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Authoritarianism in the Hypermasculinized State: Hybridity, Patriarchy, and Capitalism in Korea

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Abstract

Authoritarianism in East Asia's capitalist developmental state (CDS) is highly gendered. A hybrid product of Western masculinist capitalism and Confucian parental governance, CDS authoritarianism takes on a hypermasculinized developmentalism that assumes all the rights and privileges of classical Confucian patriarchy for the state while assigning to society the characteristics of classical Confucian womanhood: diligence, discipline, and deference. Society subsequently bears the burden of economic development without equal access to political representation or voice. Women in the CDS now face three tiers of patriarchal authority and exploitation: family, state, and economy. Nevertheless, new opportunities for democratization may arise even in the hypermasculinized state. We suggest: (1) emphasizing substantive, not just procedural, democratization, (2) exercising a maternalized discourse of dissent, and (3) applying hybrid strategies of social mobilization across states, societies, cultures, and movements. South Korea during the 1960s–1970s serves as our case study.

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... Together with a wide range of other scholars and researchers coming after (for example, Safa, 1981;Jokes, 1987;Chhachhi and Pittin, 1995;Jongwoo and Ling, 1998;Truong, 1999), they highlighted how this industrialisation strategy was characterised by the rediscovery of women's labour as a specific asset (cheap, productive and easy to control) with the attendant 'feminization of industrial relations' (Truong, 1999: 133) to regulate this labour. As large multinational firms relocated in search of these low-waged, malleable, easily controlled workers, the model spread, with export processing zones (EPZs 7 ) across urban areas spurring large internal rural to urban migrations and leading to significant changes to household supports and family life. ...
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... Z. Wang 2019). Although the gendering of politics is widely ignored in this literature, it is ulterior and ubiquitous (Donaldson 1992;Han and Ling 1998;C. Liu 1995;Mohanty 1991). ...
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Focusing on the interface between gender equality, the labour market, and everyday lives in four East Asian societies – China, Hong Kong, South Korea and Taiwan – this article seeks to articulate the spatial expression and multi-scalarity of global governance and policy paradigms. It will demonstrate that whilst regions, places and people are influenced by global processes and paradigms, these move and embed in different ways across spaces, time and scales. In this context, the article seeks to develop a more nuanced appreciation of ‘the social lives’ of global policy models, engaging with the role of ideas and institutions and the interactions of transnational, national and local dynamics in the shaping of gender equality policies and everyday experiences. Drawing on qualitative data collected in Beijing, Hong Kong, Seoul and Taipei the article draws out the perceptions of individuals from different policy, sectoral, social and cultural settings of gender equality. It highlights the tensions and disjunctures between general principles and particular situations, and in embedding gender equality policies into the social imaginaries and everyday lives of women and men. It emphasizes the importance of recognizing the role of place and power relations in shaping localized responses to and experiences of gender justice.
... To be specific, the result should be taken with a modicum of scepticism, as South Korea is one of the mostdeveloped nations in terms of online technology and the social media industry (Akamai, 2016) thus relationships among the interested variable could be inflated under the cultural and media context unique to Korean society. Although that society is wellknown for having achieved democracy in a peaceful and constitutional way, many Koreans still feel themselves under hierarchical pressure and in an undemocratic social or work environment where freedom of speech is restricted by fear of isolation (Han & Ling, 1998). Also, we should consider the clearly-authoritarian culture prevalent in the Asian context (Zhang, 2012). ...
... The close relationship between the state and the Chaebol has contributed to the legitimization of hegemony in the creation of the Chaebol masculinity. Under the Confucian parental governance in the 1960s and 1970s, the Korean developmental state used a hierarchical and gendered metaphor of familial relationships in regulating the state-society relations (Han and Ling 1998): the state as father, corporations as its sons, and the society as women-be it either wife or daughters who are in either case supposed to support the state and the corporations with cheap labor. In particular, Chaebol, as the first son of the state (changnam) could enjoy various beneficiaries in the earlier process of industrialization (Kim 2001). ...
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... Nonetheless, the Confucian tradition constrained social relations by emphasizing a hierarchical social order (Hamilton 1990). The hierarchical sorting mechanism of seniority, patriarchy, and gender discrimination produced a pattern of social organization largely authoritarian in nature (Evans 1995;Han and Ling 1998;Tu 1991). Confucianism thus restricted the formation of social ties across structural boundaries such as those between age cohorts, genders, and social statuses (Hyun 2001;Li 2000a, b). ...
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Although the recent increase in cross-border movements of people and media contents has significantly impacted popular imagination in South Korea, few South Korean films have explored local women's experiences of globalization. Take Care of My Cat (Goyangireul butakhae, Jeong Jae-eun, (2001) 2004. Goyangireul butakhae/Take Care of My Cat. DVD. New York: Kino Lorber Films) by the independent woman filmmaker Jeong Jae-eun is a rare example that focuses on unprivileged local women's experiences, desires and imaginations in the context of globalization. This article analyzes the film's visual and narrative representations of the social and cultural realities of rapidly globalizing South Korea and its impact on local women's everyday lives, focusing on the trajectories of the two main characters’ transnational desires and imaginations. I argue that the film's gendered perspective does not only critique both uneven effects of globalization and the traditional value system that fails to provide alternative, but also challenges the gendered discourse of nationalism that conspires to control women's bodies and desires.
