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Looking back—and looking ahead—35 Years after the Inuit land use and occupancy project
Abstract
The Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project (ILUOP) presented a detailed, comprehensive, and verifiable basis for the claim that Inuit used and occupied an area in excess of 2.8 million square kilometres at the time the ILUOP was completed in the Northwest Territories and northeast Yukon. This article describes the events that led to the ILUOP being undertaken, the methods and content of the study, and some of the outcomes following completion of the project.
Se tourner vers le passé et envisager l’avenir: les 35 ans du projet d’étude sur l’utilisation et l’occupation des terres par les Inuits
Au terme de ce projet (Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project – ILUOP), des preuves détaillées, complètes et démontrables ont été présentées pour soutenir les revendications de l’occupation par les Inuits sur les terres d’une superficie de plus de 2,8 millions de kilomètres carrés situées dans les Territoires du Nord-Ouest et dans le nord-est du Yukon. Cet article fait un rappel des principaux jalons qui ont marqué le lancement du projet, précise la teneur et les modalités de sa mise en œuvre et dresse un bilan des résultats obtenus.
Supplementary resources (4)
... As I have argued throughout this thesis, the interaction between cartographic critical theory and cartographic practice has ranged from turbulent, to almost non-existent. This can be explained by a number of factors; active academic disengagement through a belief that there is no theoretical debate (Crampton, 2003); misunderstandings or disagreements surrounding theories of how to treat knowledge and practice (see Crampton, 2009a;Leszczynski, 2009); or simply the inherent difficulty associated with practising theoretical bestpractices (Freeman, 2011;Rundstrom, 2009). ...
... [was] assigned to ensuring that every Inuit resident wishing to participate in the study was afforded the opportunity to contribute his/her own record of land use." (Freeman, 2011: 22 (Riewe, 1992) the resultant database of the ILUOP -was of such weight that it was formalized as the boundary of Nunavut after the creation of the territory on 1 st April 1999 (Freeman, 2011). In an examination of indigenous land use projects, Tobias argues that "the ILUOP endures as the single most important classic in the field" (2010: 38). ...
... Continuing its involvement with the Pan-Inuit Atlas, we can also compare the duality of political aims involved in the ILUOP. Similarly to the Pan-Inuit Atlas, Freeman (2011) notes that the Arctic sovereignty of Canada that relies on Inuit occupancy confirmed through the ILUOP is "considered sound" (Pharand, 2007). So despite its importance as a counter-mapping project, the ILUOP falls under the same problems of working within a regime that acknowledges a hegemonic narrative. ...
This thesis examines historical and contemporary debates surrounding the way in which knowledge traditions interact in the Arctic. This is done through examining the theoretical and practical history of cartography, both as a discipline, and as applied to the Arctic. In doing so, I make the argument for an inextricable link between cartography and knowledge production across supposedly different ‘knowledge traditions’, through the privileging of performativity as the primary way of making knowledge, and an understanding of human cognition as inherently spatial and narratological. Based on these understandings, I examine debates within geography and wider social science that might assist the practising of cartography under this philosophy – the possibilities for ‘working with multiple ontologies’. For example I explore the opportunity for working with complex adaptive systems, and suggest that a contemporary understanding of how cyberspace is produced in the Arctic fits in with these philosophies. I also examine those debates that might stand in the way of practice that acknowledges these philosophies of complexity – for example debates about the nature of digital materiality, and of the epistemological / ontological divide. These theories and debates are anchored in the Arctic through the use of historical and contemporary examples concerned with the mapping of space and knowledge primarily in the North American Arctic. Ultimately debating a future for practising cartography in the Arctic is situated within the confines of post-colonial critique, so I examine how we define “counter-mapping”, and where the philosophies outlined above fit into this politically strong tradition. In conclusion I suggest that whilst contemporary theory has much to offer an increasingly digital indigenous Arctic, there remains a partial disconnect between theory and practice that can be addressed through reading this debate.
... However, integrating Indigenous land use and occupancy into the GIS mapping approach has been applied to protect Indigenous culture, language, and territories (Wojtuszewska, 2019). These land-use and occupancy studies counter-map Indigenous territory to contest settler or industrial development in the court system (Freeman, 2011;McIlwraith & Cormier, 2016). In the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project, Inuit used mapping to reclaim sovereignty of the Northwest Territories through comprehensive land claims (Freeman, 2011). ...
... These land-use and occupancy studies counter-map Indigenous territory to contest settler or industrial development in the court system (Freeman, 2011;McIlwraith & Cormier, 2016). In the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project, Inuit used mapping to reclaim sovereignty of the Northwest Territories through comprehensive land claims (Freeman, 2011). ...
... A similar foodshed analysis was carried out for Wasasgamack First Nation with the data from 49 harvesters (Thompson, Thapa, & Whiteway, 2019;Thompson, Harper, & Whiteway, 2020). In 34 Inuit communities in the Northwest Territories and northern Yukon, the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy project prepared individual map biographies and composite maps to map areas for hunting, trapping, fishing, camping, ceremonial sites, burial grounds, and other areas of historical significance (Freeman, 2011). In the Ouje-Bougoumou Cree communities in James Bay, Quebec, Tsuji et al. (2007) prepared 14 intensity maps and sites of concern, 11 thematic harvesting and gathering maps, and three categories of traplines maps. ...
