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Cultural Maintenance and Ethnic Self‐Identification: a Model of Cultural Types
Abstract
The present paper examines from a humanistic sociological perspective (Znaniecki, 1998; Smolicz, 1999) the cultural maintenance and self—identification of a group of mostly second-generation young adults of Italian ancestry in South Australia. A model of cultural types applicable to multicultural societies such as Australia is proposed by correlating measures of the Italian language and cultural systems activated by the participants with the ideological value orientations they express towards such systems. The two indices produce four general cultural types: Active Italophiles, Inactive Italophiles, Active Italophobes and Inactive Italophobes. Whereas the majority of participants (74 percent) can be defined ‘Italophiles’, this group was almost equally divided between Active Italophiles and Inactive Italophiles. The remaining participants (26 percent) can be distinguished into the 2.6 percent of participants who activate Italian language and culture (the Active Italophobes) and the 23.1 percent who do not (the Inactive Italophobes). Cross—classifications show that the participants' formal study of Italian and their parents' age at migration may be contributing factors in the process of cultural maintenance and identity. The paper argues that the transmission of Italian language and culture to the third generation in Australia will rely mainly on the ‘secure ethnic types’ (Active Italophiles) assisted by the ‘ideational ethnic types’ (Inactive Italophiles) especially if these enter into endogamous life partnerships.
... Sociology observes ethnic identity in the diasporic experiences of transnational migrants, attempting to identify the fluctuating ideological orientationswith different degree of fluidityof minority groups and eventually draw models of cultural types (e.g. Bauman, 2001Bauman, , 2007Castles, 1995;Chiro, 2003;Giddens, 1991;Sayad & Bourdieu, 1991;Vasta, 1993;Vertovec, 2001;Znaniecki, 1968). From a linguistic perspective, researchers have examined strategies for constructing ethnic identity via social interaction (e.g. ...
This paper provides a phenomenological reconceptualisation of ethnic identity. Drawing upon a case study of a family originating in Calabria, Italy, and living in Adelaide, South Australia, I consider the way in which the three generations perceive their ‘being ethnic’ across time and space. The first-generation participants were born in Italy and migrated to Australia during the 1950s; the second generation are their children; and the third generation are the children of the second generation. The findings show a widespread intergenerational identification of ethnicity as ‘being Italian’, which, however, has different meanings across the three generations. This depends on the participants’ phenomenological perceptions of being thrown into the world [Heidegger, M. (1962). Being and time. (J. Macquarie & E. Robinson, Trans.). New York, NY: Harper]. Some 40 years after Huber’s [(1977). From pasta to Pavlova: A comparative study of Italian settlers in Sydney and Griffith. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press] study about the assimilation of Italian-Australians published in her book From Pasta to Pavlova, the present paper shows a movement from pavlova to pasta, especially by the third-generation participants, who experience a sense of ethnic revival. Essential in such a shift of ethnic identity is what I refer to as institutional positionality; that is, one’s perceptions of the position of one’s ‘ethnic being in the world’. This is investigated by combining with the sociology of migration, including the Bourdieusian conceptual apparatus of capital [Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research in the sociology of education (pp. 241–258). New York, NY: Greenwood Press], a Heideggerian existential theory [Heidegger, 1962]. Such a juxtaposition provides further reflexivity through a reconceptualisation that considers the role of ontology in the sociology of migration.
... Labov, 1992;W. Labov, 1972) • Italian teenage speech patterns (Aulino, 2008;Banfi, 1988;Cortelazzo, 1994;Danesi, 1996b;Danesi, 1997Danesi, , 2003bDe Paoli, 1988;Giacomelli, 1988;Marcato, 1994Marcato, , 1995Marcato, , 1997Marcato & Fabiana, 1994;Marcato & Fusco, 2005;Nuessel, 1999;Rizzi, 1985); • Australian youth speech patterns (Chiro, 2003(Chiro, , 2007(Chiro, , 2008Dinelli & Clulow, 2002); • Teenage language of the internet (Crystal, 2006); and • Adolescent pop language and culture (Danesi, 2008;Savan, 2005). ...
