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Anthropology and development
Abstract
This article examines the various ways in which the relationship between anthropology and development has been established in anthropological practice especially in the last few decades. The change in mainstream development theory towards the inclusion of social and cultural considerations paved the way, in the 1970s, for the increasing participation of social scientists in development, resulting in the emergence of 'development anthropology' within development institutions. In the 1980s, in the wake of post-structuralist critiques of culture and representation, another field - the 'anthropology of development' - came into existence. The article reviews the concepts, experience and predicaments of these two fields, taking their respective views of both anthropology and development as a point of departure. Today, it is argued, it is difficult to maintain the boundaries between the two fields; novel forms of engaging anthropology and development are, in fact, appearing. These emerging practices are analysed by focusing on the work of a handful of anthropologists who are crafting a new theory of practice and a new practice of theory at the intersection of anthropology and development. The article concludes with some thoughts for the future on the anthropology of globalization and postdevelopment.
... A counterpoint paradigm then took over, born of a view that malnutrition was multi-causal and attention was therefore needed to many determinants of nutritionand therefore coordinated work from many sectors -all at once. This multi-sectoral view of nutrition arrived on the back of a broader 'age of planning' in international development in the 1960s and 70s (Escobar, 1997), and in an era when 'integrated rural development' was becoming a major focus for development projects more generally (Ruttan, 1984). Within this paradigm, the World Bank added both a 'rural development' focus to its agriculture department, and a nutrition department to its population unit in 1973, explicitly bringing attention to the links between agricultural development and nutrition in its programs (Herforth & Hoberg, 2014). ...
... Related to the framing of issues is the way that knowledge is seen in the fields of development and nutrition. As an ultimately Western concept, development is bound up with Western scientific knowledge and how knowledge is presented; the work of academics and the accumulated canon of knowledge on different facets of development, as well as development itself, is therefore generally couched in terms of the developers' knowledge categories, often around economics, technology and management (Edkins, 2000;Escobar, 1997;Hobart, 1993). Similarly, nutrition as a discipline stems from Western health and medicine, which in turn rest on classical theories from behavioural psychology, biomedical science, and public administration (Potvin, Gendron, Bilodeau, & Chabot, 2005), and it has been recognized that the generally technical training in biology and perhaps public health for most practitioners in this field means nutrition research and practice often struggle to bring in broader social science and political theory (Berg, 1993;Garrett & Natalicchio, 2011). ...
... Stunting is also key to discursive strategies and framings as 'strategically ambiguous' to bring different interests on board; and the 'rendering technical' of complex political processes in order to more easily frame a response without touching on complex political issues. Early anthropology of development work determined that the production and circulation of discourses is an integral part of the exercise of power (Escobar, 1997), with dominant narratives propagating the ideas which manifest as policy. This power could be exercised for benign purposes (such as the eradication of malnutrition) but the process of advancing a discourse is still an exercise in placing one set of views over another. ...
International public health nutrition is an arm of international development that has recently gained visibility and traction. With growing numbers of actors involved, there are however multiple potential perspectives on what nutrition action means in practice. This empirical study aims to provide fresh insight and a stimulus to debate around research and practice in the world of international nutrition, exploring through literature review, interviews and political and social theory the questions: How has the discourse underpinning nutrition policy and practice evolved internationally over time; and how have changing narratives and interests affected the global agenda for nutrition?
A dominant discourse in international nutrition currently is of the need for multi-sectoral action for the reduction of child stunting. The paper traces the evolution of this narrative through analysis of conflict among paradigms and among the actors that propagate them; the role of discursive strategies and framings as ‘strategically ambiguous’ to bring diverse actors together, though with sometimes contradictory actions in pursuit of a common stated goal; and the ‘rendering technical’ of complex, often politically-charged processes in order to more simply frame a response.
There are practical implications of these divergent philosophies, ambiguous language, and contingent knowledge for the nutrition community and its actions to reduce the global burden of malnutrition. Problematizing nutrition issues in certain ways has implications for what is done to address them, so policy makers and practitioners should reflect on the limits that the ascendant paradigms, popular framings, and dominant forms of knowledge might impose on what may be done in their name.
... ANCSA, the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, was passed in 1971 and outlined which lands remained in Native hands, and which became the property of the state and federal government (Mitchell 2001). The corporate structure of the program, however, was explicitly part of a development and assimilation paradigm (e.g., Escobar 1997Escobar , 2001Autumn 1996;Hearth 2009), with land rights assigned to corporations instead of tribes and these corporations then, theoretically, providing economic opportunity through increased development opportunities in rural Alaska. Negative side effects of the program included decreased tribal sovereignty (Case and Voluck 2002), and particularly a decrease of control over subsistence, the lifeblood of rural Alaska Native communities (Anders and Langdon 1989;Conn and Langdon 1988;Landgdon 1986), as well as the creation a system in which land rights could be slowly lost over time as payment for debts (Berger 1985). ...
... The findings of this study therefore align with those of Bebbington (2000), who found that contrary to common poststructural critiques (e.g., Escobar 1997), government intervention in the form of development projects can improve quality of life in rural communities. While the history of development is one of colonial control, subaltern status, and local resistance (Escobar 1997), the future of development need not be limited in such ways. ...
... The findings of this study therefore align with those of Bebbington (2000), who found that contrary to common poststructural critiques (e.g., Escobar 1997), government intervention in the form of development projects can improve quality of life in rural communities. While the history of development is one of colonial control, subaltern status, and local resistance (Escobar 1997), the future of development need not be limited in such ways. Projects that increase local control over political and economic institutions can improve local quality of life (Bebbington 2000; this study). ...
This paper describes how relational place-making, with its focus on power dynamics, networked politics, and non-market, locally-valued characteristics, provides a useful framework for managers to better design fishing community policies. Social data, while becoming more common in fisheries management analyses, are typically restricted to quantitative measures that often cannot adequately summarize dynamics within fishing communities. In contrast, detailed ethnographic research and the theoretical framework of relational place-making can provide a useful methodology through which to gather social data to understand resource-dependent communities and the effects of fisheries management policies in these places. Relational place-making describes the process through which physical spaces are transformed into socially meaningful places, and how these understandings are contested and negotiated among different groups of actors. These contested narratives of place, called place-frames, can interact with economic development efforts to help create (or fail to create) sustainable communities. To better understand the efficacy of a specific fisheries policy, the community development quota (CDQ) program, we conducted 6 months of ethnographic research in the rural, Native communities of St. George and St. Paul, Alaska. In both communities we found that local place-frames centered on local empowerment and control. In St. George, local place-frames conflicted with place-frames advanced by CDQ employees, and locals were unable to align place-making goals with local economic realities. In St. Paul, local residents and CDQ employees shared a place-frame, allowing them to accomplish numerous local development goals. However, differences in place-frames advanced by other political entities on the island often complicated development initiatives. This study supports previous research indicating that policies and development projects that increase local power and self-determination are most successful in furthering community sustainability and well-being. This study indicates that relational place-making can illuminate local goals and desires and is therefore of great utility to the fisheries management decision-making process.
... Furthermore, the way in which development has been understood, explained, and studied has been constantly under discussion (see Sumner, 2022). Despite this, however, Parpart and Veltmeyer (2011, p. 9), building on Escobar (1997), argue that 'development discourse shaped social reality in ways that reflected the understandings and meanings of those who crafted that discourse, namely development experts from the North (and some sympathetic Southerners, often trained in Northern institutions)'. It can therefore be argued that development as it is currently practised can never bring about complete and equitable social transformation. ...
... It can therefore be argued that development as it is currently practised can never bring about complete and equitable social transformation. In this context, abandoning the whole idea of development has for some time been proposed by several Southern scholars (Escobar, 1997;Esteva & Prakash, 1998;Rahnema & Bawtree, 1998). ...
The COVID-19 pandemic, which led to almost seven million deaths (WHO in Statistics on COVID-19 , 2022), revealed the world to be even more complex and unequal than previously thought. It brought to the fore the need to rethink the ‘fault lines’ since global inequalities had clearly worsened (Taylor and Tremblay in Decolonising Knowledge for Development in the COVID-19 Era . Institute of Development Studies, Brighton, 2022) as vulnerable people in the Global South suffered most from the consequences of the pandemic.
... Anthropology Arturo Escobar 1997Escobar -2004Escobar -2005Escobar -2009 Rural ( constructed event that is reproduced in "in-between" spaces, through hybridization and cross-bordering processes. ...
... The ACRE is shown in Fig. 1. In Escobar's (1997Escobar's ( , 2005 post-structural point of view, development as a "discourse" has three major mechanisms for reproducing and circulating itself. These mechanisms involve the discipline and normalizing instructions that lead to the deployment, establishment, rigidness, and fixation of discourse, which are (a) professionalization, (b) institutionalization, and (c) integration. ...