Traditional land-use studies display specific locations used and occupied by Indigenous Peoples in their ancestral lands to sustain their land-based livelihoods. Indigenous communities use these maps to reclaim their territories by demonstrating their current land-use and occupancy that extends vast distances beyond their reserves. To support the protection of ancestral territory against the threats of resource extraction by outsiders, we applied the density and hotspot mapping approaches to display the concentrated land use areas of 49 harvesters of Wasagamack First Nation in Manitoba, Canada. In contrast to the conventional land use mapping, which presents the land use areas as points or spots on the map, density and hotspot mapping shows areas of intensive land use and cultural significance. This paper reinforces Wasa-gamack Anishininews' view that their entire ancestral territory is sacred and vital to the Wasagamack First Nation and supports their case for their traditional territory's self-governance. If integrated with Wasagamack Anishini-news' community development goals, the density and hotspot mapping approach can facilitate land use planning for sustainable conservation of important areas for the well-being of Wasagamack First Nation.
... In 1973, the ITC initiated land claims negotiations, for which they were required to document their occupancy of their territory (Freeman, 2011). A team of 150 researchers, 120 of whom were Inuit, spoke to 1600 respondents in thirty-four (34) communities and produced an extensive three-volume report. ...
... A team of 150 researchers, 120 of whom were Inuit, spoke to 1600 respondents in thirty-four (34) communities and produced an extensive three-volume report. The first volume drew entirely from Inuit sources about their contemporary and historical relations with their territory rather than European Canadian anthropologists and academics (Freeman, 2011). Importantly, the research team recognized the need to combine cartographic data with narratives, and introduced the technique of 'map biographies,' or extensive discussions with respondents about ancestral land use, names of places and their significance with contemporary Inuit land use, productive activities and collective identity. ...
Neither big data, nor data justice are particularly new. Data collection, in the form of land surveys and mapping, was key to successive projects of European imperialist and then capitalist extraction of natural resources. Geo-spatial instruments have been used since the fifteenth century to highlight potential sites of mineral, oil, and gas extraction, and inscribe European economic, cultural and political control across indigenous territories. Although indigenous groups consistently challenged maintained their territorial sovereignty, and resisted corporate and state surveillance practices, they were largely unable to withstand the combined onslaught of surveyors, armed personnel, missionaries and government bureaucrats. This article examines the use of counter-mapping by indigenous nations in Canada, one of the globe's hubs of extractivism, as part of the exercise of indigenous territorial sovereignty. After a brief review of the colonial period, I then compare the use of counter-mapping during two cycles of indigenous mobilization. During the 1970s, counter-mapping projects were part of a larger repertoire of negotiations with the state over land claims, and served to re-inscribe first nation's long-standing history of economic, social and cultural relations in their territories, and contribute to new collective imaginaries and identities. In the current cycle of contests over extractivism and indigenous sovereignty, the use, scope and geographic scale of counter-mapping has shifted; maps are used as part of larger trans-media campaigns of Indigenous sovereignty. During both cycles, counter-mapping as data justice required fusion within larger projects of redistributive, transformative and restorative justice. ARTICLE HISTORY
... In 1973, the ITC initiated land claims negotiations, for which they were required to document their occupancy of their territory (Freeman, 2011). A team of 150 researchers, 120 of whom were Inuit, spoke to 1600 respondents in thirty-four (34) communities and produced an extensive three-volume report. ...
... A team of 150 researchers, 120 of whom were Inuit, spoke to 1600 respondents in thirty-four (34) communities and produced an extensive three-volume report. The first volume drew entirely from Inuit sources about their contemporary and historical relations with their territory rather than European Canadian anthropologists and academics (Freeman, 2011). Importantly, the research team recognized the need to combine cartographic data with narratives, and introduced the technique of 'map biographies,' or extensive discussions with respondents about ancestral land use, names of places and their significance with contemporary Inuit land use, productive activities and collective identity. ...
Neither big data, nor data justice are particularly new. Data collection, in the form of land surveys and mapping, was key to successive projects of European imperialist and then capitalist extraction of natural resources. Geo-spatial instruments have been used since the fifteenth century to highlight potential sites of mineral, oil, and gas extraction, and inscribe European economic, cultural and political control across indigenous territories. Although indigenous groups consistently challenged maintained their territorial sovereignty, and resisted corporate and state surveillance practices, they were largely unable to withstand the combined onslaught of surveyors, armed personnel, missionaries and government bureaucrats. This article examines the use of counter-mapping by indigenous nations in Canada, one of the globe’s hubs of extractivism, as part of the exercise of indigenous territorial sovereignty. After a brief review of the colonial period, I then compare the use of counter-mapping during two cycles of indigenous mobilization. During the 1970s, counter-mapping projects were part of a larger repertoire of negotiations with the state over land claims, and served to re-inscribe first nation’s long-standing history of economic, social and cultural relations in their territories, and contribute to new collective imaginaries and identities. In the current cycle of contests over extractivism and indigenous sovereignty, the use, scope and geographic scale of counter-mapping has shifted; maps are used as part of larger trans-media campaigns of Indigenous sovereignty. During both cycles, counter-mapping as data justice required fusion within larger projects of redistributive, transformative and restorative justice.
... The three volumes were published as: "The Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project"(Freeman 1976); alsoFreeman (2011);Brody (2018). ...
... The three volumes were published as: "The Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project"(Freeman 1976); alsoFreeman (2011);Brody (2018). ...