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... Secondly, as gender 'is unavoidably involved with other social structures' (Connell, 2005: 75), the analytical focus on the relational dimension of masculinities has paved the way for studying the global constitution of gendered identities and other identities including race, class and sex. In feminist IR literature, these complex relations manifest as West/non-West, North/South, citizen/non-citizen, heterosexual/homosexual, white/non-white, and capitalist/noncapitalist (Han & Ling, 1998;Hooper, 2001;Kronsell, 2005;Ling, 2000;Ouzgane & Coleman, 1998). Gender is instrumental to constructing these dichotomies where 'the other' is represented as subordinated to 'the self', which feminizes or hypermasculinizes 'the other'. ...
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While there is no shortage of studies addressing the state's regulation of the sexual, research into the ways in which the sexual governs the state and its attributes is still in its infancy. The Sexual Constitution of Political Authority argues that there are good reasons to suppose that our understandings of state power quiver with erotic undercurrents. The book maintains, more specifically, that the relationship between ideas of political authority and male same-sex desire is especially fraught. Through a series of case studies where a statesman's same-sex desire was put on trial (either literally or metaphorically) as a problem for the good exercise of public powers, the book shows the resilience and adaptability of cultural beliefs in the incompatibility between public office and male same-sex desire. Some of the case studies analysed are familiar ground for both political/constitutional history and the history of sexuality. The Sexual Constitution of Political Authority argues, however, that only by systematically reading questions of institutional politics and questions of sexuality through each other will we have access to the most interesting insights that a study of these trials can generate. Whether they involve obscure public officials or iconic rulers such as Hadrian and James I, these compelling fragments of queer history reveal that the disavowal of male same-sex desire has been, and partly remains, central to mainstream understandings of political authority.
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The status of womens studies in higher education was also varied. And due to the large differences in the degree of influence of womens studies and academic autonomy our ways of interpreting true and authentic resistance and criticism were far apart from each other. In the case of China there was no autonomous department for womens studies while in Korea there were 10 universities that offered a masters degree in womens studies and 1 university that offered a Ph.D. course. The University of Indonesia was the only place in the country that had a womens studies program that sought to promote the visibility of womens studies curriculum developed by 70 womens studies centers at provincial levels. The development of womens studies in India and Thailand has been closely linked to the womens movements in the respective countries as these responded to womens problems. In these countries womens studies practitioners have been deeply involved in action research on issues such as labor prostitution and the marginalization of women. In Thailand some of these scholars have set up a few courses in womens studies and established womens studies programs at the graduate level. In the case of the Philippines womens studies has always been interconnected with womens and grassroots organizations. (authors)
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This book draws on Daoist dialectics to move world politics from the current stasis of hegemony, hierarchy, and violence to a more balanced engagement with parity, fluidity, and ethics.
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By the time of Korea’s forced integration into the Japanese Empire in 1910, Social Darwinism was established as the main reference frame for the modernizing intellectual elite. The weak had only themselves to blame for their misfortune, and Korea, if it wished to succeed in collective survival in the modern world’s Darwinist jungles, had to strengthen itself. This mode of thinking was inherited by the right-wing nationalists in the 1920s–1930s; their programs of “national reconstruction” (minjok kaejo) aimed at remaking weak Korea into a “fitter” nation, thus preparing for the eventual independence from the Japanese. At the same time, in the 1920s and 1930s some nationalists appropriated the slogan of solidarity and protection of the weak, nationally and internationally, in the course of their competition against the Left. After liberation from Japanese colonialism in 1945, “competition” mostly referred to inter-state competition in South Korean right-wing discourse. However, the neo-liberal age after the 1997 Asian financial crisis witnessed a new discursive shift, competition-driven society being now the core of the mainstream agenda.
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This chapter pursues the missing body in IR and GPE, and particularized representations of bodies which become visible in some kinds of international relations, including in international sex tourism. It does so by arguing the importance of sexual servicing in the global economy, and tracks the commodification of different types of bodies with differentiated power relations in exchanges of sex for money.
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This article argues that the processes ofglobalization, Asian growth, and Asian crisis are gendered. It begins with a briefreview of globalization before tracing its impact on women in Asia. It then interrogates the mobilization of particular constructions of masculinity and femininity to ensure the business of state making and global capital, and the symbolic uses of gender in reconstructing national and interstate identity politics. It concludes with attention to feminist sites, and sightings, in these new global times.