Abstract This longitudinal qualitative study aimed at investigating and analyzing rural entrepreneurship in the era of globalization. The main goal of this paper is to form and present a theoretical alternative for mainstream economic rural entrepreneurship. For this purpose, 40 entrepreneurs, experts, and practitioners in the agricultural and rural sector were specifically selected and textual data analysis was done by content analysis method using a strategy of theoretical coding (open and axial). The interviews have been done in two time periods from 2015 to 2018 in four Iran provinces. The results show that it is possible to separate four distinct types of rural entrepreneurship in Iran: (1) the orthodox globalized economic rural entrepreneurship, which is based on the productivist approach and economic development in agriculture; (2) the globalized technological rural entrepreneurship with the aim of the commercialization of agriculture through heavy using of technology; (3) the globalized applied scientific rural entrepreneurship with the emphasis on the applied literature in the history of development; and finally (4) the (rural) entrepreneurship as a supplementary of (rural) development, which tries to go beyond the dichotomies like rural-urban, and the mainstream entrepreneurialism. The main suggestion of the research is the so-called “Anti-globalized Cultural Rural Entrepreneurship” that is a constructed rural entrepreneurship, and actually a process aiming to shift and transform the rural entrepreneurship discourse to the multifunctional agriculture and social movement domain.
... This included the adoption of technology in agriculture, education, industrialization, urbanization and other modern values such as rationality and individualization. (Escobar, 1997a)The birth of modern development, or 'development-as-aid', is often attributed to President Harry Truman of the United States. (seeSachs, 1997) In his inaugural speech, he said: " We must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas…The old imperialism-exploitation for foreign profit-has no place in our plans. ...
... Through discourse analysis, they demonstrated the construction of the Third World through development language, and revealed development's embeddedness in practices and relationships. This school of thought came to reject all engagement in the development enterprise, because to do so would be to perpetuate " silent violence ". (Escobar, 1997a)It is important to note that these two schools of thought do not represent coherent theoretical frameworks and there is a wide range of perspectives within each. Still, the biggest criticism against the post-development school is that their outright rejection makes no political sense. ...
The approach broadly known as participatory development has become a catchphrase in both development theory and practice. The idea of local populations becoming involved in processes of transforming their communities, first introduced as participatory rural appraisal (PRA), marked a paradigm shift in development methods. By the 1990s, participatory approaches, incorporated by the World Bank in its projects, had become incorporated into mainstream development methods. However, in recent years, development has come under severe criticism despite this approach. These critiques—part of the broader post-modern debate that gained prominence in the 1990s—though valuable, do not offer an alternative. Is participatory development—or development as it is currently theorized and practiced—achieving what it promises to? This paper reviews recent critiques of development and then discusses a few promising approaches that may contribute towards transcending the current impasse. One approach can be found within recent methodological developments within the discipline of anthropology. Many of the criticisms against participatory development parallel criticisms raised against anthropological methods. It is in reflecting on the criticisms of " participatory observation " in anthropology that Luke Lassiter, drawing upon feminist and post-modern approaches to collaboration, developed an approach known as " collaborative ethnography. " The standard of collaboration that he introduces goes much further than mere participation. Collaboration is an act of reciprocal co-creation and co-interpretation, from the conception of the project through to the analysis of the data collected. It requires that the project articulate knowledge from the indigenous standpoint, rather than through externally imposed assumptions and concepts. This approach, as Lassiter himself recognizes, calls into question current institutional practices within academia, such as favoring single-authored works and the tendency to favor academic knowledge over indigenous knowledge. A similar shift needs to take place within development practice if it is to move beyond its current understanding of participation. The process of co-creating development projects based on local relevance and knowledge, and co-interpreting findings with the local community, will call into question the role of development " experts " , the relevance of development organizations and fundamental assumptions of knowledge and power underlying development's world-building enterprise. This approach that I call collaborative development thus has the potential to re-imagine development from the bottom up and take into account local contexts, relevance and interests. In many ways, the move to collaborative development returns to the origins of activist participatory research, but goes further by taking into account the influence of global, hegemonic flows of power on local processes. It is at this global-local intersection that development consultants, or to be more specific, development collaborators will have relevance. Rather than being perceived as " experts " , development collaborators are those intimately familiar with local processes in multiple places and are able to share experiences and insights generated from one grassroots locality to another without imposing formulas.
... El caso del Delta de Parnaíba que se analizará en este artículo, ilustra adecuadamente el rango de posibles desafíos, riesgos y oportunidades, representados por la inversión de la industria turística, que se está dando hoy en día en el escenario latinoamericano contemporáneo. Esta investigación, a 1 Para profundizar el tema entre varios autores podemos citar: Ferguson (1994); Escobar (1997), Picas Contreras (1999, Ribeiro (2002), Pérez Galán (2002, Martínez y Larrea (2010; 2013). 2 En Gascón y Cañada (2005) se destacan varios destinos turísticos que han sufrido los impactos negativos generados por la implementación de proyectos turísticos. diferencia de otras etnografías que se han interesado en los impactos posteriores al fenómeno de turistificación 3 , tiene como objetivo investigar las dinámicas que están precediendo y acompañando la implementación de políticas de desarrollo con interés en el turismo para explicar los procesos que suelen allanar el camino a desequilibrios socioculturales, económicos, políticos y ambientales en las sociedades donde se produce este fenómeno. ...
... La ejecución de mi trabajo de voluntario y de investigación ha reproducido en la práctica el debate 'escobariano' sobre el posicionamiento del antropólogo hacia una antropología para y/o del desarrollo que se está dando actualmente en la disciplina. En este marco, he intentado lograr que mi perspectiva antropológica mantuviese su condición de instrumento de crítica y de cuestionamiento de todo aquello que se daba por establecido, incluyendo el desarrollo y la utilización del turismo como su estrategia (Escobar 1997). ...
This paper observes and problematizes the phenomenon of touristification in a rural island community in northeastern Brazil. During the months from February 2011 to January 2012 fieldwork was carried out in a fishing community: Ilha Grande de Santa Isabel, in the Brazilian state of Piauí. Through participant observation and interviews with the local people, I have attempted to understand the social and cultural reality of the inhabitants of the island versus growing touristic development, which poses a threat to the social, economic, cultural and environmental equilibrium of the area. The tourist industry is one of the economic mainstays of this area and many others like it in this region. The structural changes produced by local adaptation to a steady stream of tourist arrivals constitute a rich field of social anthropological inquiry. The proposal is to tackle these issues an anthropological perspective to reflect and analyze the possible impacts of touristification in a rural and insular community of Northeast Brazil.
... Kritické reflexe diskursivních režimů rozvoje analyzují procesy aplikace moderních hodnot "rozvinutou" sociální či kulturní skupinou do sociálního či kulturního prostředí těch "nerozvinutých". Zkoumají tedy, jak je na jedné straně konstruován diskurs rozvojové pomoci jako moderního expertního vědění a na straně druhé diskurs příjemců pomoci jako reality konceptualizované moderním expertním věděním (Escobar 1997). Jak uvádí Arturo Escobar, profesionalizace a institucionalizace rozvojové pomoci daly vzniknout expertnímu vědění, jež získalo status nezpochybnitelné pravdy a jehož legitimita je založena na univerzalistických západních hodnotách, jež jsou ve vztahu k lokálním kontextům hegemonní (Escobar 1995). ...
This paper analyzes the education of Roma children and youth in Czech NGOs from the perspectives of the social anthropology of development and the sociology of education. Activities usually anchored solely in a social work discourse are conceptualized as development education. The paper explores the educational strategies used by NGOs, how the main purpose of their efforts is characterized, and the basis of their pedagogic authority. Based on nine qualitative interviews with NGO representatives based in the city of Brno, the analysis shows that the educational strategies of NGOs are class determined and unreflectively evaluate the social reality of their clients. The pedagogic authority of social workers is based on liberal middle-class values which serve as a hegemonic perspective, through which social workers evaluate the social competences of their clients and their approaches to sexuality, adolescence and leisure activities. Differences in values or practices are considered a problem (underdevelopment) that needs to be solved (developed). The paper argues that insufficient reflection upon the values behind the NGO activities is one of the major reasons for the failure of their integrative efforts.
... While such ideas of growth typically dominate common understandings of development, the concept has simultaneously acquired several further layers of meaning. In synthesizing these, Lewis (2005: 474) distinguishes four: 1) activities required to bring about change or progress, often linked to economic growth; 2) a standard against which different rates of progress may be compared, thereby taking on a subjective, judgemental element; 3) planned social change (with its objectives, I would like to add, articulated in specific frameworks, such as the Sustainable Development Goals) 2 and the idea of external intervention; and 4) within radical critiques, an organized system of power and practice which has formed part of colonial and neo-colonial domination (Lewis 2005: 474; see also Allen and Thomas 2000;Edelman and Haugerud 2005;Escobar 1997;Mosse 2013). Of course, these meanings are not disconnected; rather, they overlap and offer different vantage points from which to approach the concept of development and its associated visions, ideologies, power relations, mechanisms, and effects. ...
... No es nada nuevo ni exclusivo del contexto guatemalteco. Desde los iniciales trabajos de Arturo Escobar (1991Escobar ( , 1997Escobar ( , 1998 y James Ferguson (1994), un buen número de etnógrafos han subrayado proyectos que han fracasado por no contemplar en su diseño el análisis detallado del contexto social, cultural, económico o simbólico en el que se inscriben las representaciones locales. Cernea (1995), por ejemplo, no ha dudado en señalar las desviaciones conceptuales etnocéntricas y tecnocéntricas de instituciones como el Banco Mundial, a las que llegó a etiquetar como "profundamente perjudiciales". ...