How can we map differing perceptions of the living environment? Mapping the Unmappable? explores the potential of cartography to communicate the relations of Africa's indigenous peoples with other human and non-human actors within their environments. These relations transcend Western dichotomies such as culture-nature, human-animal, natural-supernatural. The volume brings two strands of research - cartography and »relational« anthropology - into a closer dialogue. It provides case studies in Africa as well as lessons to be learned from other continents (e.g. North America, Asia and Australia). The contributors create a deepened understanding of indigenous ontologies for a further decolonization of maps, and thus advance current debates in the social sciences.
... The latter became an integral part of negotiations carried within the framework of the 1973 federal Comprehensive Land Claims Policy and contributed to expand the appropriation of computer mapping techniques by Indigenous peoples as a way to convey their territorialities for the state (Usher et al. 1992;Usher 2003). Representing Canada's Inuit peoples, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami were among the first in using that approach to support and restore Inuit self-government (Freeman 2011). Tobias (2000) stresses the importance of engaging with this type of research to achieve meaningful selfgovernment. ...
... However, considering that wilderness implies "empty" regions raises a scale issue: how do we define what spatial unit a given population group must be associated to? Even if they only inhabit small villages, many Indigenous people travel through extensive hunting, collecting and fishing grounds, like the Inuit of the Canadian North (Freeman, 2011), and the Yanomami of the Amazon (Le Tourneau, 2010). Should they be associated only to the village area, which they effectively inhabit most of the time, or to the whole territory they are using, even if their presence is quite elusive in most of it? ...
The Amazon forests, the Northern artic regions, the Australian bush and Siberian plains all have very low demographic densities, but they are rarely studied as pertaining to the same global category. It appears, however, that when considering sparsely populated regions (SPR) globally they share not only demographical characteristics, but also a number of features in their economic, political, spatial and social configuration, and more importantly in visions of nature and the environment, which make them different from more densely populated areas. The point of this paper is to demonstrate that despite obvious ecological and climatic differences, SPR can be considered as a specific geographical category and in so doing we are able to reveal and explain aspects until now imperfectly framed under the ‘rural’ category which they are generally put into. This point is far from anecdotal, since contrary to common assumptions, SPR are still largely dominant today on Earth in terms of extension. Considering them as a unique category can therefore be an important step forward in cross-continental rural studies.
... Traditional land-use studies countermap Indigenous territory in order to challenge industrial or settler development in courts of law (McIlwraith & Cormier, 2016). For example, the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project helped the Inuit reclaim sovereignty of the Northwest Territories, through comprehensive land claims (Freeman, 2011). ...
This paper tells a place-based story of food in the Wasagamack territory in Manitoba, Canada, through traditional land-use map biographies with 49 active Indigenous harvesters, video interviews with eight key informants, and input from community workshops. Although harvesters in Wasagamack First Nation do not depend solely on wild foods, map biographies show that traditional land uses remain important and occur throughout their ancestral lands. This land remains pristine, with virgin boreal forests, natural flowing waters, and abundant wildlife, and occupied almost exclusively by Indigenous people who continue to harvest wild foods and speak their language fluently. All Wasagamack people interviewed (N=57) regarded the land to be perfect as the Creator made it, and sacred; they did not want development interfering with their traditional practices of hunting, gathering, and fishing and with their land-based spirituality, despite the community economic and infrastructure poverty. In opposition, the province of Manitoba, which governs natural resources, favors mining and settler development and is unsupportive of traditional stewardship of the land. Mapping traditional land use enabled the exploration of the cultural and ecological dimensions of Wasagamack food over time and territory, providing an important tool for food researchers to explore food sovereignty, wild food access, and foodsheds.
... Poole (1995) found that local mapping applications tended to fall into five categories, with one application leading to another in the following sequence: 1) recognition of land rights; 2) demarcation of traditional territories; 3) protection of demarcated lands; 4) gathering and guarding traditional knowledge; and 5) management of traditional lands and resources. In Canada, documenting Indigenous land use as a way of securing Indigenous rights has been part of the legal milieu since the Inuit land use and occupancy project of 1976 (Freeman 1976(Freeman , 2011, and map biographies soon became a key method of documentation for the official claims process (Usher et al. 1992), largely due to their visual effectiveness and perceived objectivity. Indigenous mapping has been vital for representing Indigenous claims to territory in Canada (Usher et al. 1992;Sparke 1998). ...
Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) has been at the centre of mapping efforts for decades. Indigenous knowledge (IK) is a critical subset of TEK, and Indigenous peoples utilise a wide variety of techniques for keeping track of time. Although techniques for mapping and visualising the temporal aspects of TEK/IK have been utilised, the spatio-temporal dimensions of TEK are not well explored visually outside of seasonal data and narrative approaches. Existing spatio-temporal models can add new visualisation approaches for TEK but are limited by ontological constraints regarding time, particularly the poor support for multi-cyclical data and localised timing. For TEK to be well represented, flexible systems are needed for modelling and mapping time that correspond well with traditional conceptions of time and space being supported. These approaches can take cues from previous spatio-temporal visualisation work in the Geographic(al) Information System(s)/Science(s) GIS community, and from temporal depictions extant in existing cultural traditions.