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Nach einer Einführung in das Konzept Gender widmet sich dieser Beitrag den Epistemologien feministischer Forschung, um dann die positivistische Epistemologie des in den 1980er-Jahren vorherrschenden (Neo)realismus aus einer Genderperspektive zu analysieren. Für die Genderforschung bahnbrechend wurde der in der ersten Hälfte der 1990er-Jahre erschienene feministische Klassiker von Cynthia Enloe: Bananas, Beaches & Bases. Daraufhin begann die Genderforschung sich auszudifferenzieren. Es wird gezeigt, dass sie sich heute auf alle Sachbereiche internationaler Politik, also Sicherheit, Wohlfahrt und Herrschaft erstreckt. In der Schlussbetrachtung wird die Entwicklung von Genderforschung kurz zusammengefasst und herausgearbeitet, dass sie von der Dekonstruktion zur Rekonstruktion vorangeschritten ist. Schließlich wird auf aktuelle Fragen und Probleme verwiesen.
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Since the end of the nineteenth century, the Korean people have faced successive waves of foreign domination, authoritarian regimes, forced dispersal, and divided development. Throughout these turbulent times, “queer” Koreans were ignored, minimized, and erased in narratives of their modern nation, East Asia, and the wider world. This interdisciplinary volume challenges such marginalization through critical analyses of non-normative sexuality and gender variance. Considering both personal and collective forces, the contributors extend individualized notions of queer neoliberalism beyond those typically set in Western queer theory. Along the way, they recount a range of illuminating topics, from shamanic rituals during the colonial era and B-grade comedy films under Cold War dictatorship to female masculinity among today’s youth and transgender confrontations with the resident registration system. More broadly, Queer Korea offers readers new ways of understanding the limits and possibilities of human liberation under exclusionary conditions of modernity in Asia and beyond. Contributors. Pei Jean Chen, John (Song Pae) Cho, Chung-kang Kim, Todd A. Henry, Merose Hwang, Ruin, Layoung Shin, Shin-ae Ha, John Whittier Treat
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South Korea has been faced with a widening economic gender gap during the recent Covid-19 pandemic. To inform discussion of Korean women’s future following the pandemic, this article explores the country’s history of women’s empowerment. It identifies cultural, educational, economic, and political changes, and their long-term effects on women’s role and status. The analysis is based on data collected from Korea’s national statistical database and a review of relevant literature. Findings inform policy directions for advancing women’s economic empowerment in Korea and other countries following a similar development path and contribute to expanding our understanding of the factors and relations influencing women’s empowerment. JEL codes: J160
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South Korea's 2016 and 2017 candlelight protests against the actions of President Park Geun-Hye were subjects of global news and portrayed as proof of democracy in action. During these protests, South Korean newspapers focused on the hairstyles of Park and acting Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court Lee Jung-mi. This study traces how the appearance of Park and her hairstyle were represented by the media between the 1970s and 2017. In doing so, these reveal that not only the conservative but progressive media, too, limited its discussion on Park's neoliberal developmental femininity while talking about her seemingly anachronistic femininity, thus foreclosing further debate on the patriarchal basis of her femininity during democratic transformation. The study outcomes, wherein gender was not regarded as the main issue during South Korea’s transition to substantial democracy, imply that the coverage of Park's impeachment did not necessarily symbolize democracy in action. This study further contributes to feminist media and Asian women's studies by critically assessing how the South Korean media's gendered representation of these women's bodies and hairstyles reflects a legacy of developmentalism, a new neoliberal gender regime, and persistent misogyny.
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This special issue presents an analysis of recent Korean feminist movements since 2015. The authors of this special issue show why and how recent Korean feminist movements are making cracks in patriarchal hegemony and forming a narrative far removed from the mainstream political and social narratives and timeline that are constructed upon the national missions of democratization and economic development. In this temporal progress, “important political events” in the conventional sense are insignificant and irrelevant. It is within this narrative, based on the timeline of Korean women, that we locate each article. The primary purpose of this special issue is to offer critical insights into the recent politicization process of online and offline feminist movements, including the LGBTQ movement, and subsequent reactions from various spectrums of Korean society. Contributed articles analyze how the newly emerging feminist movements are responding to androcentric and heteronormative social inertia and, at the same time, addressing the dilemma of divergent voices within the movements themselves in Korea.
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For young men navigating a sexual identity that lies on the periphery of culturally understood and politically acceptable discourses, places where one expresses such identities becomes necessary to foster a sense of belonging. Gay districts have existed as bastions of open self-expression, providing a sense of belonging in restrictive societal contexts. This is particularly true in South Korea. Through direct ethnographic engagement, this article analyzes the ways in which Chong-ro, one of Seoul’s gay districts, reinforces identity to create a sense of belonging. Through methods of participant observations and semi-structured interviews with self-identified gay men, qualitative data was collected and analyzed. This article attempts to show how these places help formulate relationships that affirm young gay men’s understanding of self, community, and belonging.