Las relaciones de la Antropología con los asuntos nutricionales ha sido una constante en Guatemala desde mediados del siglo XX. En este texto se aborda el análisis crítico del contexto de políticas y estrategias llevadas a cabo en los últimos veinte años de lucha contra el hambre. Los diversos enfoques se muestran paralelos al discurso de las cifras, que arroja un relato de fracasos, y la escasa presencia de la Antropología y los enfoques culturales. Se esgrimen aquí posibles causas del fracaso, entre los que se encuentra, también, el escaso papel otorgado a los estudios etnográficos y el papel de la cultura. Se sostiene que en la planificación de las acciones han pesado más aspectos como la tradición y la ocurrencia que la evidencia disponible. Necesitamos replantear el alcance estratégico de las acciones, lo que incluye contar con científicos sociales en los procesos de diseño y evaluación, -y no sólo en la crítica-, pero asumiendo que de nada servirán sin una apuesta decidida desde el punto de vista económico.
... the poor appeared as a social problem requiring interventions (Escobar, 1997;2011, p. 22). From the theoretical perspective, the 1950s and 1960s were an era of modernization. ...
The name of the study, “Social orders, tensions and saviourism,” reflects the core findings of the study. It argues that the neoliberal policy-making applied to Roma people have an ideological premise that is incongruous with their social realities. The policy does not recognize the history, culture, tastes, desires or human conditions of the people it is targeting. While the social realities of Roma are incompatible with the neoliberal ideologies, such ideologies are forcefully implemented, with a combination of Roma participation and bureaucratic power, causing tension in the arena.
The study identifies and elaborates three different ontological social domains which Roma are involved with during their life courses: the traditional power system, Pentecostal networks, and state order and bureaucratic power. These domains are categorical abstractions with embedded social orders and power relations. Consequently, the study argues, Roma deal with the three different forms of social orders and power relations; to characterize Roma solely as powerless people stems from the fact that commonly only one social domain – that of the state order and bureaucratic power – is elaborated. Identifying and analysing the other ontological social domains will provide a different, more holistic picture of Roma experiences.
What is happening with Roma policies in Europe, including Finland, is not a new phenomenon. Similar paths are recorded and studied in development projects around the world. The theoretical framing of the study springs from the anthropology of development and anthropology of the state. The theoretical frame brings the “Roma issue” into wider developmental discourses and demonstrates how the development projects of Roma in Europe are actually backwards and not even as sophisticated as many development practices in Asia and in Africa. The neoliberal policy-making is not Roma-specific; nevertheless, that development projects inside Europe are targeting a specific ethnic group is what makes Roma development special. The theoretical frame in this study forces analysis of the Roma issue outside the Roma bubble, making it a wider issue, not a Roma issue.
Each ethnographic chapter in this study introduces elements that together construct a Roma social ontology. To answer the question what social ontology means in respect to Finnish Roma is to elaborate on education, employment and Roma economy in the realm of the state and bureaucratic powers.
... Dans une perspective d'écologie politique anthropologique qui est portée par des auteurs se reconnaissant de divers courants de l'écologie politique (Bryant 1996 ;Escobar 1997 ;Robbins 2004Robbins , 2012Vaccaro et Beltran 2007) et nourrie des approches anthropologiques et ethnoécologiques considérant que les savoirs écologiques influencent les manières d'être au monde, de l'habiter et donc de vivre des relations avec l'environnement (Toledo 1992 ;Hornborg 1996 ;Hviding 1996 ;Ingold 2000), cet article propose d'examiner comment se négocient les pratiques et expériences de la nature à l'interface terre-mer dans les tribus du Grand Sud de la Nouvelle-Calédonie dans le contexte du récent développement minier. Il s'agira en particulier d'analyser comment émergent de nouvelles normes ou, en tout cas, de nouvelles formes de relations acceptées. ...
Dans les tribus de Nouvelle-Calédonie, de nouvelles pratiques socioéconomiques et des négociations en matière de gestion environnementale entre les populations kanak et l’Administration témoignent d’un désir de réappropriation et de reformulation des liens avec la nature et les territoires. La notion de « liens » est en effet centrale dans l’évolution récente du droit environnemental et des dynamiques de protection des territoires marins. La légitimité territoriale revendiquée, en particulier la continuité terre-mer, constitue la projection des représentations et de la manière d’être au monde. Elle participe de l’ordre social et des relations qui lient les humains entre eux, au monde invisible des ancêtres et aux non-humains. L’implication des habitants kanak des littoraux du Grand Sud calédonien dans la gestion d’aires marines protégées et les expérimentations socioéconomiques locales appellent un changement de paradigme en matière de gestion et de conservation de l’environnement : il s’agit avant tout de maintenir un mode de vie, dont la soutenabilité réside dans la capacité des sociétés contemporaines à construire du sens et à entretenir les liens entre les humains et avec le territoire.
... For such knowledge to emerge it needs to be freed from overarching regimes of representation which have constrained the understanding of informality in relation to already known social, economic or political knowledge. Just as I tried to implement in this research, both Escobar (1997) and Gibson-Graham (2014) argue this is best achieved through a combination of 'thick description', which can make for the 'small facts' to speak to 'larger issues', and 'weak theory' which, rather than confirming what's already known, it 'observes, interprets, and yields to emerging knowledge' (Gibson- . ...
Informal urban street trade is a prevalent feature across the Global South where much of the production and/or buying and selling of goods and services is unregulated. For this reason, local authorities have historically seen it as backward, inefficient and detrimental to the development of urban areas and have thus developed formalisation programmes aimed to control and ultimately make it disappear. Critics argue that the design and implementation of these programmes can marginalise and disempower informal traders as it acts against the traders’ livelihoods and long-established practices they have developed for decades. This research speaks to these concerns and aims to investigate how informal urban street trade manages to continuously reproduce itself despite formalising efforts to make it vanish. The study follows a post-structuralist approach informed by post-development sensibilities (Escobar, 2011). The purpose is two-fold. First, to critically investigate the implications of imposed power-knowledge essentialism inherent to formalisation processes (Foucault, 1980). Second, to analyse the ways in which cultural and socioeconomic development is enacted through the daily assembling of informal urban street trade (Farías and Bender, 2012; McFarlane, 2011).
The research offers a thick ethnographic inquiry, conducted over a one-year-long period (2014-2015) in the urban centre of Recife, Northeast capital of Pernambuco state, Brazil. Recife is a particularly rich site to investigate these issues as informal urban street trade has historically been pervasive of its squares and streets and the municipally has in place a formalisation programme aimed to gather information about traders, license them and relocate them into purposefully-built facilities. The ethnographic inquiry focused on the practices, knowledges, materials and technologies associated with the daily work of both informal traders, selling on the streets, and governing officials implementing the formalisation programme, both on the streets and on the City Council office. Primary data collection was gathered through ethnographic observations and fieldnote diaries enriched with pictures and audio recordings of the day-to-day sensorial experience of informal urban street trade. This was enhanced with informal conversations as well as semi-structured and unstructured interviews with governing bodies’ officials, licenced and unlicensed street traders, formal shop owners, and a diversified set of urban citizens.
The thesis highlights that formalisation, through the introduction of regulations, classification schemes and practices of classifying traders through an information system, seeks to establish and expand an individualistic developmentality among all actors. Through this, formalisation aims to shape and normalise their everyday practices to focus on the City Council’s agenda of rendering informal street trade as problematic and turning the solution of formalised trade not only unquestionable, but desirable by all. More problematically, the formalisation programme’s overdetermination of what a socioeconomic order is to be and its imposition of individualising subjectivities to assist in its implementation acts against the traders’ collective and community-based understanding of work and livelihoods which, contrary to the formalisation discourse, greatly benefit the cultural and socioeconomic development of these communities. This is achieved through the traders’ daily assembling of work, value and supply on the streets. The findings reveal that the collective organisation of traders’ work is strongly based on a ‘cooperative ethos’ that is not only efficient in taking advantage of and adapting to the challenging conditions of street markets, but also is key on the ongoing fostering and strengthening of the local community identity. The findings also show that traders, through their tacit knowledge of the best fits between products, services and sites, are key in shaping the valuation of both formal and informal enterprises as well as urban sites thus bolstering the local economy. Lastly, the findings also reveal that, through their interactions with formal and informal supply circuits, street traders are fundamental for the distribution and promotion of local artists and producers thus helping on the support and fostering of local culture.
The main contribution of this research is it offers novel empirical and theoretical insights on the ways in which formalisation and informality are performed. It richly reveals the contested nature of development that is negotiated daily between the individualist developmentality imposed by formalisation and the communitarian- based development possibilities which are enacted through informal trading practices. These developmental possibilities are turned invisible by formalisation as classification enforces a strong reading of street trade which is ontologically distant and even contrary to the community-based values which make street trade not only resilient to formalising efforts but also adaptive to the challenging conditions and, more importantly, central to the cultural and socioeconomic development of these communities.
