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Celebrity Politicians: Popular Culture and Political Representation
Abstract
Considerable political and media attention has focused on the phenomenon of the ‘celebrity politician’. As this article illustrates, there are two main variants of the phenomenon. The first is the elected politician or candidate who uses elements of ‘celebrityhood’ to establish their claim to represent a group or cause. The second is the celebrity—the star of popular culture—who uses their popularity to speak for popular opinion. Both examples have been seen by critics to debase liberal democratic political representation. This article challenges this critique and argues that the celebrity politician is consistent with a coherent account of political representation. This does not mean that all examples of the celebrity politician are to be seen as legitimate, but that the representative claim has to be analysed more carefully and discriminatingly than the critics typically suppose.
... The world is being pushed to adjust to this new reality, and the battle to combat the pandemic has intensified. Many people have spoken up about the Covid-19 pandemic (Prihatini and Halimatusa'diyah 2021), giving powerful speeches about hope amid the pandemic, and among those people are the celebrities, known as those with massive power in the entertainment sector who also have enormous influence over public opinion through popular culture movements and imagery (Street 2004). In contemporary, a celebrity can also be defined as someone whose background comes from the sports or entertainment industries and is wellknown in the media, with their personal lives receiving significantly more attention than their professional life (Turner 2012). ...
... First is CP1 or known as a legitimately elected representative who engages with popular culture to enhance their pre-established political functions and goals. Second is CP2 or known as celebrities (or entertainers) who make political pronouncements and claim the right to represent peoples and causes without seeking or achieving elected office (Street 2004). For this paper, the author will be focusing on CP2. ...
... In CP2, their ability to claim to speak as a celebrity is determined by several criteria, structures, and the affective attachments generated by the relationship between the celebrity and their fans. These celebrity voices to those who follow them are based on current events and art (Street 2004). ...
When the Covid-19 pandemic struck, the world was unprepared for the magnitude of effects that followed. The entire outbreak shook all countries, and governments, world leaders, and health professionals are trying to stop the health crisis. Politicians, celebrities, and especially the United Nations Goodwill Ambassadors have spoken out about issues related to the pandemic. However, studies on this particular subject remain in its infancy. To fill the literature gap, the current paper applies a corpus analysis to examine the patterns in news articles citing celebrities UN Goodwill Ambassadors as they are discussing the Covid-19 pandemic. As this paper is interested in collecting all reports published during the pandemic times, the timeline is set from 2020 up to 2022. The findings suggest that there are at least three main messages reflected in news articles citing celebrities UN Goodwill Ambassadors, namely the impacts of the pandemic, measures to overcome the global health crisis, and the importance of donations. This study sheds light on how celebrity diplomats continue to shape their roles in international communities by leveraging their influence as public figures.
... With our selection of two Croatian politicians -Zoran Milanović, current Croatian president, and Miro Bulj, mayor of the city of Sinj-as case study, we also want to contribute to increasing the attention for the less researched geographical areas, as the leadership in/of the USA and UK receives a disproportionately large part of scholarly attention (for example, Manning et al., 2017). Moreover, both Croatian politicians fit the typology of celebrity politicians (West and Orman, 2003;Street, 2004;Van Zoonen, 2005;Drake and Higgins, 2006;'t Hart and Tindall, 2009;Wood et al., 2016) well. Finally, with our empirical focus on Facebook followers, we also acknowledge the increased importance of media, as a centre stage for politics, where politicians perform, communicate, and address the people. ...
... In the production and distribution of signifying practices, media have their own logicwith specific conventions related to format and contentthat affects social constructions (Altheide and Snow, 1979). Even though this specificity has many components-for instance, through the (over)emphasis on the spectacular (Kellner, 2003)-we can point here in particular to the alignment of entertainment and politics (Street, 2004;Van Zoonen, 2005;Wheeler, 2013), which has also been connected to the mediatization of politics (Mazzoleni and Schulz, 1999). In practice, this implies that the representation of politics and politicians (and leaders) uses signifying practices that are similar to those used to represent celebrities, thus blurring the lines between them. ...