This paper reports on pilot studies of adolescents who have been studying Italian as a second language (L2), for at least one year, post-elementary (primary school). The study was conducted in Canada and Australia. The study focuses on the use if the Italian language abroad as a social dialect spoken by high school students, in certain social contexts in Canada and Australia. Students pursuing Italian courses as a second language (L2) in high schools in Canada and Australia were asked to complete a voluntary written survey. The data collected, once analysed, revealed a framework of patterns of adolescent communication, consisting of connotative and clique-coded language discourses. This framework was utilised to undertake a cross-cultural comparison on Italian adolescent discourse. The paper points out that it is essential for a teacher of Italian, as a second language (L2), to incorporate adolescent learning interest in considering the design of a specific learning syllabus. The paper concludes by acknowledging that Italian-Canadian and Italian-Australian adolescent speech reflects the types of observations suggested in the literature by researchers in North America, such as Danesi (2003a, 2003b) and Clivio and Danesi (2000), who are among the very few who have carried out cross-cultural comparisons. In Europe, too, researchers such as Cortelazzo (1994), De Paoli (1998) and Marcato (1994, 1997) all report similarities in a distinct and recongisable speech code developed by adolescents.
... Most importantly, the outcome of such interaction often depends on the extent of overlap and mutual compatibility between the cultural values emanating from the minority and majority groups involved but also between newer and more established members of the same cultural communities (Chiro, 2003;Chiro and Smolicz, 1997;Smolicz andSecombe, 1985, 1989). ...
... The present study applied the cultural identity framework developed in a previous study (Chiro 2003) by classifying the personal narratives of a group of tertiary students of Italian ancestry in Australia according to a two-dimensional model, which correlates the activation of Italian language and culture by the participants with the personal evaluations they expressed towards such systems. As in other studies, the term evaluation is understood to indicate a variety of personal dispositions or attitudes toward specific cultural values. ...
The paper examines the cultural identity of a group of tertiary students of Italian ancestry in Australia through an analysis of their past personal narratives. It is argued that such narratives are privileged sites for the investigation of cultural identity defined as a form of conscious, reflexive and evaluative self-understanding pertaining to that facet of the self which knowingly commits itself to the shared values and practices of a particular cultural group (Gone, Miller & Rappaport 1999). In their personal narratives, the participants comment on their past and present experiences with respect to their Italian culture maintenance efforts and their attitudes toward Italian cultural values. The study follows in the humanistic sociological tradition, which seeks to understand the relationship between structure and agency through an analysis of both the activation of cultural values and their evaluation by active and reflective social agents. Four cultural identity orientations are proposed resulting from the analysis of the narratives: Secure Bicultural, Ideational Monocultural, Insecure Bicultural and Secure (Assimilated) Monocultural. The cultural evaluations expressed through the narratives point to the unstable and dynamic nature of identity construction and negotiation, which varies over time and place. It is evident that certain themes such as family values, cultural practices, social categorisation, stereotyping of physical characteristics and intergroup rivalry cut across the narratives of all four identity orientations. The differences in self-identification between the sub-groups appear to be the result of the process of subjective interpretation through which individual participants rationalise their life choices. Past personal narratives, more than other forms of data gathering, provide a rich insight into the reflexive and evaluative self-understanding of cultural identity.
Developing cultural identity can be a complex journey in culturally diverse spaces within Australia, where approximately half of the population is either born overseas or has one parent who was. We reflexively and thematically analyzed 45 semi-structured interviews with culturally and demographically diverse Australian residents to gain a deeper understanding of this complex process. Our approach was primarily inductive and data-driven. To explore how identity experiences are tied to societal assumptions about cultural diversity, we shared with participants the notions of multiculturalism and polyculturalism during interviews to facilitate discussion. Five themes were generated: (1) varied identification with heritage culture, (2) questioning Australian identity: what it means to be Australian, (3) being a product of many influences, (4) learning, bridging, and blending cultural influences, and (5) the importance of meaningful social group identities. These themes reflected an array of identity experiences concerning heritage and inclusivity but also appreciation and integration of diverse cultural influences as part of self, including values and worldviews shared within non-heritage social groups. Cultural identity experiences in a pluralistic society may be better seen as a process of active transformations where culture’s influence on the person is partial and plural, consistent with the polyculturalism paradigm rather than general and enduring, as seen in the multiculturalism paradigm.