... No âmbito internacional, essa época foi chamada de a Era do Desenvolvimento, quando a crença sobre o avanço tecnológico das instituições científicas deu origem a um discurso que se pretendia hegemônico e que criava parâmetros de 'desenvolvimento' e 'subdesenvolvimento' com base nos padrões estabelecidos pelos países ricos (Sachs, 1999;Escobar, 1997). Conceito pertinente aos interesses das disputas geopolíticas resultantes da Guerra Fria, a criação dos 'subdesenvolvidos' seria uma forma de afastar esses países da influência soviética. ...
RESUMO Baseado em extensa pesquisa de fontes primárias e secundárias em diferentes instituições, o presente artigo tem como objetivo estabelecer um panorama das ações voltadas a ciência e saúde nos projetos direcionados à região amazônica durante a chamada Era do Desenvolvimento, nos anos 1950 e 1960. Para demonstrar a associação pretendida entre as ações governamentais e a ciência, o artigo traz à luz pesquisadores e agências que lá estiveram no período, com destaque para o Laboratório de Vírus de Belém, instituição que fazia parte de um amplo programa global de pesquisa em virologia capitaneado pela Fundação Rockefeller.
... Se ha tomado América Latina como marco de referencia por dos razones. Por un lado, porque esta región se ha constituido en campo semántico para la Antropología postestructuralista (Escobar, 1997). Por otro, porque durante décadas ha sido espacio de experimentación de políticas orientadas a visibilizar y mejorar las condiciones de vida de esos grupos tradicionalmente excluidos (Gudynas, 2011). ...
Este número busca, desde la Antropología crítica, comprender la proliferación de estrate-gias que surgen por parte de los sectores subalternos ante los desafíos de la globalización neoliberal, y que se articulan mediante la reconfiguración de la identidad.
... 9. Since much of the anthropological literature of the late 1980s is critical of development (Escobar, 1997;Ferguson, 1990;Sachs, 2010), I not examine its discursive formation. Rather, I focus on the material dimension of capital accumulation, bearing in mind its historical necessity. ...
One of the bases for the mobilization of indigenous peoples in Argentina in recent years has been access to, use of, and ownership of the natural resources contained in the territory they occupy or claim. Political mobilization among the Qom of Potae Napocna Navogoh in the central Chaco is a response to the modalities of intervention for development and territory configurations involved in capital accumulation that have threatened the possibility of their reproduction, and it involves conflict with both private capital and the state for territory rather than for land.
Una de las bases para la movilización de los pueblos indígenas en Argentina en los últimos años ha sido el acceso, uso y propiedad de los recursos naturales contenidos en el territorio que ocupan o reclaman. La movilización política entre los Qom de Potae Napocna Navogoh en el Chaco central es una respuesta a las modalidades de intervención para el desarrollo y las configuraciones territoriales involucradas en la acumulación de capital que han amenazado la posibilidad de su reproducción, e involucra conflictos con el capital privado y el estado por el territorio antes que por la tierra.
... Scholars in the tradition of postcolonial studies, subaltern studies, anthropology of development, critical sociology, and other areas have long pointed to this issue. They often depict the idea of solving development challenges at scale as neocolonial, insensitive to local cultural realities and conflicts, and therefore fundamentally problematic or even doomed to failure (Escobar 1997;Lewis 2012). Many interventions in the history of educational development have no doubt failed or been implemented in culturally insensitive ways as a result of the universalistic, essentialising conception of scaling that many development practitioners, knowingly or unknowingly, espouse in their work. ...
Educational interventions are often administered at scale in diverse settings as part of international development programmes. Their implementation is subject to a linear process that begins with finding out ‘what works’ at a local level, frequently through the use of randomised controlled trials, and continues with rolling out the intervention to the whole population at a national or even transnational level. This process often fails to consider the role cultural, political, and historical factors play in the perceived success of the local intervention, which can compromise both the impact and the ethics of at-scale implementation. To help address this issue, this paper argues for a definition of scalability that incorporates the ethics of the practice of scaling. It points to the potential of collaborative multi-sited ethnographic research to identify nuanced understandings of the different ethics systems endogenous to individual sites of implementation, in lieu of the universalising notions of ethics that are embedded in mainstream, linear notions of scalability. In so doing, it makes the case for multi-sited critical ethnography as a methodology of choice in researching the scalability of interventions in the context of development projects in the ‘Global South’.
... Bien sûr, il existe des symptômes universels, mais la façon de les exprimer dépend du contexte (Berry, Poortinga, Segall et Dasen, 1992). Par exemple, les Hispaniques ont tendance à exprimer la maladie en termes physiques plus fréquemment que les Caucasiens (Escobar, 1997). Les différences culturelles sont donc des indicateurs de disparités dans les attitudes, les valeurs et les perspectives des individus. ...
Pour les personnes vivant avec le VIH (PVVIH), leur maladie constitue une expérience subjective susceptible d’influer sur leur qualité de vie (QV). Cette thèse explore l’influence de la perception que les PVVIH ont de leur maladie, ainsi que des stratégies de coping, l’auto-efficacité, les stratégies de contrôle en matière de santé, le soutien social et l’ajustement des buts sur la QV et troubles anxio-dépressifs. Une approche comparative entre des personnes françaises avec et sans VIH d’une part et avec des PVVIH françaises et brésiliennes d’autre part a été entreprise. Les participants (France : PVVIH n=206 et sans VIH n=220 ; Brésil : PVVIH n=128) ont répondu à un ensemble de questionnaires évaluant chacune de ces variables. Tout d’abord les résultats ont conforté la plus faible QV et des troubles anxio-dépressifs plus élevés chez les PVVIH comparativement aux personnes sans VIH, mesurés ici à l’aide d’odds ratio. Par ailleurs, les modèles d’équations structurelles ont permis de vérifier l’influence de la perception de la maladie, de l’auto-efficacité et de l’ajustement aux buts des PVVIH françaises sur la QV. Enfin, les régressions hiérarchiques ont montré que la perception de la maladie, l’auto-efficacité et le soutien social étaient des variables prédictives de la QV tant en France qu’au Brésil. La discussion souligne la nécessité de prendre en considération la perception de la maladie dans la compréhension de l’ajustement des PVVIH
... Developing community-based projects requires dialogue that works to advance the interests of all parties, as archaeologists cannot and should not assume to know what people need and want (Escobar 1997;McGuire 2014, 129;Pyburn 2014b, 198). Archaeologists need to develop skills and methods that foster collaborative planning and implementation (Chambers 2004;McGuire 2014, 130;Zarger and Pluckhahn 2013). ...
This article evaluates the extent to which the participatory method photovoice can be a useful tool for archaeologists working collaboratively with communities. It involves distributing cameras to a small group of participants who take photographs relevant to research questions that they then discuss and analyse. Photovoice may be useful to archaeologists trying to understand how collaborators relate to cultural heritage, and what they identify as community assets and challenges. Results can inform collaborative research goals. During the initial phases of a collaborative archaeological project, I facilitated photovoice for a group of six young people in Tahcabo, Mexico, and found that the technique promoted dialogue and taught me about what community members value, the struggles they face, and issues the project could address.
... In the process of economic and social development the importance of local knowledge and institutions, was ignored or underestimated. "Local knowledge is usually instrumentalized and devalued in conventional development training programmes" (Escobar, 1997). ...
... Arturo Escobar writes of anthropology, 'no matter how hard they might try to eliminate or domesticate the ghosts of alterity … the discipline continues to derive its raison d'être from a deeply Western historical and epistemological experience' . 54 Similarly, my unpacking of the epistemological experience of eliciting audiences' imagined geographies of 'witchcraft' at a US geography conference reveals heterogeneous imaginaries, including some of those 'ghosts of alterity' that haunt human geography. ...
Turning my frame of inquiry toward academia, I analyse academic presentations on topics of ‘witchcraft’ conveyed to majority-geographer, majority-white and majority-Northern audiences. I argue that (a) the imagined geographies of ‘witchcraft’ have been central to colonial Othering; (b) ‘witchcraft’ is often relegated to the academic periphery; (c) ‘witchcraft’ ontologies are plural, fluid and ambiguous and (d) ‘witchcraft’ is often defiant of academicisations. Given this milieu, scholars risk reproducing a ‘witchcraft’ that is Othering, even when/if the scholarship has an anti-colonial orientation. I call for greater attention to the broadening of academic conference exchanges to allow space for pluriform knowledges.
... As Baaz (2005) A significant body of work has examined the way in which the aid discourse-the language, ideas, structures and practices of the aid 'industry'-shapes the social identities of actors involved in aid and the relationships between these actors (Crewe and Harrison, 1998;Escobar, 1995;Eyben and Moncrieffe, 2006). Post-development writers in particular have argued that aid discourse acts as an instrument of power that serves to define those involved in aid in a way that maintains a power relationship of the 'developed' over the 'developing', while silencing alternative representations (Escobar, 1995;1997;Ferguson, 1994, Ferguson andGupta, 2002;Mitchell 2002;Shore and Wright, 1997). From this perspective, concepts such as partnership, ownership, and participation have been 'co-opted' by aid agencies; it is not a genuine effort to rebalance power relations, but 'empty rhetoric' used to hide other motives of the aid hegemony (Cooke and Kothari, 2001;Escobar 1995;Ferguson 1994). ...