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Romit Dasgupta lectured in Japanese Studies at the University of Western Australia until his untimely passing in 2018. He was posthumously awarded the Philippa Maddern Award in 2019 by the University of Western Australia Academic Staff Association. The citation described him as ‘[p]rofessional, highly organised and respectful to all, …proactive and willing to help others in regard to any issues, consistently demonstrating his passion in supporting his colleagues and students’. In the essays collected here, Romit’s friends and colleagues reflect on Romit’s qualities and his academic contributions. Romit Dasgupta’s work ranged over gender and sexuality studies, queer theory, cultural studies, cultural history, Asian Studies and Asian-Australian Studies. Each of the author's discusses the inspiration they received from Romit Dasgupta's work in these fields.
Chapter
Since the end of the nineteenth century, the Korean people have faced successive waves of foreign domination, authoritarian regimes, forced dispersal, and divided development. Throughout these turbulent times, “queer” Koreans were ignored, minimized, and erased in narratives of their modern nation, East Asia, and the wider world. This interdisciplinary volume challenges such marginalization through critical analyses of non-normative sexuality and gender variance. Considering both personal and collective forces, the contributors extend individualized notions of queer neoliberalism beyond those typically set in Western queer theory. Along the way, they recount a range of illuminating topics, from shamanic rituals during the colonial era and B-grade comedy films under Cold War dictatorship to female masculinity among today’s youth and transgender confrontations with the resident registration system. More broadly, Queer Korea offers readers new ways of understanding the limits and possibilities of human liberation under exclusionary conditions of modernity in Asia and beyond. Contributors. Pei Jean Chen, John (Song Pae) Cho, Chung-kang Kim, Todd A. Henry, Merose Hwang, Ruin, Layoung Shin, Shin-ae Ha, John Whittier Treat
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Drawing on in-depth interviews with 15 male participants aged 33 to 55 in the Seoul metropolitan area, this chapter discusses the role grooming and presentation of self in how men both perform competence and attempt to negotiate organizational power in the workplace. Focusing on the social aspects of grooming, clothing and projecting ‘ideal’ physical presence, this chapter examines the participants’ reflections on dress code and performing heterosexual masculinity in the workplace as a site for producing ideal bodies for the homosocial gaze in the workplace. Through framing the presentation of self as a habitus for specific forms of disciplinary practices of the body (Bourdieu 1977), this chapter considers how ideal masculinity in the workplace is produced, maintained and self-policed through internalised ideological and embodied notions of power and competency at work.
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Nach einer Einführung in das Konzept Gender widmet sich dieser Beitrag den Epistemologien feministischer Forschung, um dann die positivistische Epistemologie des in den 1980er-Jahren vorherrschenden (Neo)realismus aus einer Genderperspektive zu analysieren. Für die Genderforschung bahnbrechend wurde der in der ersten Hälfte der 1990er-Jahre erschienene feministische Klassiker von Cynthia Enloe: Bananas, Beaches & Bases. Daraufhin begann die Genderforschung sich auszudifferenzieren. Es wird gezeigt, dass sie sich heute auf alle Sachbereiche internationaler Politik, also Sicherheit, Wohlfahrt und Herrschaft erstreckt. In der Schlussbetrachtung wird die Entwicklung von Genderforschung kurz zusammengefasst und herausgearbeitet, dass sie von der Dekonstruktion zur Rekonstruktion vorangeschritten ist. Schließlich wird auf aktuelle Fragen und Probleme verwiesen.
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This book focuses on the multiple and diverse masculinities ‘at work’. Spanning both historical approaches to the rise of ‘profession’ as a marker of masculinity, and critical approaches to the current structures of management, employment and workplace hierarchy, the book questions what role masculinity plays in cultural understandings, affective experiences and mediatised representations of a professional ‘career’.
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This study uses a postcolonial approach to focus on the relations between the dominator/colonizer and the subordinated/colonized to reveal how the imperial legacy continues to influence the current relations between Japan and South Korea. The sources of current tensions between Japan and South Korea are threefold: First, the continuity of Japan's worldview inherited from the imperial era still influences Japan's interpretation of historical disputes with its former colonies. Second, decolonization has not been achieved between Japan and South Korea due to the Cold War and pressure from the United States to shelve historical disputes amid the normalizing of relations between Japan and South Korea. Third, as a subaltern state, South Korea was caught between pursuing complete independence and autonomy and collaboration with its past colonizer in the state-building process. This approach sheds new light on the multiplicity of the disputes between the two countries and explains why negative colonial legacies still haunt Japan and its relations with South Korea.
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This paper attempts to clarify how young female rural–urban migrant workers were positioned within the ideology of the housewife as a form of modern womanhood, which was regulated by the developmental state as part of the modern nation-state building in the 1960s and 1970s in South Korea, by analyzing media discourses on the mobility, space and labor of single female workers. First, within the ideology of the housewife, in which women were required to settle down in the private sphere away from the main breadwinners after the Korean War, the mobility of young rural girls was depicted as ‘unsettled’ and ‘unstable’ and thus was socially deviant relative to the ‘settled’ and ‘cared for’ women in the private sphere. Second, the working space as well as the residential space for single female workers was illustrated as a loss of control of their bodies and sexuality under the normative ideology of the housewife, which led to the idealization of the institution of marriage as the final savior for single female workers. Finally, under the patriarchal system and the redefinition of women’s labor in the developmental state based upon familism, the labor by single female workers was ‘housewifized’ either as ‘filial piety’ or a ‘natural duty’ to the family as well as to the motherland.