This chapter provides an outline of the previous literature on ethnic identity and on Italian migrant groups in Australia. Although ethnic identity has been approached from myriads of theories and different academic fields (e.g. anthropology, history and psychology), the common denominator among this vast academic landscape is a tendency to rely on conflicting (often dichotomous) or one-sided approaches. For example, whereas sociologists examine the ethnic identities of transnational migrants in their diasporic experiences and often disregard the relevance of language, linguists investigate the strategies used in the construction of ethnic identities via social interaction but might neglect the role of cultural practices. In presenting an overview of ethnic identity studies and the literature about Italian immigrant groups in Australia, this chapter discusses the limitations of previous studies, including the dominant tendency to consider ‘the Italians’ as a uniform group, and the proclivity to evaluate a group’s ethnic identity through a quantitative analysis that disregards the emic approach (and consequently does not foreground the participants and their voices), or through the opposite, an ethnographic observation that focuses merely on the emicity of the ‘objects of study’.
In this chapter, I present and discuss the key concepts that emerge from the study: institutional positionality, engagement and the relevance of the family. These concepts correspond generally to three spheres of social life: the macro (the mainstream society), the meso (the ethnic community) and the micro (the family). The first key concept, institutional positionality, relates to a widespread cross-generational tendency to perceive ‘double absence’, in-between-ness and ethnic revival. Individuals’ ethnic identities depend on their institutional positionality, that is, the subjective perception (and position) of individuals’ ethnic being, based principally on the ascriptions of the dominant society. As dominant perceptions towards a certain ethnicity change, individuals’ institutional positionality also changes. The second key concept, engagement, relates to the meso sphere of social life. It is specifically the individual’s engagement with the ethnic group that creates and maintains a collective sense of ethnic identity. The third key concept relates to the micro sphere of social life. The nonni (grandparents) are at the top of the intergenerational line and participants’ ethnic identities are shaped within the domestic domain of their Calabrian grandparents. A sense of ethnic belonging is embodied and idealised (mainly by the third-generation participants) from memories, emotions and cultural practices.
This chapter provides a discussion of the theoretical reference points for this study. The first theoretical reference point attempts to interpret the positions of social actors—as Australian individuals originating from Calabria in Italy—in their ethnic perceptions (of being in the world). Specifically, I draw upon Sayad’s (The suffering of the immigrant. Polity Press, Cambridge, 2004) concept of double absence and De Martino’s (Morte e pianto rituale: Dal lamento funebre antico al pianto di Maria. Boringhieri, Turin, 1975) crisi di presenza (crisis of presence). While Sayad (The suffering of the immigrant. Polity Press, Cambridge, 2004) enables me to reflect on the perceptions of the presence of immigrants (and their children) when ‘thrown into the world’ of the receiving society, De Martino (Morte e pianto rituale: Dal lamento funebre antico al pianto di Maria. Boringhieri, Turin, 1975) permits me to contextualise their cultural practices and the influence of mainstream society. The De Martinian discourse is complemented by Gramsci’s (I quaderni del carcere. Einaudi, Turin, 1975) socio-political theory of cultural hegemony. The second theoretical reference point draws upon Bourdieu’s (Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977; Handbook of theory and research in the sociology of education. Greenwood Press, New York, pp. 241–258, 1986) notions of capital and his theory of practice (specifically the concept of habitus), partially complemented by symbolic anthropology, which is crucial to provide further reflexivity that takes into account symbols, meanings and performances. While the conceptual apparatus of capital permits me to acknowledge the existence of different resources employed by individuals to affirm and construct ethnic identities, the notion of habitus is instrumental for analysing the dynamics of transmission.
The present paper discusses the concept of “double absence” and its legacy across three generations of participants. It seeks to illustrate the impact of this cognitive condition in relation to participants’ personal, interactional, and institutional social fields. Specifically, the study attempts to frame a reflexive picture extrapolated from participants who in their narratives deliberately reported certain incidents that might have shaped, diachronically, their ethnic identity across generations. In particular, the paper focuses on how the first generation of participants manifests a condition of feeling “absent” which appears to be twofold: from the country of origin and from Australia. The second generation, in turn, appears to present a condition of liminality, originated through growing up between two worlds (the one of their immigrant parents and the Australian one). The third generation, because of a perceived positive evaluation of their ethnic background from the “dominant” society, appears to manifest their ethnic identity openly. A pivotal role seems to be played by the amount of cultural capital accumulated by individuals and their perceptions of what Gramsci would call the senso comune, the “common sense” of the dominant society, which might shape individuals’ ethnic identity: specifically, their positional-ity, in terms of their ethnic perceptions of “being in the world.”.