The discourse of aid-its language, structures and practice-powerfully ascribes roles and attributes to those involved in aid relationships such as developed/developing, partner, recipient/donor etcetera. This discourse is driven by a complex system of diverse and often competing ideas, values, actors and relationships, within which individuals must make sense of their role and agency at both professional and personal levels. While recent years has seen much focus on improving relationships by reordering some of these categories, little research has investigated how individuals themselves make sense of all this, and how it then influences their practice. The research presented in this article investigated the professional subjectivities of a small group of public servants working for the Ministry of Education and Human Resource Development in Solomon Islands. The primary aim of the research was to explore the ways in which professional subjectivity is influenced by, and influences, aid relationships in Solomon Islands. The research findings demonstrate the complexity and multiplicity of professional subjectivities within the education sector in Solomon Islands and provide insight into how this impacts on aid relationships and aid effectiveness. The research findings highlight the need to move beyond reified binaries of 'self' and 'other' and resist the appeal of bounded categorisations of aid actors. Embracing the dissonance inherent in aid relationships and continually reflecting on the dynamic interaction between discourse, professional subjectivities and individual agency are offered as potential means for strengthening education aid relationships across Oceania and beyond.
... We argue that applied anthropology's conceptual and methodological commitment towards praxis can contribute to political ecology's potential as a critical hatchet and a practically engaged seed. We do recognize, however, that this commitment towards a normative agenda of social and environmental justice is not necessarily shared across applied anthropology, as critiques of the field's historical association with technicist and colonialist development models have pointed out (Escobar 1997;Rylko-Bauer et al. 2006;Van Willigen 2002). Political ecology's attention to power relations and its explicit focus on the politics of environmental issues can orient applied anthropology toward the reconceptualization of entangled social and environmental problems. ...
This article contributes to the urban political ecology of water through applied anthropological research methods and praxis. Drawing on two case studies in urban Sonora, Mexico, we contribute to critical studies of infrastructure by focusing on large infrastructural systems and decentralized alternatives to water and sanitation provisioning. We reflect on engaging with residents living on the marginal hillsides of two rapidly urbanizing desert cities using ethnographic methods. In the capital city of Hermosillo, Radonic emphasizes how collaborative reflection with barrio residents led her to reframe her analytical approach to water governance by recognizing informal water infrastructure as a statement of human resilience in the face of social inequality, resource scarcity, and material disrepair. In the border city of Nogales, Kelly-Richards reflects on the outcomes of conducting community-based participatory research with technical students and residents of an informally settled colonia around the construction of a composting toilet, while also investigating municipal government service provision efforts. Our article invites readers to view these infrastructure alternatives as ways to explore how applied anthropology can advance the emancipatory potential of urban political ecology through a collaborative investigation of uneven urbanization and basic service provisioning. We emphasize everyday situated relationships with infrastructure in informally organized neighborhoods. Using praxis to collectively investigate the complex and entangled relations between large piped water and sanitation projects and locally developed alternatives in under serviced areas, the two case studies reveal lessons learned and illuminate grounded research openings for social justice and environmental sustainability.
Key words: Applied anthropology, infrastructure, political ecology, praxis, water governance, social justice
... Therefore, beyond the provision of infrastructure and financial aid to locals, PFZ aimed to effect nothing short of a major reconfiguration of the person in Guaribas --her skills, capacities, attitudes, aspirations, and self-esteem--in the psychological, social, economic, and political realms. In this sense, following Gledhill (1996), Hobart (1993), Escobar (1997, among others, it is plausible to characterize PFZ as the instrument of a bona fide "civilizing" program tied to a project of governance (c.f . Ferguson 1990: xiii;Nash 1994;Pigg 1992;Woost 1993Woost , 1997. ...
This article investigates the social impact of the Zero-Hunger Program (Programa Fome Zero) in its pilot-community, the village of Guaribas in Northeast Brazil, particularly with respect to the expansion of public education and mass media. I attempt to show how the PFZ development project went beyond the delivery of financial aid, basic infrastructure, and economic technology in Guaribas, and sought to reform its beneficiaries' conducts, capacities, aspirations, and psychological dispositions. To that end, PFZ's concerted effort included workshops, the extension of public schooling, as well as increased exposure to mass media artefacts and pedagogical soap-operas. This enterprise, however, generated adverse "side-effects" such as the devaluation of local knowledge, the decline of farming, the aggravation of intergenerational conflict, the substantial emigration of the younger generations, and Guaribanos' increasing internalization of subaltern status in relation to other national communities.
Anthropological debates about development are often framed by a moral contrast between pure and instrumental knowledge. But the good of anthropology is situationally produced, as we can demonstrate by reflecting on the discipline's institutional conditions. Institutional contexts sustain our professional identities and research practices, including the claimed differences between them. These contexts are in turn produced by political economies of development expertise and academic knowledge production. Indeed, social anthropology's core research practices were shaped by its configuration within political economies of colonial governance, and they were perpetuated through the expansion of university systems. We should, then, stop sustaining the fictions that our work is situated outside political economies of interest or that we write purely in pursuit of knowledge for its own sake. Rather, we need to be more transparent about the economies that determine the kinds of knowledge we produce and the political implications of what we authorize as knowledge.
El concepto y el paradigma de la bioculturalidad, en nuestra opinión colectiva, es una respuesta poderosa y necesaria a los problemas que enfrentamos en el contexto real, desalentador y supracomplejo de la crisis planetaria actual globalizada. En este libro, compuesto por una introducción, diez capítulos y un epílogo procedente de cuatro estados sureños (Chiapas, Oaxaca, Veracruz y Yucatán) de México, se dialoga, examina y teoriza sobre el concepto y modelo de estudio de la biocultu-ralidad para generar una plataforma y aportación crítica y constructiva a este campo de conocimiento emergente. Se abordan las preguntas: ¿Qué es la bioculturalidad? ¿Por qué es importante este concepto, y su marco de estudio? ¿Qué es o, qué son, las bioculturalidades de y en cier-tas áreas, regiones, prácticas, territorios, espacios y culturas? ¿Existe y cómo es/son la bioculturalidad o las bioculturalidades de y en el Sur mexicano? Se visualizan cuatro ejes que, consideramos, forman la agenda y el núcleo del tema de la bioculturalidad en el Sur mexicano. Utilizados para organizar las discusiones en este libro, estos cuatro ejes son: Bio-culturalidad y lenguas originarias; Metodologías e Interdisciplinarie-dad; Bioculturalidad, territorialidad y biota; y Experiencias de con-servación: comunidad, patrimonio y bioculturalidad. Escrito desde la interdisciplinariedad de la antropología, arqueología, etnobiología, psicología, ciencias sociales y educación ambiental, esperamos con-tribuir a la expansión y el fortalecimiento del concepto y estudio de la bioculturalidad como también al estilo y enfoque de vida que este paradigma conlleva e implica. Aportaciones teórico-prácticas a la bioculturalidad Aproximaciones desde el sur mexicano Aportaciones teórico-prácticas a la bioculturalidad Aproximaciones desde el sur mexicano
The paper tries to answer, how western corporations are responsible for land deterioration and environmental damage under the guise of development. It brings forth neocolonial forces into the limelight that have caused ecological damage. The study is guided by the postcolonial eco-critical model of Huggan and Tiffin (2010). Huggan and Tiffin assert the intertwined correlation among environmental violence, marginalization of the indigenous groups, and destruction of land by the neocolonial agencies. The findings are based on data supplied by textual analysis of the novel. The study reveals the ways in which oil corporations exploit the resources, contaminate the land, damage the environment, and cause economic inequality. It is a typical fictional study of neocolonial agencies' ironic dreams of development and progress. The novel not only voices the environmental injustices and the disastrous consequences of Oil Corporation but also cultural and social marginalization of locals. It has been suggested that western neocolonial corporations are the real culprits of ecological damage in Asia and Africa. Therefore, time is ripe for the world to reverse the damage and take a step towards inclusive and human centered sustainable development.
This conceptual and theoretical research argues about some implications of the post-development era for rural entrepreneurship as a new developmental strategy and approach. This paper tries to remind us that the entrepreneurship is not an easy ride and has some dark sides; therefore, there is a pressing need to make entrepreneurship more welcoming to criticism and to clarify its common sense ways of thinking and practicing. From the methodological point of view, this study is some sort of an explanatory and instrumental case study and its focus is on the process of rural development in Iran as a specific event or phenomenon. The paper draws on Campbell Jones and André Spicer’s critical theory and approach and is inspired by Aram Ziai’s skeptical post-development in order to unmask the mainstream entrepreneurship discourse and practice in Iran. The paper claims that although rural entrepreneurship is not a deceitful mirage or malignant myth, its current situation in Iran is definitely a sharp deviance from the classic development goals, and therefore the deconstruction of its mainstream discourse and practices is an urgent need. As the main propose of the paper, this deconstruction should be based on a skeptical and critical unmasking theoretical framework. Through answering some important questions, one of the main arguments of the paper is that now it is time to return to the classical goals of development, but after exercising some radical discursive and practical entrepreneurial policy changes.