... While we were hosting mapping training sessions in the regional city of Petropavlovsk-Kamchatskii, for instance, a major investment forum was being held dealing with transport capacity, integrated freight, fisheries, minerals and raw materials, tourism, health services, water resources, and Kamchatka's energy potential. It is in this context of the further integration of the Kamchatka economy into global networks of capital and trade that we hope the Indigenous-Kamchatka mapping project will introduce indigenous cultural, subsistence, and economic priorities into these economic development frameworks, in much the same way that projects have had success in Canada in leveraging significant Indigenous voices in large-scale development projects (Freeman 2011;Usher 2003;Willow 2013). Since the 1970s and 1980s, particularly in Canada (Asch, Andrews, and Smith 1986;Brice-Bennett 1977;Brody 1981;Freeman 1976, Lester 1979Weinstein 1977), but also more recently in Australia ( 13 Thus, with perestroika in the 1990s indigenous peoples took on new forms of cultural (that is, House of Culture) and political expression (for example, the Russian Association of ...
Indigenous peoples in the Russian Far East are engaged in vibrant cultural and linguistic resurgence and revitalization through their community and regional organizations. Through the activities of one of these organizations, a computer-aided cultural mapping project was initiated in collaboration with indigenous villages along the Kamchatka Peninsula, working with youth and elders to map out the histories of special cultural places. The project utilized innovative participatory methodologies using Google Earth and related Google mapping tools, which are freely accessible and desired for use in the communities, providing an accessible, low-cost, easy-to-use computer application for detailed digital cultural mapping. This article elaborates on the use of these technologies to empower a community-based collaborative research project and reflects on critical issues in aligning community, corporate, and scholarly objectives in successful projects.
... Canadian Inuit have managed to secure land claims that ensure their wildlife harvesting and management rights are legally defined. The documentation of Inuit use and occupancy of the land, sea and ice centred on harvesting activities (hunting, fishing and trapping) supported Inuit land claims more than 35 years ago [24]. The James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement (JBNQA) negotiated by the Inuit and Cree of northern Québec and signed in 1975 and the Inuvialuit Final Agreement (IFA, 1984) negotiated by the Canadian Inuit of the western Arctic were the first two comprehensive claims settled in Canada. ...
Inuit wildlife management systems have key lessons to offer at a time when the Arctic is receiving tremendous international attention. This article discusses efforts to link Inuit traditional knowledge (TK) and scientific knowledge in management decision-making. Existing dialogue on current and potential relationships between Inuit and their knowledge systems, the scientific community and community-based monitoring efforts show that shared planning is crucial to successful models for collaborative TK-scientific research and conservation efforts in the Arctic.
... The counter-mapping phenomenon arose from this premise. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, land use and occupancy studies originated in far northern Canada as part of the aboriginal land claims negotiation process (Chapin et al. 2005;Freeman 2011;Usher 2003). Designed to refute Western misconceptions that "unimproved" land was unused and therefore available for development (Cronon 1983), these initial countermaps most commonly took the form of "map biographies"-maps that locate and explicate indigenous uses of land within living memory-in order to clearly demonstrate long-standing and enduring utilization of traditional territories (see Brody 1981;Freeman 1976;Usher 1990). ...
Beginning with the premise that sovereignty may be most constructively contemplated not as a definable object or objective but instead as a process, this article examines counter-mapping as a way for contemporary indigenous citizens to “do” sovereignty. It surveys three Anishinaabe/Ojibwe communities’ recent use of geographical techniques to communicate their own territorial claims and counter the competing claims of others. In a 21st century context characterized by urgent extractive-industrial threats to indigenous landbases and lifeways, the cases presented here demonstrate that counter-mapping can serve as a powerful positive tool. Yet because the prevailing methods available to safeguard land-based self-determination also have the potential to undermine it, I conclude by considering some of the pitfalls that complicate counter-mapping’s ability to promote the sovereignty process. I suggest that indigenous people who choose to enact their sovereignty in this manner are indeed empowered, but only within an existing—and inequitable—socio-political system.
... The early emergence of an indigenous mapping tradition is typically associated with activities in Alaska and Canada beginning in the 1960s and 1970s (Chapin et al. 2005, Freeman 2011). More recently, indigenous mapping has emerged in parts of Latin America (Herlihy and Knapp 2003), Asia (Fox 2002, Bauer 2009) and Africa (Benjaminsen and Sjaastad 2008, see Chapin et al 2005 for a more extensive list). ...
Cartography provides a way of presenting information about the physical environment, cultural features, patterns of occupancy, resources and boundaries. It is also a tool that has been manipulated by power and colonial interests, particularly in the context of indigenous mapping (see J. Bryan, 2009, ‘Where would we be without them? Knowledge, space and power in indigenous politics’, Futures, 41, 24–32). Strengthening the role of indigenous knowledge in the development of community mapping has been identified as critical to advancing the interests of traditionally marginalized groups. As this demand for novel approaches to community mapping has increased, new technological mapping tools have been created for marginalized groups. This article presents a novel collaborative geomatics tool created to advance mapping initiatives in First Nations communities in Canada's sub-Arctic regions, while protecting and enhancing indigenous knowledge and protecting intellectual property. The collaborative geomatics tool is a secure web-based mapping tool. This tool combines high-resolution satellite imagery with social networking capabilities. Thus, the collaborative geomatics tool provides a forum for community members to post, discuss and contribute to a centralized repository of information by inputting the following: high value areas; areas of natural, spiritual and cultural interest; traditional hunting, trapping and fishing areas; infrastructure; safety zones; stories (audio/written/video); photographs; and polygons and other such markers to delineate these important areas. The present article will identify the process used to design the system and the dynamic opportunities available to use this system once implemented.