... The vertical dimension of leadership refers to the demand for the extraordinary leader, while the horizontal dimension puts the leader at the same level as ordinary citizens. Leaders are thus constructed as extraordinary and ordinary at the same time, which also links up with the celebrity politics literature (Van Zoonen, 2005: 84;Street, 2004). ...
This research examines the social construction of political leadership by social media followers of two Croatian politicians, president Zoran Milanović, and the mayor of Sinj, Miro Bulj, within the context of celebrity politics and populism. Through the interaction between theory and analysis, we integrate elements that construct leadership into what we distinguish as vertical (extraordinary) and horizontal (ordinary) dimensions, adding populism as an element of both dimensions. This analysis is grounded in the qualitative content analysis of 20 interviews with the two politicians’ Facebook followers, empirically showing that neither one of the elements is dominating the construction of leadership, putting the focus on the importance of the balance between the dimensions of verticality and horizontality, with modesty allowing for the mediation between the extraordinary and the ordinary. Equally important is the followers position that a perfect balance between verticality and horizontality (and a perfect leader) cannot be achieved. In short, leadership is shown to be paradoxical but not contradictory, as it is an always imperfect reconciliation of the horizontal and vertical dimensions.
... Inasmuch as celebrity politics has not entered the established political science grammar until the beginning of the 21st century (see Street, 2004;Van Zoonen, 2006;Wheeler, 2013) (2013) shares the same roots as the Ancient Greek heroic figure as conceptualised in Plato (see Barnes & Kenny, 2014). Nevertheless, the manner in which Weber (2013) sees charismatic leadership already points to a direction that recognises personal qualities taking prominence over political positions. ...
... By taking those three different authors as informing the current debate in political science on celebrity politics it is possible to envision at least two distinct approaches to the topic. On one hand there are researchers who focus on the politicisation of celebrities (see Doidge & Almeida, 2017;Inthorn & Street, 2011;Schultz, 2001;Street, 2004;Wheeler, 2013) (2005). This boils down to work with a closer range to the individual in order to produce a sociology grounded in the human experience in its many faces and forms of manifestation (Lahire, 2005;. ...
... As pointed out by Street (2004), celebrities tend to show their political persona through more confined agendas as in relation to petitions or shows/ festivals for one particular cause. Taking the World Cup as mega scaled sporting festivals, we can understand how and why the three athletes turned politicians adhered their images to the event. ...
... Popular public figures, or celebrities, have been shown to provide various functions (see e.g. Thompson 1995;Coleman 2003;Street 2004). Fan studies have, for example, revealed celebrities' guiding functions in respect of fans' life events and life processes (e.g. ...
... Coleman 2003). Street's (2004) notion of the "celebrity politician" has, for example, theorised two ways in which celebrities and politics intersect: when politicians become celebrities in their aim for political representation, and when celebrities take on political roles by speaking out on public policy. Although influencers appear on various platforms, they have proliferated on Instagram (Abidin 2016;Frier 2020, 128-129). ...
... Djafarova and Rushworth 2017;Carter 2016;Abidin 2016). 9 Despite the non-profit influencers not entering political discourses as conventionally understood, they may embody one trend mentioned by Street (2004) further. Street emphasises that political communication is "personalised" due to a turn to the personal. ...
The influencer has become a common phenomenon in digital societies. The emphasis on exposure and popularity in social media is materialised through the growing prominence of these popular individuals with large audiences. This article examines the rhetoric of two “non-profit influencers” on Instagram, demonstrating that they can be understood beyond economics, fandom and traditional politics. Rather than being profit-focused as the more commonly known influencer, they are normatively oriented. Their communication reflects rhetorical demands prompted by the public matters they address and the social media environment. This study suggests that the non-profit influencer may be seen as a phenomenon crystallising social and technological emphases on the individual. It contends that the non-profit influencer may be located in the popular cultural public sphere, illustrating social media’s role as relevant arenas in deliberative democracy.