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Conflict and tensions between the two Koreas prioritise the militaristic security concerns of the Peninsula. This article, however, analyses the situation through the heuristic prism of feminist security studies and of Agamben’s state of exception, which is described as the suspension of the legal system in order to protect the state from internal or external threats, to identify the insecurities of feminised citizens in the South Korean state. The article starts with the historically gendered ideologies which promote the discursive construction of the state of exception. The article then explores the way in which the military build-up on the peninsula generates a security dilemma of extreme dimensions between the two Koreas, which in turn legitimates a gendered state of exception, and finally, the article examines the efforts of the women’s movement to challenge the state of exception.
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The debates in the past have focused on the question of whether Confucianism is in conflict or compatible with democracy. In recent years there has been an attempt to go beyond these two conventional models and explore alternative ways of thinking. Sungmoon Kim, a Korean scholar has pushed the intellectual inquiry further in developing a hybrid model of Confucian democracy. This chapter examines the role of Confucianism in different stages of South Korea’s democratization and tests three intellectual models: namely, the conflictive, compatible, and hybrid approaches to the relationship between Confucianism and democracy. Of these models, special attention is given to Sungmoon Kim’s new theoretical hybrid model of Confucian democracy, followed by my critique. While the chapter focuses on the case of South Korea, the discussion is framed and informed by a comparative perspective of Confucian Democracy to find and confirm general trends, as well as highlight patterns and political differences that the case of South Korea demonstrates.KeywordsConfucianismDemocratizationSouth KoreaConfucian democracyHybridity
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Park Chung-Hee is a divisive figure. For some he is a saint that rescued his country from the brink of collapse and helped it rise into modernity. For others he is a devil, an iron-fisted dictator who cared more about his own power than his people. Both of these are politically slanted myths promoted as part of a corresponding political agenda. But even politically neutral writings on Park unwittingly conduct a mythmaking of their own. This paper is an attempt to show that Park Chung-Hee has become a mythological figure in Korean history because the scope of his power, agency and historical relevance is vastly overstated in the conventional narrative. Often historical analyses and narratives focus on Park Chung-Hee to the virtual exclusion of all other contemporary and relevant agents. By examining various primary sources, this paper attempts to highlight where arguments about Park’s historical agency, often presented with certainty, are in fact far from clear and absolute facts. This paper argues that, at least early on in his time in power, Park Chung-Hee as a historical agent could be much less important than we imagine, and that there were several other actors of note who wielded significant power at the same time.
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Turkey’s policy-makers have historically aimed to position Turkey within the West by convincing the latter that Turkey meets the ‘standards’ of the West, that they ‘are not barbarians’. This article aims to offer a gender analysis of Turkey’s relations with the West by showing how ‘devalorization’ as feminization and hypermasculinization of the non-West becomes a source of insecurity for non-Western policy-makers. This gendered ontological insecurity is intensified when they face a military threat from a third party. The argument is that Turkey’s policy-makers try to benefit from military crises in order to represent Turkey as a state meeting Western ‘standards’ of masculinity, and therefore to address its gendered ‘devalorization’. The analysis aims to contribute to the literatures of postcolonial feminism and non-Western insecurities.
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Journal of World History 11.1 (2000) 159-162 Relations between colonized peoples and their colonizers have long been a staple fare of intellectual inquiry and debate among anthropologists, historians, political economists, sociologists, and even geographers. More recently, literary theorists have entered the fray and created a whole lexicon to frame these relationships. If most historians have tended to view these literary incursions into their domain with benign amusement, the so-called "postcolonial" studies have become an increasingly important part of the contemporary intellectual landscape . Reinforcing each other in a self-referential manner, a whole raft of "post"-marked academic specialities like "poststructuralism" and "postmodernism" have seemingly effected a seismological shift in our epistemological topography. Contrary to their pretensions to historicize literature but consonant with their disciplinary training, postcolonial theorists tend to assume that representations of the world in fiction suffice as evidence, that the production and negotiation of meaning in literary encounters is all that matters. Not only does this obviate the need to confront contrary evidence, but it encourages, even at its best, a shallow form of self-referential navel-gazing. Shrouded in dense prose passing as theory, this assumption subverts the entire tradition of empirical research that is the bedrock of the historian's craft. Yet, precisely because of the impenetrability of this "discourse"--to employ a favorite postcolonial/postmodern term -- most historians have been reluctant to confront the literature. Merely hoping that it will go away, of course, does not make the wish come true, and a style of academic scholarship irremediably hostile to empirical research has colonized many university departments and has massed on the frontiers of the historical disciplines themselves. In The Postcolonial Aura, a collection of ten articles, five of them previously unpublished, Arif Dirlik mercilessly exposes the fundamental fallacies that permeate "post"-marked academic specialities, much as Edward Thompson exposed the Althusserian "orrery of errors" for an earlier generation of historians. The central article, which supplies the anthology with its title, provides a detailed critique of postcolonial theorists' claims to decenter the Eurocentrism that cages reigning metanarratives in history. Dirlik