The paper tries to answer, how western corporations are responsible for land deterioration and environmental damage under the guise of development. It brings forth neocolonial forces into the limelight that have caused ecological damage. The study is guided by the postcolonial eco- critical model of Huggan and Tiffin (2010). Huggan and Tiffin assert the intertwined correlation among environmental violence, marginalization of the indigenous groups, and destruction of land by the neocolonial agencies. The findings are based on data supplied by textual analysis of the novel. The study reveals the ways in which oil corporations exploit the resources, contaminate the land, damage the environment, and cause economic inequality. It is a typical fictional study of neocolonial agencies’ ironic dreams of development and progress. The novel not only voices the environmental injustices and the disastrous consequences of Oil Corporation but also the cultural and social marginalization of locals. It has been suggested that western neocolonial corporations are the real culprits of ecological damage in Asia and Africa. Therefore, time is ripe for the world to reverse the damage and take a step towards inclusive and human-centered sustainable development.
The history of anthropology’s engagement with development in the post-World War II German-speaking world (Germany, Austria and Switzerland) can be divided into three phases: from being strongly rejected by most professorial chair holders (to around 1980), through the emergence of a subfield of anthropology (from 1980) and into the mainstream of the discipline (since around 2000). However, this perspective presupposes a broad definition of “anthropology of development” that encompasses more than the application of anthropological knowledge in development cooperation, as is often implied by the term “development anthropology”. In the slow modernisation process of German anthropology over the last fifty years – as defined by the discipline’s turn towards the modern world and its rapid internationalisation – the critical study of development as a field of professional practice has played a pioneering role by providing important theoretical and methodological stimuli. Together with their European colleagues, not least from APAD, German-speaking anthropologists have developed a particular style that has also been referred to as the “anthropology of development based on anthropology in development”. Today, the anthropology of development has evolved into an ethnographic inquiry of global social engineering.
Ethnographic fieldwork necessarily involves making choices about which communities to work with, sympathize with, and support. This article explores the moral or ethical frameworks through which anthropologists make those choices. While in some cases the moral, ethical, and political grounds on which to make those decisions may be clear, in many they are not. I focus on the Alto Beni region of Bolivia, in which two groups that could reasonably be described as indigenous are engaged in a conflict over access to land. Both positions could be framed in terms of a reparation for historical injustice against indigenous people, though each framing depends on a different conception of indigeneity. The ambiguity produced in this context exposes the subjective nature of the process by which anthropologists choose the communities with whom they work. I conclude by suggesting that anthropologists make these choices based on emotional, affective, or aesthetic grounds.
Social scientists have long sought to understand what Islamic banking is. This study seeks to answer this question by exploring the neoliberalisation process of Islamic banking policies in Malaysia and identifying policymakers’ logic behind this process. For this purpose, this study conducted interviews with actors associated with Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM), the central bank of Malaysia. The findings demonstrate that, in the neoliberal era, BNM quietly and continuously pursued the goal of preferably giving economic opportunities to Malay Muslims by establishing institutional mechanisms rather than by offering preferential treatment in a straightforward manner. The Shariah nature of Islamic banking served to conceal this goal from the public. I define Islamic banking as an ethno-political tool rather than simply as a religious economy and contend that the philosophy of Islamic banking as a moral economy conceals an agenda of protecting Malay interests.
Dans les tribus de Nouvelle-Calédonie, de nouvelles pratiques socioéconomiques et des négociations en matière de gestion environnementale entre les populations kanak et l’Administration témoignent d’un désir de réappropriation et de reformulation des liens avec la nature et les territoires. La notion de « liens » est en effet centrale dans l’évolution récente du droit environnemental et des dynamiques de protection des territoires marins. La légitimité territoriale revendiquée, en particulier la continuité terre-mer, constitue la projection des représentations et de la manière d’être au monde. Elle participe de l’ordre social et des relations qui lient les humains entre eux, au monde invisible des ancêtres et aux non-humains. L’implication des habitants kanak des littoraux du Grand Sud calédonien dans la gestion d’aires marines protégées et les expérimentations socioéconomiques locales appellent un changement de paradigme en matière de gestion et de conservation de l’environnement : il s’agit avant tout de maintenir un mode de vie, dont la soutenabilité réside dans la capacité des sociétés contemporaines à construire du sens et à entretenir les liens entre les humains et avec le territoire.
This article explores the complex ways in which development NGOs become professional development actors. It offers a uniquely holistic understanding of professionalisation that draws on extensive new research data. It challenges the accepted narrative, presented by development scholars, of neoliberalism as the fundamental driver of professionalisation. Instead, it offers a more nuanced theorisation that recognises that professionalisation from outside, driven by neoliberalism, is often preceded by a professionalisation from within. Here the paper develops the concept of self-legitimising professionalisation as part of a ‘two stage process’ through a case study of international development practice delivered by UK based development education actors.
This chapter centres on the politics of charity and humanitarianism, and the ethics of fundraising, examining how members of staff and The Friends of Ngomso (a partner UK charity) generated funding and support for the school. Questioning the continuing legacy of the UK’s historical relationship with Africa and Africans, I interpret supporters and donors’ judgements of promotional discourses, including those concerning ‘street children’. Finally, I consider how volunteering provided some UK residents with the opportunity to re-evaluate these discourses in light of their first-hand experiences at the school.
Why should we seek to understand peacebuilding through anthropological perspectives on organizations and sovereignty? My short answer to this is that peacebuilding is an organized activity. It is transnational in scope. It is a human construction which, in turn, shapes and influences people’s lives across borders, sometimes through state apparatuses and other times bypassing state apparatuses. It is performed through organizations, and it penetrates different forms of sovereign claims. In this way, peacebuilding is about how larger systems and processes influence upon local ways of life. How global and local processes impinge on one another has always been a concern where anthropological perspectives have been able to produce new perspectives and important knowledge. By applying these anthropological perspectives, it becomes possible to analyze peacebuilding without applying a state-centric form of exploration. It becomes possible to explore how peacebuilding is an organized activity geared toward creating and implementing taxonomies, it becomes possible to trace how and where these taxonomies are being produced, and it becomes possible to explore how they impact, regulate, and change local ways of life. The implication of this is that the two anthropological perspectives enable us to understand and trace how peacebuilding has effects beyond just the intended and formalized ones.
Professor Angelique Haugerud at Rutgers University is not only known for her outstanding work in the anthropology of politics, satire, development, and neoliberalism, but also as a former editor of American Ethnologist (AE). In this conversation with Sindre Bangstad, Haugerud reflects on her early work on development and politics in Kenya in the late 1970s and early 1980s, her continuing research in that country, and her recent work on satirical activism against corporate power in the USA.
En este artículo se examina el concepto de modelo de intervención social y su aplicación en la solución a problemas socioambientales a partir de las encuestas de opinión que se realizaron durante 2007 y 2008 en dos barrios de Xochimilco sobre la ejecución del programa “A no generar basura”, dirigido a evitar la contaminación de los canales del lago; se concluye que los resultados fueron limitados dadas la persistencia de la contaminación por basura y aguas negras en los canales y la presencia de asentamientos irregulares en la zona chinampera. La hipótesis de trabajo, corroborada con instrumentos analíticos, plantea que una alternativa a esta deficiente instrumentación es el establecimiento de un proceso de intervención social basado en la educación ambiental, cuyo principal eje sea considerar que el problema es contrario a una buena calidad de vida del grupo social afectado. Con ello se activaría su participación para alcanzar una solución efectiva a dicha problemática socioambiental.AbstractThis article examines the concept of the model of social intervention and its use in the solution of socio-environmental problems on the basis of the opinion surveys conducted in 2007 and 2008 in two neighborhoods in Xochimilco on the implementation of the “No More Garbage” program, designed to prevent the pollution of the lake channels. It concludes that the results were limited due to the persistence of pollution from rubbish and sewage in the canals and the presence of irregular settlements in the chinampa zone. The working hypothesis, corroborated by analytical instruments, posits that the alternative to this inefficient implementation is the establishment of a process of social intervention based on environmental education, whose main axis involves considering that the problem is not conducive to a good quality of life for the social group affected. This would activate their participation in order to achieve an effective solution to this socio-environmental problem.
The impacts of climate change on the African continent are explored to identify the leading concerns for the continent, including: (1) food security, which is a reflection of multiple threats from warming and changing habitats; (2) depletion or protection of natural food sources (and ecosystem services linked, such as water resources); and (3) the future efforts to preserve existing, and restore lost, habitats. Global anthropogenic emissions of carbon due to land use change and fossil fuel burning has led to increasing risks to Africa's people, wildlife, and all ecological resources. Climate change on the continent is impacting the peoples of Africa more than these peoples are impacting the factors that bring about such change. The industrialized world may be able to learn something about resilience to climate change from the African examples.