This chapter proposes some conceptual and theoretical milestones, discussing the word “counter‐mapping”, which is frequently associated with Indigenous mapping. It then situates them in the field of academic thinking. The chapter presents the history and the main debates related to the use of maps by Indigenous peoples in order to decolonize their relationship with the state and the actors of the dominant society. It also analyzes the limitations of the political use of maps. The chapter examines how maps and cartography themselves have been decolonized at an epistemological level since the 1980s, in light of the revaluation of Indigenous peoples’ own cartographic knowledge and the new possibilities offered by digital technologies and multimedia. Indigenous peoples’ counter‐mapping practices aim to appropriate the tools and devices that have contributed to the dispossession of their lands, territories and resources over centuries of colonial rule. Indigenous mapping was structured as an academic field in the 1990s.
Study of territory had been undertaken mainly from a perspective derived from Geography and Social Sciences, the main focus being territory as understood as a cultural signification obtained from sociocultural practices. The research proposal is a study of territory under the influence of the kawésqar natives community of Puerto Edén under a formal perspective originated from Literary Theory of Russian Formalists, which its theoretical principles are applied to the study of territory in order to recognize uses and occupations from within, establishing a sense of territory from the disposition of these uses and occupations from within a territory, managing of these uses and occupations which at the same time give meaning and produce knowledge over itself and its transformation when these elements of uses and occupation change their function. Another aspect of this perspective is the addition of the Actor-Network Theory (ANT) from Bruno Latour which amplifies the comprehension of these elements to human and non-human agents as integral components of the diverse uses and occupations of the territory. In this way, the aiming is to understand the management in which an indigenous community such as the kawésqar has over their area of geographical influence obtained from knowledge acquired from their experience and inspection of said area (socioecological knowledge), without transforming the territory in a symbolic product signifying certain qualities to the community.
Dans sa décision de principe sur les droits de chasse des Métis rendue à la suite de l’affaire R. c. Powley, la Cour suprême du Canada recourt au concept de mainmise effective pour marquer les limites de la période à considérer afin de déterminer si des pratiques particulières (p. ex., la chasse) font partie intégrante du mode de vie des Métis. Si ces pratiques n’ont pas été explicitement abolies par l’État avant 1982, alors elles font partie aujourd’hui des droits ancestraux des Métis et à ce titre, elles sont protégées par la Constitution. Déterminer la date de la mainmise effective de l’État est un problème empirique qui exige des recherches historiques approfondies. Devant les revendications de la Couronne quant à sa souveraineté et à l’extinction de droits autochtones, diverses activités peuvent servir de critères quant à l’établissement de la mainmise effective sur les régions pionnières (p. ex., les recensements). Des documents historiques montrent que des activités de topométrie et de cartographie ont matérialisé les efforts du gouvernement fédéral pour acquérir des connaissances géographiques. En ce qui concerne la nécessité constante de clarifier les droits ancestraux des Métis, la valeur des sources cartographiques historiques comme moyen de reconstruire la lente évolution des connaissances géographiques de l’État est illustrée par l’exemple de la région d’Ile-à-la-Crosse. La cartographie historique, par conséquent, peut contribuer à clarifier les droits des Métis.
L’usage de la cartographie est aujourd’hui prépondérant dans les luttes autochtones pour la sécurisation de leurs territoires. Par leur réappropriation d’un outil qui a de tous temps participé à les invisibiliser et à les déposséder, les peuples autochtones réaffirment leur présence sur la mappemonde et font valoir leurs droits fonciers. Si ces initiatives de contre-cartographies se multiplient rapidement, une perspective globale sur l’ampleur des revendications territoriales autochtones et les enjeux considérables que soulève leur reconnaissance fait encore défaut. Cette thèse vise à pallier ce manque par la mise en place de LandMark (www.landmarkmap.org), premier observatoire géographique global des territoires autochtones, dont l’auteur est un des membres fondateurs. Cette démarche implique de répondre à un ensemble de défis scientifiques et politiques ainsi qu’à un ensemble de questions connexes : où sont les peuples autochtones du monde ? Quels droits revendiquent-ils ? Sur quels espaces ? Comment et dans quelle mesure leur mouvement transnational est-il parvenu à une reconnaissance locale de leurs territoires ? Quels enjeux soulèvent leurs nouveaux usages des cartes et l’agrégation de ces dernières en une base de données globale centralisée ? Cette thèse fera également le point sur les données actuellement recueillies sur LandMark et analysera leurs contributions au suivi de la mise en œuvre du droit international des peuples autochtones ainsi qu’à une meilleure compréhension des dynamiques en cours au sein de leurs territoires. Elle évaluera également les capacités de LandMark à offrir un appui scientifique aux revendications politiques autochtones, notamment par la mise en valeur des services écosystémiques rendus par leurs territoires et par la prévention de l’accaparement de leurs ressources.
Cette étude évalue une approche particulière de la cartographie numérique, la cybercartographie, en tant qu’outil d’autodétermination autochtone. L’étude, réalisée auprès des Premières Nations du Canada, s’appuie sur les principes autochtones de propriété, de contrôle, d’accès et de possession pour reconnaitre les moyens précis par lesquels la cybercartographie peut aborder certains aspects de l’autodétermination. Les résultats montrent que les exigences en matière d’applications cybercartographiques sont propres à chaque communauté, et que ces applications peuvent faciliter l’autodétermination quand les communautés participent activement à la sélection de la technologie pendant le processus de recherche. L’étude de cas présentée ici révèle que la cybercartographie, et la cartographie numérique en général, peuvent véhiculer d’importants éléments culturels autochtones et servir à rehausser les épisodes éducatifs pendant lesquels se transmettent les connaissances entre les générations.