demonstrates that though "postcolonialism" is an amorphous concept embracing the United States and other settler colonies, as well as former European colonies in Asia and Africa (though curiously not those in Latin and Central America), and is coeval with capitalism, the attempt to dethrone metanarratives including capitalism is a subterfuge for political disengagement. After all, the primary reason we talk of Eurocentrism, rather than Sinocentrism or Indocentrism, is that capitalism enabled Europeans to dominate our planet. Ironically, Dirlik points out that the denial of the validity of metanarratives such as capitalism and its most uncompromising critique, Marxism, is itself due to the rise of global capitalism: the set of flexible production relations and "space-time" compression associated with the "new international division of labor," the consequent blurring of distinctions between the "three worlds," and the appearance of "Third World" conditions in the heartlands of the most advanced economies. Associated with these changes have been large diasporic movements, and it is not an accident that discussions of multiculturalism among corporate managers and business magazines preceded discussions of "hybridity" and "in-betweenness" among postcolonial theorists. Given postcolonialism's political irrelevance, Dirlik argues for a resuscitation of the term Third World, not because of its descriptive utility but because it keeps alive the possibility of resistance to structures of domination. On another register, the emergence of major centers of capital accumulation in east Asia has meant that capitalism has become a truly global abstraction as, for the first time in history, non-European capitalist societies make their own contributions to its narrative. This has been paralleled by the transformation of Confucianism from an obstacle to capitalist modernization to the wellspring of capitalist development along Asia's Pacific rim. Yet Dirlik demonstrates that the Confucian revival is in many respects a mirror image of the essentializing procedures deployed in Orientalism: a "self-Orientalization" process propagated...
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This article asks why the Chinese state consistently resorts to violence when faced with domestic dissent. It concludes that both dissenters and state elites contribute to state violence by subscribing to the Confucian discourse of parental governance. Dissenters typically utilize moral suasion to argue for reform, while state elites respond with moral outrage. Underlying both discourses is the presumption that state-society relations reflect Confucian parent-child relations: i.e. filial children-subjects appealing for recognition from their benevolent but firm parent-officials. But filial piety inherently favours the authority of the parent-state over its children-subjects. Thus state elites feel justified in `rectifying' dissenters whenever they question the ruling order. This deep-rooted source of Confucian hegemony must be addressed when considering democratization in China. Otherwise, `democracy' in China will simply translate into `(authoritarian) business as usual'. For empirical evidence, this paper focuses on four protest movements from China's recent past: the Hundred Days' Reform of 1898, the May Fourth Incident of 1919, the March Uprising of 1947, and the Pro-Democracy Movement of 1989.
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With an eye on the transition from socialism to capitalism in Central Europe and the decline of industrial economies such as Britain, the article contributes to the debate on the economic development of Japan and the newly industrialized countries of East Asia. It begins with a discussion of the reasons why accounts derived from neoclassical economic theory have dominated explanations of industrialization in the region. By reference to three recent books on the development of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, the article proceeds to mount a critique of the economic orthodoxy, arguing for a central role to be accorded to state influence and direction over the economy. The article ends by suggesting that there are a number of elements in the East Asian model of development that could be creatively appropriated to inform strategies for economic rejuvenation elsewhere in the world.
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The field of Third World studies is thought once again to be in a state of crisis, thanks largely to disillusionment with the once-dominant dependency “paradigm.” Amidst renewed interest in developmentalism and the clamor for an alternative to dependency, this article argues, first, that the major achievements of dependency theory remain largely unrecognized because the approach has been so frequently misrepresented or misunderstood. Whatever the ultimate status of dependency’s theoretical claims, it contains elements of a countermodernist attitude which ought to be retained in any new approach to the study of Third World development. Second, the article argues that, despite these accomplishments, dependency remains trapped, along with developmentalism, within a modernist discourse which relies on the principles of nineteenth century liberal philosophy; that it treats the individual nation-state in the Third World as the sovereign subject of development; and that it accepts the Western model of national autonomy with growth as the appropriate one to emulate. The final section of the article discusses the efforts of a number of scholars to ground knowledge in local histories and experiences rather than building theory through the use of general conceptual categories and Western assumptions. Although these ideas currently remain on the margins of Third World studies, it is to be hoped that dependency’s loss of intellectual hegemony has at least opened up a space for them to be taken seriously, in the same way that dependency was itself taken seriously in the late 1960s.
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Postcoloniality and the perspective of history culturalism as hegemonic ideology and liberating practice the postcolonial aura - Third World criticism in the age of global capitalism the global in the local Chinese history and the question of orientalism there is more in the Rim than meets the eye - some thoughts on the Pacific idea three worlds or one, or many? - the reconfiguration of global relations under contemporary capitalism postcolonial or postrevolutionary? - the problem of history in postcolonial criticism the postmodernization of production and its organization - flexible production, work and culture the past as legacy and project - postcolonial criticism in the perspective of indigenous historicism.