This article shows a theoretical reflection on development's concept, analyzing the euphemization process as an adjective that has been repeatedly appearing in the development speech in recent years, emphasizing on one of its most recent forms: "sustainable development". For this purpose, a qualitative research was developed supported on literature reviewing. As a result, the research showed that the term "sustainable development" is nothing else but an oxymoron that at the end combine two completely opposite concepts: development in terms of economic growth and ecological sustainability, subordinating the latter to just growth. In this scenario, it is proposed that the concept of "environmental sustainability" appears as an alternative to avoid the existing development concept but allows social welfare and ecological balance.
Along with development projects, neoliberal globalization has been one of the modernity institutions which transforms rest of the World in line with Western ideals. Such transformation has brought poverty, misery and violence to communities and especially to those in the so-called “Third World”. Those communities have come to realize that the system that bears such misery and violence is not their fate and is not without an alternative and the ways of creating such alternatives are emanating from the grassroots. The concept of autonomy is the path to such attempts of creating alternatives. However, autonomy has long been studied in and associated with liberal school of thought. But, the liberal approaches to autonomy which tend to see autonomy as a tool for achieving a greater goal and conceptualizes it through vague and abstract situtations, are nothing but shallow in these times of neoliberal globalization. Because, as it can be observed in the case of Zapatista Movement, the grassroots initiatives aim to be autonomous from the institutions of modernity and the liberal approaches view these institutions like free-market economy or nation-state as natural realities and without their alternatives. Such an approach is not only compatible with the very notion of autonomy but is what Castoriadis called heteronomy; the opposite of autonomy.
In this light, the Post-Development Theory provides theoretical framework for an alternative and multi-layered conceptualization of autonomy. As it can be seen in the case of Zapatista Movement, the project of autonomy can be realized through political, cultural and economic levels. It is the aim of this study to theorize such an alternative and multi-layered approach to autonomy.
In this paper, we use a case study from Iran to present a sociological analysis of rural entrepreneurship discourse. Drawing on social constructionism as the main theoretical paradigm, as well as Anthony Giddens’ Structuration Theory (ST), we argue that Iran’s National Foundation for Entrepreneurship and Cooperatives (NFEC), a governmental national development plan, has hegemonic features at both the structural and project levels. Our main argument is that there is an urgent need to shift from the rural entrepreneurship discourse to a multifunctional agricultural one as an alternative rural development strategy.
In the paper, I put forward a socioanthropological, theoretical approach towards economic development and its contemporary expressions, incorporating these phenomena to the tradition of social change. I retrieve the Brazilian sociology of development contributions and establish a dialogue with the anthropology of development field, focusing on the Eastern Amazon as an empirical object that is challenging for single-scale e actor-centered concepts. The iron mining implant in the 1980s and its exponential growth from the 2000s through ‘great projects’ – the PFC and the PFC S11D, confirmed to have capacity to induce structural transformation, but also disclosed its social nature, complex and multiscale. Accordingly, in the paper I emphasize the relationship between agency, interaction and social structures, locating the increasing relevance of contestation, organizational patterns in multi-agent networks with a transnational scope. The research is based on literature review, and secondly on fieldwork and direct observation.
As World War II came to an end in the mid 1940s with the result that the Allies would prevail, America and Britain began plans for the postwar reconstruction of Europe and for what would become the basis of the Northern development discourse. The planning, deliberation and implementation of such a postwar development network was steeped in English language and thought. Major institutions of the architecture for reconstruction and development formulated at that time – e.g., the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (now the World Bank) – communicated their programmes and goals almost exclusively in English, and continue to do so. Indeed, as the concept of " development " has formed and progressed in the North over the last 70 years, a specialized variant of English has propagated the literature, the practice and the discourse. Certain development practitioners have scrutinized this, especially in formal discussions and forums held over the last several years. This study continues that scrutiny on the effect that this specialized use of language could have on the shaping of the post-2015 global sustainable development agenda.
In den letzten Jahren untersuchten zahlreiche Publikationen den Zusammenhang zwischen Globalisierung und Ungleichheit (Cornia (2004), Davies et al. (2004), Dollar (2004), Greig et al. (2007), Held und Kaya (2007) sowie Jomo und Baudot (2007)). Nach Auffassung dieser Forscher scheint es einen relativen Konsens zu geben, dass die nationale Ungleichheit fast überall in den letzten 20 Jahren stark zugenommen hat. Mit Ausnahme von China und Indien ist die Einkommensungleichheit in der Tendenz global größer geworden. China und Indien haben einen starken Einfluss: mit mehr als einem Fünftel der Weltbevölkerung kann dieser Wert sich also ändern. Die globale Ungleichheit der Einkommen zwischen den einzelnen Ländern ist momentan ebenfalls sehr hoch mit einem Gini-Index von etwa 62 bis 66 (Held/Kaya 2007: 5) (100 = totale Ungleichheit; 1 = totale Gleichheit). Die Kluft zwischen reichen und armen Ländern ist seit den 1980er Jahren sehr hoch. Nach Held und Kaya (6): „Dieser Gini-Koeffizient ist auf einem Niveau, das jetzt alle nationalen Ungleichheitswerte in den meisten Ländern mit Ausnahme von zwei (Namibia und Lesotho) in mehreren Punkten übertrifft“. Solch ein hoher Gini innerhalb verschiedener Länder würde bedeuten, dass sich die Regierungen daran stören und die Menschen protestieren würden. Weltweit gibt es jedoch kaum eine soziale Bewegung, die dieses Problem thematisiert.
This paper examines Zapatista Autonomy Movement as an example for different approach to the concept of autonomy which has been long-studied through liberal and Marxist approaches. The paper argues that liberal approach discussed in this paper falls short of grasping the dynamics of grassroots movements like Zapatista Movement, and instead proposes a multi-leveled approach to autonomy. This approach includes Cornelius Castoriadis' writings on autonomy versus heteronomy and Post-Development Theory. Through these complementary theories, the author aims to conclude that autonomy is not only a goal or set of rights, but rather a multi-leveled driving force for grassroots movements in the age of globalization.
This article compares similarities between two disciplines traditionally distinguished by applying a praxis–theory dichotomy. It is argued that this equally simple and historical opposition is reducing the current multiple realities of both fields in Europe inaccurately, as both disciplines have more in common than normally appreciated. Therefore, the contribution compares the subjects ‘culture’ and ‘social problem’, showing some interesting overlaps in recent definitions. Furthermore, methodological parallels are traced in concepts such as participant observation, empathy or in-betweenness. In the third step, common roots in social theory and moral dilemmas of the past and the present for both social work and anthropology are discussed. Finally, the paper argues in favor of more collaboration, respectively, in practical training and academic research.
This is a multi-site ethnographic study of the interactions between programs that intend to bring “development” to rural Africa, and the residents of Malangali division, Tanzania. It explores development through an internal examination of a European non-governmental organization, as well as a village-based ethnography of people the aid agency has defined as “the poorest of the poor.” Research was also conducted in Dublin, Ireland, about the knowledge and attitudes about charity and rural Africans of donors to and designers of aid programs. Chapters specifically examine agriculture, forestry, and water programs, as well as programs intended for women, including population control through family planning. The research shows agriculture programs to depict rural Africans as barely capable of achieving subsistence, while Malangali residents make farming and labor decisions based more upon considerations of profit than of yield. Forestry programs were designed to combat deforestation that planners asserted but never demonstrated with reference to a local ecology featuring areas of thriving miombo woodlands; even so, many male residents engaged in tree planting when they foresaw high enough potential financial benefit. The water program, which delivered water to thousands of area residents, was seen by them as a success, but was viewed as a failure by aid planners on the basis that it lacked “sustainability,” a concept that emerged in development thinking during the course of the project. Projects for women were aimed to address what planners perceived as conditions of gender oppression, but Malangali women never came to agree with the details of that analysis. Area residents accepted the presence of development programs in part because of perceptions and demonstrations of power, but then evaluated them on the basis of what they thought appropriate given their goals and experiences. The dissertation concludes that Malangali residents are sophisticated consumers of development who make choices based on their opportunities and constraints as they understand them. The clientele of development projects, however, are not “the poorest of the poor,” but rather the theorists, donors, and designers of international aid programs; international aid is therefore designed to appeal to the intellectual and emotional concerns of those groups.