The papers in this volume describe a wide variety of language contact settings in which one or more languages are in a process of shift. In the first part of the book theoretical perspectives are presented, followed by linguistic, sociological and descriptive studies of languages and countries that have attracted the interest of researchers before, as well as less well known examples. Data are presented from: the Philippines, Korea, Japan, Israel, The Netherlands, Belgium, Canada, Sweden, Spain, Denmark, Morocco, Finland, Malaysia, Germany, USA, Ireland, India, Tanzania and Australia.
Proceeding on the assumption that inter‐ethnic behaviour is mediated by perceptions of ethnolinguistic vitality, it is postulated that the prediction of inter‐ethnic behaviour should rely on a cognitive theory framework. In this article, cognitive orientation theory is used as a basis for the development of a model of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality viewed as a belief system. Following a discussion of possible limitations for the prediction of inter‐ethnic behaviour of an existing measure of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality, the results of an exploratory study on the relationship between beliefs pertaining to ethnolinguistic vitality and self‐reports of assimilative linguistic behaviour are presented. A questionnaire based on four types of beliefs originating from cognitive orientation theory was effective in discriminating between two subgroups of a francophone ethnic minority. Scores on this questionnaire were also highly related to self‐reported assimilative linguistic behaviour.
Using the concept of core values, this article sets forth a comparison between Catalan and Basque nationalisms. It uses the declarations on language made by the main leaders and intellectuals of the respective nationalist movements. While Catalan nationalism has given paramount importance to language since its inception, the Basque movement was beleaguered by an overall ambiguity and fluctuating attitude over the core values to be promoted. This ambiguity is reflected in the profound changes to be witnessed in Basque nationalism from its beginning to the present day. The article claims that existing anthropological and cultural precondi-tions can affect political developments. Notably, since ethnic languages play such an important role in most ethnonationalist movements, their vitality can influence political outcomes. Furthermore, ethnic languages rather than other values (such as race or religion) offer better prospects for peaceful and successful mobiliza-tion in democratic states if these languages are spoken -or at least understood -by sizeable proportions of the population. Otherwise, nationalist movements will encounter more difficulty in finding a suitable alternative means of political mobilization. Language has a more inclusive character, inasmuch as it is not used as a barrier to prevent the integration of outsiders. Today, language is becoming a core value in the Basque Country too. This is to be explained by recent changes in Basque society. In particular, after the isolationist reaction against the first wave of immigrants at the end of the last century, increased immigration from southern Spain has made it imperative that there be a change from ascriptive criteria of national membership to non-ascriptive ones. Notwithstanding an initial reluctance on the part of both policy makers and social scientists to acknowledge the fact, it seems that ethnic
Without even considering the 150 Aboriginal languages still spoken, Australia has an unparalleled mix of languages other than English in common usage, languages often described by the term 'community'. Drawing on census data and other statistics, this book addresses the current suitation of community languages in Australia, analysing which are spoken, by whom, and whereabouts. It focuses on three main issues: how languages other than English are maintained in an English speaking environment, how the structure of the languages themselves changes over time, and how the government has responded to such ethnolinguistic diversity. At a time of unprecedented awareness of these languages within society and a realisation of the importance of mutlilingualism in business, this book makes a significant contribution to understanding the role of community languages in shaping the future of Australian society.
This paper offers an analysis of the 1991 Census language data in relation to language maintenance and shift. It draws attention to the increased diversity, the rising importance of certain languages of international and regional significance in our population and the variations in maintenance patterns. It demonstrates the variation in language shift across a number of languages and attempts to identify factors responsible for this variation. Interstate differences are also explored. Language shift is compared between the first and second generation, between communities from different countries speaking the same language, and between the 1986 and 1991 Censuses.
The papers in this volume describe a wide variety of language contact settings in which one or more languages are in a process of shift. In the first part of the book theoretical perspectives are presented, followed by linguistic, sociological and descriptive studies of languages and countries that have attracted the interest of researchers before, as well as less well known examples. Data are presented from: the Philippines, Korea, Japan, Israel, The Netherlands, Belgium, Canada, Sweden, Spain, Denmark, Morocco, Finland, Malaysia, Germany, USA, Ireland, India, Tanzania and Australia.