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Product cycle theory as expressed in the analogy of flying geese has become a widely accepted way of conceptualizing industrial diffusion across East Asia. As the product cycle is repeated for increasingly sophisticated products, so, it is argued, the development trajectory of Japan will be replicated in a succession of sectors and countries. This approach fails, however, to capture the complexities of the contemporary regionalization of industrial production. East Asian industrial production should not be seen as a tightly coupled process in which the rise of national economies parallels successive product cycles. Rather than Japan's development trajectory being replicated in country after country, industrial diffusion has been characterized by shifting hierarchical networks of production and partial diffusion into diverse politicoeconomic contexts at differing historical junctures. It has also resulted in a triangulation of the region's trade patterns that has generated large imbalances in trade both within the region and between the region and the United States.
Chapter
Given the centrality of nationalism in the political history of Cyprus within the last 50 years or so it is not surprising that the issue of nationality should be the one remaining bastion of formal male superiority in the present territorially divided state. The recent Sex Equality legislation (Chappa 1987: 11) has one proviso — the exclusion of regulations concerning nationality from its reform. It remains a male privilege to pass on automatic citizenship to one’s children. A woman of Cypriot origin can only do so if she is unmarried and there is no legal father. On the other hand, if she is married to a foreigner she is denied this as an automatic right although as a permanent resident she may apply for her children to be granted nationality.
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The field of study that has been called "international relations" is having an identity crisis. Should it really focus only on interstate relations? Should it continue to consider the domestic/international separation sacrosanct? These questions challenge the Westphalian orthodoxy that has hitherto defined the field and they open the prospect of a broader approach embracing global economy, society and ecology, and giving more place to gender, culture, and civilization.
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The concepts of "bourgeois public sphere' and "civil society' as they have been applied th China presuppose a dichotomous opposition between state and society. The author argues that the binary opposition between state and society is an ideal abstracted from early modern and modern Western experience that is inappropriate for China. We need to employ instead a trinary conception, with a third space in between state and society, in which both participated. This third realm, moreover, took on characteristics and institutional forms over time that need to be understood on their own terms. Discusses briefly some examples of this third realm in imperial, Republican, and contemporary China. -from Author
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More than economics, more than politics, a nation's culture will determine its fate. So says the man who built Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew. Lee is not optimistic that other nations can replicate East Asia's staggering growth. He is critical of the social breakdown that he sees in America: "The expansion of the rights of the individual has come at the expense of orderly society." East Asia is changing in the face of rapid growth, but Lee doubts that American-style individualism will ever catch on there. While critical of American social order, Lee strongly supports America's role as a balancer in East Asia. If it withdraws, other powers--notably Japan--would go their own way. And that would unsettle the region's peace.
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In this comparison of the role of interest groups in three different political settings, Harmon Zeigler addresses two main questions: Why do people join organizations? and, Does it matter how a government regulates conflict? In confronting these questions, he describes and contrasts the characteristics of pluralism in the United States, societal corporatism in Europe, and state corporatism, or authoritarianism, in Taiwan. The first book to compare such disparate cultures, "Pluralism, Corporatism, and Confucianism" examines the motivations for group membership and the functions of "encompassing" organizations. While it is generally accepted that the form of government is not the major contributor to the shape or content of policy, Zeigler suggests that there are substantial differences between individualist and collectivist societies.Because Taiwan is a "soft authoritarian" government in its mode of interest group regulation he sees it as lending itself to comparison, as an example of state corporatism, with societal corporatism of Europe. The influence of Confucianism, a secular religion that considers conflict unnatural, is evident in most Asian governments. While "Confucian" countries may vary substantially in their mode of conflict resolution, they usually adhere to the basic ethical principles of Confucius: groups are more important than individuals, and society should be organized hierarchically. In his discussion of Asian corporatism, Zeigler takes note of the recent upheavals in South Korea. Author note: Harmon Zeigler is Philip M. Phibbs Distinguished Professor of American Politics at the University of Puget Sound and Affiliate Professor at the University of Washington.
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In spite of South Korean women's significant contribution to export-led economic growth, they have not received a reward commensurate with their contribution. The article examines the major theoretical frameworks on women and development; women's role in South Korean economic, social, and political arenas; and factors that account for the backwardness of South Korean women. The South Korean case confirms the marginalization thesis of liberal feminist, dependency, and socialist feminist perspectives. In contrast with the liberal feminist thesis, it shows that women were thoroughly integrated into the development process, albeit at the lowest levels. The marginal status of South Korean women stems not only from patriarchy, but also from subordination within the capitalist system.
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Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew has suggested that the "Western concepts" of democracy and human rights will not work in Asia. This is false: Asia has its own venerable traditions of democracy, the rule of law, and respect for the people. Asia's destiny is to improve Western concepts, not ignore them.
