists, in this article we examine the extent to which this is the case in practice. We find that democratic participation is still not optimised within the four stations studied. We argue that the reasons for this lie in four main areas: a somewhat limited policy framework; a focus within training programmes on technical competencies over content; the weakness of linkages between stations and their local community groups; and the failure of the latter to understand the unique remit of community radio. The article draws lessons of specific interest to researchers and activists in these domains, as well as offering a framework to those interested in examining community media’s contribution to the re-animation of the public sphere more broadly.
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Scholarly understandings of LGBTQ2S activist geographies are largely informed by a metronormative analytical lens that inadequately captures the shifting landscapes of sexual diversity in Canadian city-regions. The gap between the available services in peripheral municipalities and the rising demand from their growing LGBTQ2S populations has mobilised fractured groups of activists to lobby for policy, programming and service changes. This paper examines sexual politics in suburban civil society, focusing on the grassroots organising of not-for-profit activist groups as they interact with local government outside of the electoral process. It compares LGBTQ2S activist practices in two neighbouring, although differently sized and demographically divergent, peripheral municipalities in the Vancouver city-region: Surrey and New Westminster. A comparative case study approach reveals how LGBTQ2S activists work through variations in suburban political opportunity structures, resource landscapes and inter-organisational relations resulting in differential practices of mobilisation and collective action. In contrast with an urban legacy of insurgent practices of LGBTQ2S resistance, suburban LGBTQ2S activisms primarily centre on enactments of local resourcefulness, community resilience and institutional reworking within more dispersed resource landscapes.
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Arrangements for collaboration in knowledge production across academia, government, non-governmental organisations, and corporations have several names, such as citizen-science, community-based participatory research, engaged research and hybrid forums. The multiplicity of schemes does not lie only in the high number of names for various versions of collaborative knowledge production. Different scholars also use concepts in multiple ways, depending on their individual choices, mother disciplines, and the problem area in which collaboration occurs. At the same time, there is a lack of analytical tools that address the full range of collaborative research schemes and provide a systematic set of questions to learn about the schemes, challenges, and opportunities. Based on our review of academic journal articles highlighting collaborative research schemes, this paper aims to analyse three parameters which it is fair to say that virtually all arrangements of collaborative knowledge production ought to consider when making decisions, parameters that are often partially missed or misunderstood: (A) epistemic-procedural, (B) exclusive-inclusive and (C) aggregative-integrative. By examining the three parameters, their political theory origins, and how they connect to and challenge existing schemes of knowledge collaboration, we provide analytical tools that could facilitate processes of developing and scrutinising arrangements of collaborative research.
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The Great Recession that hit the world in 2008 functioned as a critical juncture, nurturing socioeconomic but also political transformations. Some of the political developments during the crisis have challenged civil, political and social rights, triggering a Great Regression. In the geographical areas that have been hardest hit by the financial crisis, particularly in the European periphery, waves of protest have, however, challenged the austerity policies adopted by national governments under heavy pressure from lending institutions including the European Central Bank, the European Union (EU) and the International Monetary Fund. This has put democracy under stress, but also triggered at some capacity for innovation. While some have considered the multiple crises as proof that governments need more technical expertise, others have blamed an “econocracy” that has taken over political decisions while pretending they are not political. Siding with this second vision, I will suggest in these notes that what we need is more, rather than less participation in democracy. I develop my argument by summarising some recent reflections in the social sciences on the challenges that the financial crisis poses to democracy, and the ways to address those challenges.
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