For over five centuries, cartographic map-making has played a pivotal role as a political technology of empire-building, settler colonialism, and the dispossession of Indigenous lands. Yet Indigenous peoples themselves have long engaged in their own mapping practices to share ancestral knowledge, challenge colonial rule, and reclaim Indigenous “place-worlds.” Although there is now a sizable body of scholarly literature on the mapping of empire, this special issue on “Decolonizing the Map” aims to recenter Indigenous mappings and decolonial cartographies as spatial practices of world-making. In this introductory article, we provide an overview of the theory and praxis of decolonial mapping and outline the key themes of the contributions to the present special issue. Drawing upon insights from this edited collection, we conclude that decolonial mapping requires a recentering of Indigenous geographical knowledge, respect for Indigenous protocols, and the active participation of Indigenous peoples in the mapping process itself if the project of decolonizing the map is to truly move beyond the colonial cartographic frame.
As the only Canadian educational jurisdiction established within contemporary memory, Nunavut represents an interesting case in terms of education generally and science education specifically. All territorial governance activities are framed by the eight principles of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit ( Open image in new window , IQ)—an articulation of Inuit values regarding how to live and be in the world. Within education, IQ principles are positioned as key cross-curricular competencies that support teachers and students in negotiating curricula that are, for the most part, developed in other Canadian jurisdictions. In science, territorial curricula are adapted from programs in the Northwest Territories and Alberta. This chapter describes how the current context for science education in Nunavut developed. It highlights the importance of land and language to the teaching and learning of science in Nunavut and examines how science teaching, learning, and curricula are developing in the context of contemporary northern Canada and IQ.
Mapping spatial information to represent indigenous knowledge (IK) and rights has been taking place since the early 1970s in various parts of Canada. These mapping initiatives continue to be primarily associated with traditional land-use (TLU) studies and have deep roots in participatory methods that include aspects of participatory geographic information systems (PGIS). In the current context of encroaching industrial developments into indigenous homelands and the strengthening of Indigenous rights within Canadian Supreme Court rulings, the role of mapping TLU information is central. Who is conducting the research, what tools are used, and how this information is shared are all key questions being asked in the Indigenous context. As a result, the quality of spatial data has become a critical part of these engagement processes. This paper focuses on the intersections of new methods of TLU/IK data collection, namely a direct-to-digital approach that seeks to minimize misrepresentation and mistranslations of IK. From these intersections, the authors recognize the need to establish Indigenous-led quality indicators that directly address the introduction of new methods into the TLU/IK field. Indigenous geographic information and spatial data quality indicators will better address the current needs of Indigenous communities in the negotiation of resource developments in their territories, and provide a new path forward for enhancing the use of geospatial technologies in Indigenous communities.
In this paper, we will attempt an anthropological history of the concept of “local knowledge”, from the first research dedicated to the botanical or zoological knowledge of “traditional” peoples carried out in the 50’s, to the outburst of interest on behalf of actors as disparate as the World Bank, conservation and development NGOs, governments, biodiversity managers, not to mention the main stakeholders, i.e. indigenous peoples and local specialised groups.Through the history of different networks that contributed to developing the concept of local knowledge, traditional or indigenous ecological knowledge, we will highlight precursors and replace them in their heuristic context. We will also consider more recent trends, since the inclusion of traditional knowledge in several international conventions, particularly the Convention on Biodiversity. We will finally examine the epistemological impact of the combination of local knowledge and scientific and lay knowledge.
Although much has changed for Inuit since their social, economic, and political integration into Canada, sea ice still forms an essential part of what they call their homeland. The ways in which sea ice is understood by Inuit, however, are still little known to non-Inuit. Alongside the currently renewed political and economic interest in the Arctic regions, and in part as a result of the mounting preoccupation with the vulnerability of Arctic ecosystems and peoples due to climate change, new research is shedding light on significant aspects of how Inuit use and understand sea ice. This article will focus on the Inuit Sea Ice Use and Occupancy Project (ISIUOP), an initiative to document and map Inuit sea ice use in several communities of Nunavut and Nunavik. ISIUOP is then analyzed in the context of earlier sea ice research and in connection with previous studies of Inuit land use. A comparison between a land use study conducted in the 1970s and ISIUOP is then undertaken in order to highlight differences and similarities in the ways research is conducted and in the changing contexts surrounding both Arctic researchers and Arctic inhabitants. © Canadian Association of Geographers / L'Association canadienne des géographes.
The Igliniit Project brought together Inuit hunters and geomatics engineering students during the International Polar Year (IPY) to collaborate on the development and testing of a new integrated GPS/PDA/mobile weather station technology for observing and monitoring the environment. Part of the larger Inuit Sea Ice Use and Occupancy Project (ISIUOP), the Igliniit Project culminated in a tangible product that is the direct result of combined scientific and Inuit knowledge, ingenuity, and engineering. This paper describes the Igliniit Project and examines the resulting technology as (i) an artifact of Inuit knowledge, science and engineering collaboration; (ii) a tool for meaningful engagement of Inuit in environmental science and community-based monitoring; (iii) a new approach and tool in the field of indigenous mapping; and (iv) an example of one technology in the expanding ecology of technologies in everyday Inuit life. The technology requires improvements in hardware and further development of supporting systems such as data management and mapping capability, but there is potential for the Igliniit Project approach and system to have wide appeal across the North for a variety of applications including environmental monitoring, wildlife studies, land use mapping, hazards research, place names research, archaeological and cultural inventories, and search and rescue operations. © Canadian Association of Geographers / L'Association canadienne des géographes.