Most of the papers in this volume were first presented at an EIDOS workshop held at the University of London in 1986, where participants considered the nature of local knowledge and ascriptions of ignorance, with particular reference to processes of development. The contributors provide an ethnographic and theoretical critique of Western knowledge in action, using detailed case studies from Europe, Africa, Asia and Latin America. They focus on the importance given in social and economic development to "experts', who often turn previously active participants into passive subjects or ignorant objects. They stress the importance of understanding knowledge in the particular contexts of its use and argue strongly against the separation of theory and practice. The types of local knowledge discussed include those in agriculture, health and water supply, and the law, and the case studies include analyses of knowledge and ignorance in regional development programmes (Indonesia) and in national development strategies (China). -after Editor
L'analyse de l'article d'A. Escobar « Anthropology and the development encounter : the making and marketing of development anthropology » met en avant quatre faiblesses : (1) la presentation concernant le role des anthropologues travaillant dans ou avec les agences de developpement est incomplete et impropre, (2) Escobar ne considere pas adequatement le contexte dans lequel le discours du developpement s'etablit ou le role que l'anthropologie joue dans la construction de ce discours, (3) il ne considere pas systematiquement la relation entre le discours et les relations de pouvoir en general et il limite sa discussion sur le developpement a la production du discours du developpement des agences de donneurs, (4) il ne considere pas les relations specifiques et les questions de pouvoir s'y impliquant et liant les anthropologues a ceux qu'ils etudient
Drawing upon their joint fieldwork, the authors cast this book as a conversation involving themselves, a Colombian rural people, and the writings of past economists. In their view, the material practices of the rural folk constitute a house model of the economy, and the Colombian voices provide a window on prior European fold conversations about the house. The house and the corporation have been the principal modes of material organization in Western life: the former is older, but the latter now predominates. The authors suggest, through use of the Colombian conversations, that textualists of the past transformed and inscribed similar folk voices for their emerging theories of the corporation and the market. They argue that economic knowledge is not simply the product of a scientific community but is often appropriated from folk practices. By situating the knowledge gained from fieldwork within their own traditions, and by using that knowledge to reflect upon the origins of contemporary wisdom, the book implicates the modern-day ethnographer, rural folk, and economist as participants in a long conversation.
Revindicacion etnica (the reclaiming of indigenous rights and autonomy) is the rationale being advanced for action based on the equation of shared poverty with indigenous identity from the colonial period to the present. Growing differences in wealth among indigenas within corporate communities that have accommodated to the state power structure now contradict the communal basis for identification more apparent in the collective activity in colonizing areas in the new frontiers. Reassertion of ethnic identity is finding distinct expressions among Mayas in highland communities and settlements on the border as they react to economic encroachment and violence that threaten their culture and their lives. The author compares reassertive actions by highland Mayas in corporate communities with those of colonizers and Guatemalan exiles in the Lacandon jungle area and the southern frontier of Mexico in order to clarify some of the distinct processes involved in ethnic rebellion. Despite the many differences among communities of both regions, more contrasts can be found in the histories that constituted ethnic awareness and the ways in which indigenas were integrated into the ladino-dominated economy and polity in these regional groupings than if one were to compare any of the language groups. -from Author
Through a review of the anthropologist's involvement with government, the nature of applied anthropology is discussed. This is related to the debate about the role of the anthropologist in colonialism, and about the ability of the anthropologist to apply his/her discipline. The problems of applied research are outlined. Anthropologists have much to offer the world of development. But they must be fully aware of the implications, ethical, political, and practical. Applied anthropologists need an especially high degree of consciousness of what is and what is not possible.-D.J.Marsden(CDS)
Development anthropologists are doubly damned - critized by both academics and development professionals on romantic, moral, and intellectual grounds, and basically regarded as second-class citizens within the "development community.' Given their traditional focus on the local context, development anthropologists have often been hard pressed to deal effectively with external factors, particularly power, whether political, institutional, or economic. An analysis of three rural development projects shows how anthropologists dealt with power. A key element was their effectiveness in the policy arena, based partly on their "anthropological authority,' but also on their relative autonomy. Equally important is a broader definition of local participation that includes a realistic approach to empowerment. For development anthropology to shed its stigma of damnation, it is necessary for it to increase its concentration on critique and analysis, leading to better policy formation, and the opportunity to implement policy as theory in practice. -from Author
This article examines how local people see the medical pluraslim brought about, directly or indirectly, by health developement initiatives. The ways local people manoeuvre in this pluralistic medical field is determined only in part by their access to therapies and their judgements about which works best for what. In Nepal, medical pluralism has a profound social symbolism for villagers as well. Its meaning, itself the result of specific historical experiences, is an important dimension in people's interactions with the various kinds of therapy available to them. Healing is a dense signifier of the social rifts now emerging as a result of a national agenda intensely focused on development. Development activities and explanations are themselves, therefore, part of the contemporary ethnographic picture in Nepal. -from Author
Abstracts
Over the past decade in Brazil, the convergence between international environmentalism and indigenous cultural survival concerns led to an unprecedented internationalization of local A native struggles. The Indian‐environmentalist alliance has benefited both parties, but recent events suggest that it may be unstable and may pose political risks for native people. The limitations of transnational symbolic politics as a vehicle for indigenous activism reflect tensions and contradictions in outsiders' symbolic constructions of Indian identity.
Over the last decade, anthropologists have become much more involved in development questions. The review focuses on their involvement in the deliberately planned bilateral, multilateral, and private efforts to foster economic development and social change in low income countries since the last world war.-J.Sheail
Nepal is a predominantly rural nation: Most people live in villages and make their living as subsistence farmers. The Nepalese government, assisted by international donor agencies, administers projects directed at improving the conditions of life for these rural people. Images of villages and village life accompany the promotion of development ideals. Radio Nepal has actors playing the part of villagers in didactic skits aimed at convincing rural people that they should consult doctors for their health problems or should feed oral rehydration solution to children suffering from diarrhea. Schoolbooks contain illustrations of village scenes and talk about village life as they inform children about development programs. When development policy makers plan programs, they discuss what villagers do, how they react, and what they think. Together, these images coalesce into a typical, generic village, turning all the villages of rural Nepal into the village.
As they assert their rights to land, political participation, and their distinctive cultures, Mayas of Chiapas are redefining the modernist ideals of justice, liberty, and democracy for a postmodern age. Accustomed to cultural diversity, they have learned to live without attempting to eradicate or dominate the others in their midst. Their vision of progress still contains the communal values found in mythopoetic traditions from the preconquest period. But far from being primordial remnants of the past, these values have been enacted continually in everyday life since the conquest and may offer a model for pluriethnic and pluripolitical institutions as we enter the third millennium.
Since the end of World War II, relations between industrialized nations and Third World countries have been greatly determined and mediated by the discourses and practices of “development.” Although anthropologists in general have not prob-lematized the existence of such discourses and practices, a growing number of them have joined the applied field as “culture experts” in development activities. This article traces the rise and growth of “development anthropology” since the mid-1970s. Because of their adherence to mainstream models in both anthropology and development, the article argues, development anthropologists reinforce ethnocentric and dominating models of development. Moreover, these practitioners disturbingly recycle, in the name of cultural sensitivity and local knowledge, conventional views of modernization, social change, and the Third World. Some thoughts for redefining the role of anthropology in development are offered. [development anthropology, applied anthropology, history of anthropology, development studies, critical theory]
México ¿Cómo interpretar los actuales conflictos latinoamericanos entre las tradiciones que aún no se han ido y la modernidad que no acaba de llegar? En este libro el autor confronta los debates teóricos acerca de lo moderno y lo posmoderno con estudios sobre los usos populares del arte culto y de los medios masivos. Se analizan comparativamente la forma en que los museos, los políticos y el mercado ritualizan las tradiciones, los comportamientos de Octavio Paz y Jorge Luis Borges ante la televisión, el humor con que las historietas y los graffiti registran los cruces interculturales generados por las migraciones masivas y las nuevas tecnologías. Para entender estas culturas híbridas, el autor propone la utilización combinada de las disciplinas que las analizan por separado: la antropología con la sociología, la historia del arte y los estudios comunicacionales.
International development draws on a globalized vision of ‘traditional medicine’ when constructing country-specific programs that use local practitioners to further health objectives. This paper looks at the tension between this mobile notion of ‘the traditional’ and the local social ground. Categories such as traditional birth attendant (TBA) and traditional medical practitioner (TMP) emerge from a process of translation that links local realities to development in specific ways. Examination of training programs for two kinds of ‘indigenous practitioners’ in Nepal—birth attendants and shamans—shows that various Nepalese specialists are constructed as TBAs and TMPs in a discursive process that emphasizes some differences while eliding others. The acronyms TBA and TMP encapsulate numerous acts of translation through which diverse local practices are subsumed into an overarching development framework. The many layers of this process include: how ‘traditional healers’ are understood in international health policy; how, in national planning, these conceptions are made to fit with existing Nepalese healers; and how research on ‘local ideas and practices’ becomes authoritative knowledge about ‘traditions’, which then, in turn, form a basis for the planning and implementation of training programs.
Production and Autonomy
- J Bowen
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The Nature of Development: Native and Settlers View in Gran Pajonal, Peruvian Amazon
- Hvalkof S.
Mere Observers: Writing in the Ethnographic Present in
- P Brosius
Outrage in Rubber and Oil. Extractivism, Indigenous Peoples and Justice in the Upper Amazon. Peoples, Plants and Justice: Resource Extraction and Conservation in Tropical Developing Countries Charles Zerner Columbia University Press
- S Hvalkof
Neo-Liberal Recipes, Environmental Cooks: The Transformation of Amazonian Agency
- G L Ribeiro
- P Little
Neo-Liberal Recipes Environmental Cooks: The Transformation of Amazonian Agency.’ Unpublished manuscript
- G L Ribeiro
- P Little
Mere Observers: Writing in the Ethnographic Present in Sarawak East Malaysia ’ Identities
- P Brosius
- Forthcoming