The papers in this volume describe a wide variety of language contact settings in which one or more languages are in a process of shift. In the first part of the book theoretical perspectives are presented, followed by linguistic, sociological and descriptive studies of languages and countries that have attracted the interest of researchers before, as well as less well known examples. Data are presented from: the Philippines, Korea, Japan, Israel, The Netherlands, Belgium, Canada, Sweden, Spain, Denmark, Morocco, Finland, Malaysia, Germany, USA, Ireland, India, Tanzania and Australia.
This article considers approaches explaining the revival of ethnic‐nationalist phenomena in the face of globalizing influences. It argues that these are best understood in terms of ethnic identity based on the core values of a group's cultural heritage. Australia is presented as an example of a plural society that has dealt with minority ethnic inputs through the adoption of a multicultural policy which gives recognition to minority ethnic cultures and identities within a framework of shared values for the whole society. Research evidence on the patterns of cultural interaction among a group of university graduates is presented to illustrate changing patterns of attitudes and cultural activation under Australia's multicultural policies.
This introduction to bilingualism is designed with the undergraduates especially in mind. Since its primary concern is with the bilingual individual, it does assume some knowledge of the basic principles of linguistics. Less detail is accorded to societal bilingualism since the premise is that sociological aspects of bilingualism should be approached only once an awareness of the individual linguistic phenomenon has been understood. The work draws together much of the variegated information published in different sources since the early fifties. Major issues covered are: (1) definitions and typologies, (2) interference and code-switching, (3) measurement of bilingualism, (4) theoretical considerations, and (5) problems of the bilingual speaker. (Author/JK)
The theory and practice of assistance to speech communities whose native languages are threatened are examined. The discussion focuses on why most efforts to reverse language shift are unsuccessful or even harmful, diagnosing difficulties and prescribing alternatives based on a combination of ethnolinguistic, sociocultural, and econotechnical considerations. The first section looks at reasons for trying to reverse language shift, whether it is possible, where and why shift occurs, and how it can be reversed. A typology of disadvantaged languages and ameliorative priorities is presented. The second section contains a number of case studies from different continents, including those of: Irish; Basque; Frisian; Navajo, Spanish, and Yiddish (secular and ultra-orthodox) in America; Maori in New Zealand; Australian aboriginal and immigrant languages, Modern Hebrew and French in Quebec; Catalan in Spain; and the unique situation of non-transmission of "additional" (parents' second) languages. The third section addresses the related issues of language planning for reversal of language shift, dialect standards and corpus planning, intergenerational transmission of "additional" languages, and limitations on school effectiveness in connection with native language transmission. Chapters include bibliographies. (MSE)
The language demography of Australia has undergone substantial changes over the pastdecade,due mainly to new immigration and differentialpatterns of language shift. The last three Australian censuses, taken in 1986, 1991 and 1996, have all elicited the same information on language use. In this paper we will analyse the responses to the 1996 Census and compare them with those in the two previous censuses. We will discuss the divergent trends in different states and especially between the two largest cities, Sydney and Melbourne. Cross-tabulation with age will indicate future trends. We will discuss the extent to which language shift has effected the changes in language demography. Comparisons of language shift rates between the three censuses and cross-tabulations with generation, age, gender, family marriage patterns, state and period of residence will help identify factors promoting and impeding language maintenance.
Although English fulfills many of the functions of an official language in Australia, the Australian Constitution does not declare it to be the official language. Instead, it serves as the lingua franca of a culturally and linguistic diverse population. It is the language of Parliament and Administration, and the language in which official records are kept. Only on one occasion was a federal government bill passed multilingually, the Report and Recommendations of the Review of Programs and Services for Migrants (in 1978), which was written in ten languages other than English.
"There is a continuing significant shift to English spoken in the home among Australia's established community language groups. There are also success stories in language maintenance. Factors influencing language use include the distribution of speakers, the age profile of the community, intermarriage patterns and cultural distance from Anglo-Australians. Australia-wide, the shift rates to English spoken at home range between three percent from Macedonian and 62 percent from Dutch in the first generation, and 15 percent from Macedonian and 95 percent from Dutch in the second generation."
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