... As the term suggests, celebrity politicians (Driessens, 2013;Street, 2004;van Zoonen, 2006) act in a similar way to celebrities, who strategically exhibit aspects of both their daily lives and their work (Marwick & boyd, 2011). This phenomenon's defining trait is the type of access that Goffman (1959) metaphorically calls 'backstage,' namely, what happens off stage, far from the spotlights. ...
... This also creates a feeling of closeness and familiarity with their followers, simulates sincerity or authenticity and, unquestionably, helps to maintain and increase the follower base (Marwick & boyd, 2011). These practices have become powerful self-presentation tools (Usher, 2016) allowing front-line politicians to convey messages in a clear and entertaining fashion to a wide audience (Street, 2004) and to 'humanise' themselves (Selva-Ruiz & Caro-Castaño, 2017). This phenomenon is not a novelty of the Digital Age but dates back to the convergence between entertainment and politics, which already has a long tradition in popular culture (Street, 2004;van Zoonen, 2006). ...
... These practices have become powerful self-presentation tools (Usher, 2016) allowing front-line politicians to convey messages in a clear and entertaining fashion to a wide audience (Street, 2004) and to 'humanise' themselves (Selva-Ruiz & Caro-Castaño, 2017). This phenomenon is not a novelty of the Digital Age but dates back to the convergence between entertainment and politics, which already has a long tradition in popular culture (Street, 2004;van Zoonen, 2006). The contribution of social media has been to ease the production and circulation of this content, without intermediaries (Marwick & boyd, 2011, p. 139). ...
Due to Instagram’s growing popularity in Spain, politicians have also begun to turn to this social network increasingly more. Accordingly, this paper analyses the visual and textual discourse of 259 posts published throughout 2018 on the personal Instagram profile of Santiago Abascal, the leader of the party Vox. Insofar as he is the Spanish politician with the highest number of followers on Instagram, the aim here is to analyse how he uses this social network in order to identify possible strategies that justify his growing number of followers. In the analysis, special attention was paid to aspects that might have contributed to the (self)presentation of Abascal and the promotion of his party, such as posting personal information and the direct involvement with his followers. The results show that consistent with the use to which Spanish politicians put Instagram, Abascal’s profile highlights his ‘political’ dimension and, specifically, his agenda. Personal content (such as references to leisure or sports) are used strategically to highlight certain features of his persona and ideology. The predominance of unedited images, the framing of the photos and appeals to his followers are some of the clues that reveal that, rather than providing access to his personal life, Abascal’s use of Instagram is the result of a carefully planned promotional strategy.
... The framework of celebrity as practice is compatible with two notions that are pivotal to our investigation: celebrity politics and the populist political style. Following Street (2004), we understand celebrity politics as a performative repertoire that (prospective) officeholders borrow from celebrity culture and selectively use to boost their visibility. We interpret celebrity politics as an incarnation of the populist political style, which we define after Moffitt and Tomery (2014) as the construction of a seemingly "direct" relationship between "the leader" and "the people" through recurring tropes, especially anti-elitism, the performance of crisis, and the claim to ordinariness. ...
... Middle region populism adds nuance to established theorizations of celebrity politics (Street 2004;Wood et al. 2016) and strengthens the new ideal type of the ordinary super leader (Mazzoni and Mincigrucci 2021) in three ways. First, it highlights the crucial role of platform-specific vernaculars (Gibbs et al. 2015) and affordances (Davis 2020) for the performance of political celebrity in digital spheres. ...
This paper investigates the Instagram self-presentation of Italian party leaders Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Renzi. Building on the notion that circumstances are crucial to the construction of the self through digital photography, we argue that the two leaders strategically use setting and accompaniment to navigate the demands of their populist self-presentation as "ordinary super leaders": exceptional celebrity-like personae whose lives remain nonetheless close to those of their constituents. To make our case, we analyze a corpus of images featuring the two leaders posted on their Instagram profiles during 2020 (266 for Meloni and 158 for Renzi). Our findings suggest that Meloni and Renzi alternate and remix celebrity practices of exclusivity, exceptionalism, and everydayness in an attempt to come across as simultaneously extraordinary and ordinary, aspirational and relatable. Inspired by Meyrowitz's "middle region politics," we propose the notion of middle region populism to describe how populist leaders leverage the affordances of an image-centric social media platform and the vernacular of internet celebrity to curate an online presence in which they pose as exceptionally charismatic yet ordinary and relatable.