The International Polar Year (2007-2008) (IPY) established an IPY data policy that guides a formal data management (DM) process. The DM system envisioned includes data based on Indigenous knowledge systems linked to data collected in the Western scientific tradition. Based on experiences developing an online Atlas of Inuit Sea Ice Knowledge and Use (Siku Atlas) we argue that an 'Indigenist' DM program must be developed if the envisioned IPY DM system is to be realized. Existing ideas proposing an Indigenist research paradigm are discussed in the context of DM. To move towards the development and implementation of an Indigenist DM program, we review four key relationships for consideration when documenting Indigenous knowledge and managing the resulting data: Indigenous and Western scientific knowledge systems; communities and researchers; Indigenous knowledge and power; and Indigenous knowledge and documentation methods. To ground the discussion, we link Indigenist DM processes to the Siku Atlas development process and results. Last, lessons learned are presented along with an outline of directions for a research program in support of an Indigenist DM program. © Canadian Association of Geographers / L'Association canadienne des géographes.
This paper describes and analyses a current land use conflict in the Canadian north, with particular attention to the efficacy of the Territorial Land Use Regulations as an instrument for advancing Canadian northern development policy and programs. The study concludes that the reality of northern development is at variance with public policy statements in regard to national policy in the north, such that environmental and social considerations (stressed as paramount values in policy pronouncements) have low salience when in competition with the search for non-renewable resources. /// Cet article décrit et analyse un conflit portant sur l'utilisation de terrains qui se déroule actuellement dans le nord canadien. Une attention particulière est accordée aux Règles Territoriales sur l'Utilisation des Terrains considérées comme un instrument de promotion des politiques et des programmes de développement du nord canadien. L'étude conclue que la réalité du développement dans le nord du pays diffère des déclarations politiques concernant la politique boréale nationale, d'une manière telle que les considérations ayant trait au domaine social et à l'environnement (sur lesquelles un très fort accent est mis dans les déclarations politiques) ont peu de valeur par rapport aux recherches de ressources non-renouvenables.
This paper examines the economic adaptations and subsistence hunting involvement of householders between the ages of 20 and 35 in the Copper Inuit community of Holman. Social, economic, and political changes throughout the Canadian Arctic have made it impossible for young adults to pursue the same mixed economic strategies as previous generations. A general decrease in subsistence hunting involvement is characteristic of the younger generation. Nevertheless, some young householders have made a conscious effort to remain active in subsistence hunting and fishing to provide for themselves and related househol ds. Some have even increased subsistence hunting involvement as their own parents age and become increasingly infirm. Other householders are less active in hunting and fishing, but continue to view land-based harvesting as central to a sense of Inuit identity. The motivations, economic position, and family background of a sample of active and less active young adult hunters are explore d in an attempt to understand the pressures experienced by young adults as they strive to make a place in a northern society radi cally different from that of their parents at a similar age. While the authors recognize the economic value of subsistence harvesting and the foods that result from it, we also emphasize the less easily quantified dimensions of subsistence ideology and its impact u pon physical health, psychological well-being, and community integration.
We report here the genome sequence of an ancient human. Obtained from approximately 4,000-year-old permafrost-preserved hair, the genome represents a male individual from the first known culture to settle in Greenland. Sequenced to an average depth of 20x, we recover 79% of the diploid genome, an amount close to the practical limit of current sequencing technologies. We identify 353,151 high-confidence single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), of which 6.8% have not been reported previously. We estimate raw read contamination to be no higher than 0.8%. We use functional SNP assessment to assign possible phenotypic characteristics of the individual that belonged to a culture whose location has yielded only trace human remains. We compare the high-confidence SNPs to those of contemporary populations to find the populations most closely related to the individual. This provides evidence for a migration from Siberia into the New World some 5,500 years ago, independent of that giving rise to the modern Native Americans and Inuit.
By exploring indigenous people's knowledge and use of sea ice, the SIKU project has demonstrated the power of multiple perspectives and introduced a new field of interdisciplinary research, the study of social (socio-cultural) aspects of the natural world, or what we call the social life of sea ice. It incorporates local terminologies and classifications, place names, personal stories, teachings, safety rules, historic narratives, and explanations of the empirical and spiritual connections that people create with the natural world. In opening the social life of sea ice and the value of indigenous perspectives we make a novel contribution to IPY, to science, and to the public.