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An increasing number of middle-aged women enter and re-enter the labor market in Japan. This increase in number, however, has not brought about an improvement of their wage or employment status. Most of them become part of the peripheral labor force. The number of peripheral workers has been growing and a corresponding feminization of peripheral workers has been taking place. Furthermore, many women who remain in the household have an interest in working and many of this group are seeking jobs. Female labor flows between the household and the labor market according to the economic demand. The economic raison d'être of peripheral workers is a reduction of labor costs and the adjustment of employment to economic fluctuations. The presence of a large potential labor supply among housewives ensures the smooth functioning of the role imposed on peripheral workers.
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Om kulturens rolle i det 19. århundredes og det tidlige 20. århundredes kolonipolitik.
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Semiperipheral and peripheral positions in the world system are thought to reduce a country's chances for political democracy, but this hypothesis has been neglected in empirical research. Arguments from dependency and world system theory suggesting such a relationship are first derived. Next, a regression analysis of the relations of political democracy to world system positions and economic development is undertaken. Using partial regression plots, six countries that appear to be misclassified on the Snyder and Kick (1979) world system measure are identified. A reanalysis of the data with these cases reclassified demonstrates the negative influence of peripheral and semiperipheral positions on democracy for the full sample as well as random subsamples. Throughout the analysis economic development has a significant, positive effect on political democracy.
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This article examines the impact of gender relations on democratization. It considers a number of key questions: what role do women's movements play in the transition to democratic rule and what impact does a return to competitive electoral politics have on women and women's movements. The starting point is a critique of the existing literature on democratization. That literature cannot provide a satisfactory analysis of the role of women in transition politics because of the narrow definitions of democracy used and the top-down focus of much of it. The article then develops a gendered analysis through a comparison of the different processes of transition in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe. It highlights the significance of the relationship between civil society and the state and the existence of “political space.”
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In this paper, I investigate why a bureaucratic-authoritarian (hereafter BA) regime emerged in South Korea during the early 1970s. The regime transition was the outcome of conflict among key political actors who were constrained, although not in a deterministic way, by the change in the Korean economic structure. It can be understood as the outcome of strategic choices made by key political actors among alternatives that satisfied structural constraints.
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Studies of the rapid rise of East Asian nations in the world economy have focused on the “strong” and “developmental” state, documenting the foundations of the rise of the state and its remarkable achievements. Absent from these studies has been analysis of how the state changed as a result of development, the causes of change, and the actors involved in this transition. This study focuses on the case of South Korea, where the state's influence in the economy declined due to historical pressures and the inherent contradictions of autonomy and institution. The paradox of South Korea s remarkable success in development was that it forced the state to reevaluate its raison d'etre and to curtail its functions. The weakening developmental state is presented with unusual challenges when a more dramatic breakdown of the authoritarian regime and ensuing democratic consolidation occur. The former process is subsumed under broader, sweeping political reforms, and the political environment of democracy makes it difficult for the state to choose between the capitalists' demand for a protectionist government and labor's demand for a welfare state.
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Asian proponents argue that the "soft authoritarian' model offers a better framework for political and economic development, and one more consistent with Asia's circumstances, than Western liberalism. Soft authoritarianism's growing legitimacy may signal a major change in the West's relationship with East Asia. One of the strongest proponents of Confucian-style government is Singapore. This article examines Singapore's challenge to Western liberalism - including its defense of China against outside demands for political liberalization - in an attempt to understand the nature and implications of Confucian soft authoritarianism. -from Author
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This article focuses upon the role of particularistic exchanges of favors between the state and business leaders as an important feature of the South Korean political economy. It first discusses how state-big business ties evolved within the state-corporatist developmental drive. A later section deals with how and why patron-client ties between the strong state and business elites have recently declined through democratization in present-day South Korea. -Author
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The object of this analysis is to examine the significant events to date of the new "Democratic Era' (1987-present) in the Republic of Korea in an effort to: 1) trace the evolution of democratic ideas and institutions since the Fifth Republic (1981-87), and 2) set forth plausible scenarios for the future of South Korean politics and the tenure of President Roh Tae Woo. The argument presented is twofold: first, that the Democratic Era has genuinely attempted, and in some respects exemplified, a more democratic style of rule than the government it succeeded; and second, that politics in South Korea appears to be at the crossroads of an evolving democracy and a return to authoritarian rule. -from Author
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This paper argues that state policy for working women, particularly Japan's sex-blind industrial policy has had negative effects on women in both the labor market and the family.
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Analysis of the process of democratization should focus not on socioeconomic change, but on the origin and development of political opposition and on the structure of political bargaining between the regime and its challengers. The recent democratic breakthrough in Taiwan is attributable to the capabilities of the political opposition in agenda setting, the shifting of bargaining arenas, and the creation of incentives for the reformist leaders of the regime to play the game. Democratization in Taiwan will continue because the ruling party has been able to maintain its dominant position in new political frameworks.