... As such, media communication practices are more infused with entertainment value, especially in political communication, where the media system's commercial interests, when combined with political actors' interests, become oriented towards a specific entertainment category: politainment (Dörner & Vogt, 2002). The term describes a political reality constructed on two indelibly linked levels that mark a phenomenon labeled "celebrity politics" (Street, 2004): entertaining politics, in which political actors use certain strategies to "celebritize themselves to help win media attention and elections" (Riegert & Collins, 2015, p. 7) or when political candidates trade on their background in entertainment to garner votes; and political entertainment, seen in celebrities engaging with politics (Street, 2019), and in the political tropes and themes employed by the entertainment industry (Wodak & Koller, 2008). ...
... To answer RQ3, the Telegram corpus of images (C3b) was manually coded in MaxQDA 2020, based on several features of visual communication content (Rodriguez & Dimitrova, 2011;Rose, 2001) and dimensions of the image construction of the political celebrity (Archetti, 2014;Goffman, 1956;Grabe & Bucy, 2011;Street, 2004). Thus, the C3b codebook includes the type of visual content (photograph/poster/media clipping/illustration) and the symbolic dimensions of Simion's persona as a Christian-Orthodox and a patriotic political leader: (a) a populist campaigner, performing ordinariness as "man of the people," and through celebrity-like mass appeal, due to his political presence among supporters, further constructed through us-them dichotomic images (e.g., large groups of supporters vs. corrupted politicians) and associated with national and religious symbols; and (b) ideal political candidate, seen in visual manifestations of authority and power as well as compassion (Grabe & Bucy, 2011). ...
Political actors who adapt their performance to the logic of politainment gain visibility and success in the public sphere. Such is the case of George Simion, an emerging politician and leader of the newest parliamentary party, the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), a populist radical right party that proved especially attractive to Romanian diaspora voters. This study focuses on the discursive and stylistic dimensions of Simion's newsworthiness and mediatization. Additionally, a multiplatform analysis of his populist communication content and style aims to determine degrees of populism. As such, we propose a mixed-methods multimodal approach that combines corpus linguistics and semi-automated content analysis with thematic coding and visual semiotic analysis. The media-reported performance analysis focuses on content (n = 963) produced by three popular online news media outlets (Digi24.ro, Adevărul.ro, and Antena3.ro) between May 13th 2015 and April 30th 2022, while the analysis of Simion's discourse examines his Telegram channel's feed (738 messages and 383 images) between March 15th 2021 and April 30th 2022, and his authored texts published in Adevărul.ro (n = 116) between July 8th 2014 and April 30th 2022. The results indicate that news media reports are defined by conflict (aggres-sion, violence), scandalization, negativity, emotionality, and by a prevalent use of arresting quotes that employ colloquial language (sarcasm, vulgarity). Simion's celebrity populism is styled through an "ideal candidate," "populist campaigner" image and framed through the emotional glorification (unionism, patriotism, Orthodoxy) of a potentially united "home-land," a democratic space that reflects the unadulterated will of ordinary Christian-Orthodox Romanians whose sovereignty is currently undermined by corrupt political elites. He invokes historical narratives (e.g., founding fathers, retrospective utopia) reinforced through othering the EU and ethnic/sexual minorities as forces that threaten the purity of "the people."
... Today's political leaders can be, without a doubt, considered celebrities (Marshall 1997;Wheeler 2013), constantly monitored by the media even when it comes to their private life. This celebrity status is due to the constant presence of politicians in different media channels and outlets (Street 2004), but there is no doubt that it is sometimes sought and wanted by the politicians themselves, because it helps them to overcome this paradox and to be appreciated by citizens ('t Hart and Tindall 2009). This is even more visible today, where politicians implement branding strategies through self-personation activities on social media (Abidin 2017;Hearn and Schoenhoff 2015). ...