The question of the extent and importance of contemporary aboriginal land use in the Canadian North remains controversial, despite more than 20 studies undertaken since the mid-1970s to document Native land claims and to assess impacts of development projects. In planning a community and regional development strategy that takes into account traditional land use and economy, methodologies were developed for a computer-based, integrated land use and wildlife harvest study that could be applied over large geographic areas. Wildlife harvesting areas used in 1990 by the aboriginal people of the Mushkegowuk region, Hudson and James Bay Lowland, were documented by interviewing 925 hunters from eight communities (Moose Factory, Moosonee, New Post, Fort Albany, Kashechewan, Attawapiskat, Peawanuck and Fort Severn). Results show that geographically extensive land use for hunting and fishing persists in the Mushkegowuk region, some 250 000 km 2. However, the activity pattern of Omushkego (West Main) Cree harvesters has changed much over the decades; contemporary harvesting involves numerous short trips of a few days' duration instead of the traditional long trips. Although the First Nations control only 900 km 2 (0.36% of the region) as Indian reserve land, they continue to use large parts of their traditional territory.
The nature of aboriginal title and land rights in Canada is examined in terms of socio-territorial organization, property and management systems. This provides a baseline for discussion of the modification, limitation and expropriation of aboriginal land and aboriginal rights. The paper concludes by considering contemporary land struggles and evaluating comprehensive and specific claims policies. Comparisons are made between treaty provisions and comprehensive claims settlement.
Climate change has reduced the extent and thickness of sea ice in the Arctic, making international shipping in the Northwest Passage a virtual certainty in the foreseeable future. Such future shipping raises the question of whether the Passage is or might become an international strait, with the consequent right of transit passage. This article examines the two possible legal bases for Canada's claim that the waters of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago are internal waters: a historic title and straight baselines. It also addresses the issue of the possible internationalization of the Passage, if Canada does not take preventive measures. Some such measures are recommended in the last part of the article.
Data collected during 1984-85 are used to describe income and expenditure flows in Sanikiluaq, N.W.T. (the principal settlement on the Belcher Islands in Hudson Bay) and to construct a model that distinguishes between the traditional and modem sectors, as well as between the cash and non-cash (traditional fwd) sectors, of the community economy. When judged by imputed value, the harvest from the traditional sector is the single largest component of community income, but this activity necessarily has close links with the cash sector. Expansion of activity in the traditional food sector is hampered by the necessity of purchasing equipment and fuel in advance, and because there are few opportunities to sell the output of this sector, the problem cannot be solved solely by availability of credit. Because the cash income from jobs in the business and government sectors of the economy are concentrated in a small number of households, receipts from carving and social assistance play a crucial role in relieving the cash constraint on households operating primarily in the country food sector. We conclude that policies designed to ensure the vitality of the country food sector, by removing cash constraints on participation and investigating the sustainability of future harvesting levels, should be an integral part of community development strategies.
traditional knowledge of indigenous community and the value of this knowledge for managing SES. Moreover, it gives a framework of different type of knowledge: local-manager-institution-world view being the latter the most difficult to change
The mapping of indigenous lands to secure tenure, manage natural resources, and strengthen cultures is a recent phenomenon, having begun in Canada and Alaska in the 1960s and in other regions during the last decade and a half. A variety of methodologies have made their appearance, ranging from highly participatory approaches involving village sketch maps to more technical efforts with geographic information systems (GIS) and remote sensing. In general, indigenous mapping has shown itself to be a powerful tool and it has spread rapidly throughout the world. The distribution of mapping projects is uneven, as opportunities are scarce in many parts of the world. This review covers the genesis and evolution of indigenous mapping, the different methodologies and their objectives, the development of indigenous atlases and guidebooks for mapping indigenous lands, and the often uneasy mix of participatory community approaches with technology. This last topic is at the center of considerable discussion as s...
The course of development in Northern Canada has been transformed in the last 30 years by the comprehensive land claims process. For much of the twentieth century, the settlement and development of northern Canada was experienced by Aboriginal people as a continuing process of encroachment on (and sometimes transformation of) their traditional territories, and of restriction of their customary livelihood. Examples of this process included the alteration of river systems by impoundment and diversion, the pollution and contamination of river systems, government restrictions on hunting and fishing and population relocation and sedentarization. Aboriginal political and legal action led, in the 1970s, to the establishment of a formal process for resolving Aboriginal land claims, and to revised judicial interpretation of Aboriginal and treaty rights. The paper describes how geographers have contributed to documenting those claims, and how land claims settlements have altered the land and resource regimes in northern Canada, and concludes with some observations on the effectiveness of those remedies, and on the changes in Canadian perspectives on Aboriginal northerners, the northern environment and northern development.
"Using a combination of traditional ecological knowledge and science to monitor populations can greatly assist co-management for sustainable customary wildlife harvests by indigenous peoples. Case studies from Canada and New Zealand emphasize that, although traditional monitoring methods may often be imprecise and qualitative, they are nevertheless valuable because they are based on observations over long time periods, incorporate large sample sizes, are inexpensive, invite the participation of harvesters as researchers, and sometimes incorporate subtle multivariate cross checks for environmental change. A few simple rules suggested by traditional knowledge may produce good management outcomes consistent with fuzzy logic thinking. Science can sometimes offer better tests of potential causes of population change by research on larger spatial scales, precise quantification, and evaluation of population change where no harvest occurs. However, science is expensive and may not always be trusted or welcomed by customary users of wildlife. Short scientific studies in which traditional monitoring methods are calibrated against population abundance could make it possible to mesh traditional ecological knowledge with scientific inferences of prey population dynamics. This paper analyzes the traditional monitoring techniques of catch per unit effort and body condition. Combining scientific and traditional monitoring methods can not only build partnership and community consensus, but also, and more importantly, allow indigenous wildlife users to critically evaluate scientific predictions on their own terms and test sustainability using their own forms of adaptive management."
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