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From D’Avaux to Dévot: Politics and Religion in the Thirty Years War
Abstract
This article attempts to reformulate the classic question of whether the Thirty Years War was political or religious by examining the career of the Count d’Avaux, one of Cardinal Richelieu’s principal agents in Germany and, in the time of Mazarin, one of France’s plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Westphalia. All three men made a distinction between a political and religious war, but where they differed, and where D’Avaux was closer to Richelieu than to Mazarin, was in the relative weight each gave to considerations of legality, necessity, and conscience.
... Sobre las complejas relaciones entre legalidad, necesidad y conciencia en el ámbito del gobierno francés durante la guerra, cfr. Sonnino, 2002. La importancia del elemento religioso, sin que esto anule el carácter de guerra político-dinástica, se plasma en las conclusiones a los trabajos reunidos en Forclaz y Martin, 2015, en especial p. 330. ...
The purpose of this study is to provide theoretical discussions on the development of the geography-history integrated teaching-learning model with the narrative-based geospatial representation of the Battle of France (Fall Gelb) using Story Maps. The context and process of the Battle of France are closely related to the geohistorical and geopolitical contexts of Germany, and the process of the Fall Gelb effectively shows how geographical factors and contexts influence the development of historical events. In this respect, this study attempted to develop an integrated teaching and learning model based on the geographical and historical content of the Battle of France using Story Maps, a narrative-based geospatial technology application. This study is expected to provide discussions on the concrete direction and method of geography-history integrated teaching using narrative-based geospatial technologies. Therefore, this study probably provides meaningful discussions on the direction and practice of geography-history integrated teaching.
Die vorliegende Studienarbeit beschäftigt sich mit den Konfliktlinien innerhalb der französischen Gesandtschaft während der Westfälischen Friedensverhandlungen 1643-1648. Dabei wird der Frage nachgegangen, was dazu geführt haben könnte, dass zwischen den französischen Botschaftern Claude de Mesmes, Comte d’Avaux, und Abel Servien ein Streit ausgebrochen ist, der aufgrund seiner Heftigkeit und seiner Konstanz als einzigartig unter den Gesandtschaften der am Kongress in Münster und Osnabrück teilnehmenden Staaten gesehen wird. Die Ausführungen sollen die maßgebenden Faktoren und Rahmenbedingungen dieses Disputs erarbeiten, wobei das Hauptaugenmerk auf die unterschiedlichen politischen Konzeptionen, die persönlichen Grundvoraussetzungen der divergierenden Charaktere und die speziellen Personenkonstellationen gelegt wird. Anschließend werden einige exemplarische Streitpunkte, die im Verlauf des Konflikts von dessen Beginn in Den Haag bis zu seinem Ende mit der Abberufung d’Avaux’ aufgetreten sind, erörtert. Zudem soll geklärt werden, inwieweit sich die innerfranzösischen Verhältnisse am Vorabend der Fronde und die unterschiedlichen Beziehungen der Botschafter zum regierenden Minister Mazarin auf die Atmosphäre der Gesandtschaft auswirkten. Als Einführung in die Thematik werden ein kurzer Überblick über den aktuellen Forschungsstand sowie ein Abriss über die machtstrukturellen Gegebenheiten Frankreichs und über das Botschafterwesen in der Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts gegeben.
On 23 rd June 2007, after three years of uncertainty, European Union leaders agreed on relaunching the old idea of a Magna Charta for Europe (now called “the Reform Treaty”), a normative structure based on the old ideas of deference to national identities, sovereignty and equality. To many authors, the first time that juridical equality between states was solemnly stated was in the aftermath of the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648), in the Westphalia Peace Treaties, representing the beginning of modern international society established in a system of states, and at the same time, “the plain affirmation of the statement of absolute independence of the different state orders.” In fact, under an Eurocentric conception of political ideas (which envisages England as an isolated island and Iberia as Maghreb, north of Africa), the modern state emerges with the Westphalia Peace Treaties. However, under a broader conception, the modern nation-state (under the form of absolute monarchy) emerged long before the Westphalia Peace Treaties, in Iberia and England. Nevertheless, it is in these documents which lies the “birth certificate” of the modern sovereignty nation-state, base of the present democratic state, and “founding moment” of the international political system. Far beyond this merely formal aspect, the importance of the Westphalia Peace Treaties is so great to the understanding of the notion of state that Roland Mousnier, in describing the 16th and 17th centuries in the General History of the Civilizations , organized by Maurice Crouzet, asserts that those treaties symbolized a real “constitution of the new Europe,” a multifarious Europe, plural and very distant from the religious unit of Christianity, from the political unit of the Holy Roman Empire, and from the economical unit of the feudal system. Constitutions are especially important because they establish the rules for the political authority, they determine who governs and how they govern: “[I]n codifying and legitimating the principle of sovereign statehood, the Westphalian constitution gave birth to the modern states-system.”
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