... Despite the fact that, as seen before, most of the photos refer to formal and working contexts, even the private dimension takes on relevant symbolic connotations. As has been much debated in the literature (see Stanyer 2013;Street 2004Street , 2012, a leader's private sphere can play a key role in creating empathy with his/her electorate. If the politician shows off his/her personality, and comes over looking like ordinary people, this suggests that he/she cares about their concerns and therefore can represent them better than anyone else. ...
... Although in recent years there has been an increased interest in visual content by political communication scholars (Lilleker et al., 2019), there are still some under-researched areas, and one of them is the connection between images and political personalisation, especially in relation to studies about celebrity politics. Studies on celebrities in the field of politics are not a novelty (Campus, 2020;Ciaglia & Mazzoni, 2014;Marshall, 1997;Street, 2004;Wheeler, 2013). Such studies argue that, due to their frequent coverage by different kinds of media outlets, some politicians are known by the mass audience and become an object of interest like actors and football players. ...
... Salvini frequently publishes on his Facebook timetable images from his private sphere that have nothing to do with his political activity. Many studies (Langer, 2010;Street, 2004Street, , 2019 demonstrate that politicians' private sphere plays a crucial role in the search for political consensus. If the politician publicises his intimacy, showing himself as a common citizen, he conveys the idea that he cares about ordinary people's problems and he can be the best representative for them. ...
In contemporary democracies, the image that political leaders project is of central importance to their electoral appeal, however, studies of image projection have mainly been based on textual messages, undermining often visual content such as photos, memes and postcards. This study explores populist leaders image projection through visuals on Facebook in a cross-national context, with the aim of verifying if politicians use images to promote their political action or if they instead implement more complex strategies of self-branding and personalisation. The analysis focuses on the election campaign period for the 2019 European elections and proposes a comparison between four leaders that joined the European Parliament’s Group of Identity and Democracy, namely Matteo Salvini for Italy, Heinz-Christian Strache for Austria, Marine Le Pen for France and Alice Weidel for Germany. According to our analysis, important differences emerge in the use that leaders make of the images disseminated on Facebook. Some of them, in fact, disseminate almost exclusively images that are strictly related to their electoral campaign, while others seek a true identification with their voters, following the pattern of intimization.
... These celebrities' practices are also analyzed by Wheeler (2013) to think about celebrity politics: he highlights a process of politicization of celebrities alongside a celebration of politicians. The author recovers a distinction made by John Street (2004) between celebrity politicians, politicians who incorporated the principles of fame to pursue electoral achievement, and politicized celebrities, famous people who became activists of particular causes. Paying attention to celebrity politicians, Wheeler (2013:87) examines, for example, Barack Obama's 2008 presidential campaign, highlighting how the candidate incorporated "performance, personalization, branding, and public relations issues at the heart of his political representation". ...
This paper aims to analyze the role of Brazilian celebrities in the #EleNão (#NotHim) movement - which was built in opposition to Jair Bolsonaro's candidacy in the 2018 presidential elections in Brazil. I revisit the concepts of standing and footing in order to discuss their fruitfulness for the comprehension of the role celebrities can play in politics. The sample was composed of 62 videos of famous women who joined the #Not Him on Youtube and Instagram. I identify some categories of footing taken by them to justify their adherence to the movement. These celebrities position themselves: as citizens; as women; as mothers; as lesbian or transgender; as black women. The analysis discusses some values that guide celebrities' actions to apprehend their insertion in politics, as well as their role in feminist struggles, in the advocacy for human rights, and in the contemporary democracy.
... Penggunaan selebritis berkaitan dengan politik dapat dibedakan menjadi dua bagian, yakni sebagai politisi selebriti dan endorser selebriti. John Street (Street, 2004) memberikan penjelasan bahwa politisi selebriti adalah seseorang yang mempunyai latar belakang dari industri hiburan, olahraga maupun entertainmen. Lebih lanjut dikatakan, ada dua bagian yang berbeda lagi dari politisi selebriti. ...
Celebrities have taken part in Indonesian elections since 1971. They were employed in populist political party recruitment operations. They frequently serve as canvassers for political parties with an interest in reaching the minimal threshold. The artist is convinced that he will be able to pass being elected as a member of the legislature because of his popularity. This study examines how celebrity candidates for the 2024 election are framed in online media. The Entman framing analysis model is employed for the analysis. Republika.co.id, Kompas.id, and Tribunnews.com are the web publications used in this study. Based on Problem Identification, even though celebrity candidates do not have the ideal qualities and capabilities to become members of the legislature, there are still many celebrity candidates in every election. Causal Interpretation, from this phenomenon is that the process of regeneration and regeneration in all political parties is not going well, on the other hand political parties need a machine to gain votes to pass the threshold of sufficient votes. So that the Moral Judgment of this problem is that political parties are more focused on improving the performance of their members and celebrity candidates with good quality and capability can become the choice of political parties. The Treatment Recommendation that can be offered is to provide celebrity candidates with political education by political parties, bearing in mind that the functions, duties and position of the legislature are one of the strategic pillars of power for a country.
... In view of the foregoing, candidates act like celebrity politicians (Street, 2004(Street, , 2018, applying techniques borrowed from the world of fame to engage the electorate (Wheeler, 2013). One of these techniques is precisely the use of social networking sites as key tools, which allow candidates to become everyday celebrity politicians by showing their most human facet (Wood, Corbett & Flinders, 2016). ...
Social networks are tools for constructing digital identity, making online impression management possible. This study explains, in the context of the politainment age, the way in which Instagram allows political candidates to build their digital
image; that is, to perform online self-representation. Specifically, the focus of this paper is the image of political candidates on Instagram during the campaign of the 2021 Catalan regional elections on February 14. It links Goffman’s (1956) theory of the
presentation of the self in everyday life to both current research approaches to online self-representation and Grabe and Bucy’s (2009) visual framing theory. The objective is to study the type of elements employed by candidates for constructing their photographic and video stage settings and, therefore, their digital identities during the election campaign. After an operationalization of Goffman’s and Grabe and Bucy’s theories resulting in 27 items, a content analysis was carried out on a total of 215 Instagram posts of the eight main candidates published between 29 January and 13 February 2021. It has been observed that all political candidates show themselves in a more professional way, and it couldn’t be affirmed that a certain visual frame is attached to a certain ideology. In line with previous research, our results show that the ‘ideal candidate’ was the predominating frame, although particularities corresponding to the 2021 Catalan context were observed. Implications to the current context of online political communication are identified and discussed.
... The development of communication technology has once again influenced the way how public consumes celebrity gossip. Many celebrity culture researchers consider that the Internet democratizes how celebrities and the public connect (Abidin, 2018;Marshall, 2010;McNamara, 2011;Hou, 2018;Street, 2004;Turner, 2014;Usher, 2020). The Internet, especially social media, has created the impression of an authentic, direct, and unmediated connection between the public and Audience consumption motives on online celebrity gossip account's contents (Angga Prawadika, Mariska Dyah Astari) celebrities (van den . ...
Background: The presence of the Internet has introduced a more complex way within the process of disseminating various images and information about celebrities, including private celebrity information such as scandals, conflicts, and various aspects of personal life that previously could only be enjoyed in classic infotainment formats in the mass media. Purpose: This study analyzes the motives of the audience’s consumption process for the content produced by various celebrity gossip accounts in Indonesian cyberspace. This research aims to dig deeper into the audience’s motives when consuming this particular information about celebrities. Methods: This research was conducted using in-depth interviews with ten sources who regularly consume the content of online celebrity gossip accounts on social media. Results: The results show that three motives encourage audiences to consume celebrity gossip online: informational motives, entertainment motives, and social motives. The information motive refers to the interviewee’s perception that online celebrity gossip accounts provide a more detailed and exclusive source of information. The entertainment motive refers to the enjoyment of the audience when they are involved in ‘imaginary drama’ and heated debate between audiences in the comment section. Social motive refers to the value of celebrity gossip as a valuable resource to start conversations and maintain group cohesion among close friends. Conclusions: The public’s interest in consuming celebrity information, whether for informational, entertainment, or social reasons, indicates an unrelenting demand for information about celebrities which in turn encourages the proliferation of gossip-providing accounts on social media. Implications: This study itself serves as an initial stepping stone to open a more serious study on celebrity culture in Indonesia.
... Using the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic, context-aware music recommendations could offer users more significant opportunities in certain places, times, and according to their COVID-19 preferences [e.g., see 32,33]. This also relies on artists' partnerships with academics for effective music intervention in disaster situations [105]. More radically, "academics could join musicians in activism and even direct action on health and other matters" [6]. ...
This study investigated the global changes in online music listening behaviors in response to COVID-19 and its restrictions (such as quarantine, school and workplace closures, and travel restrictions). In addition, the research included an examination of how friendship networks and online communication motives have moderated the effect of COVID-19 on music listening behaviors. The causal inference methods: difference in differences (DiD) and two-way fixed effects (TWFE), were conducted to analyze the online music listening behaviors and social interactions of 37,328 Last.fm users in 45 countries before and after the first wave of confinement. It was found that in response to COVID-19, the quantity, variety, and novelty of music consumption decreased, shifting toward mainstream artists, whereas individuals with more online social connections and communications showed the reverse behavior. Our research shows that online social interactions and community development significantly impact listeners’ behaviors and can be used as a guide to developing new design strategies for digital media, such as music, movies, and games.
... These politicians, thus, often gain the status of celebrities, who are then the centerpieces of political life (at least for the party and its voters). After all, celebritization (Street 2004, Lewis 2010, Wheeler 2013 is, together with personalization (Sara and Skogerbø 2013), another observable phenomenon (and not only) in the CEE region. ...
... Apart from being media savvy, one of the central features of populist communication is the efficient and creative use of digital technology, which has been commonly regarded as one of the culprits responsible for the rise of contemporary populism (Groshek and Koc-Michalska 2017;Schroeder 2018). The commonly addressed features and functions of digital technology that allegedly facilitate the rise of populist options are: (1) the unmediated nature of social media that allows populists to communicate directly with their supporters while bypassing the filter of the mainstream media (Manucci 2017); (2) the agenda-setting effect(s) of social media (Mazzoleni 2016); (3) the organizational potential of the internet that enables political newcomers to build their party structures, implement decision-making procedures and mobilize supporters (Miconi 2015;Borge Bravo and Santamarina Sáez 2016); and finally, (4) microtargeting (Bodo, Helberger, and de Vreese 2017). ...
In recent years, celebrity populism has become increasingly prevalent in politics worldwide. However, the relationship between populism and celebrity politics is not straightforward, and more research is needed to understand how these two concepts intersect. The authors of this paper argue that a more nuanced understanding of celebrity populism is necessary to identify and analyze its various forms. By analyzing the communication strategies of the three populist candidates in the 2019–2020 Croatian presidential election, this paper empirically investigates how celebrity populism manifests in practice. The authors use their proposed conceptualization to classify the candidates based on their use of populist and celebrity strategies. This allows for a more granular understanding of the different ways in which celebrity and populism can be combined in politics. The findings suggest that celebrity populism can take on different forms depending on the specific context and characteristics of the candidates. Moreover, the authors argue that celebrity populism is a strategy that can be effective in gaining popularity and mobilizing voters, particularly in countries where trust in political institutions is low.
... In this context, a transversal operation takes place aimed at making political content popular and politically exploiting popular content. This latter aspect takes various forms, including celebrity politics (Street 2004;Wheeler 2013;Campus 2020), intimate politics (Stanyer 2012;Mazzoni and Ciaglia 2015), and lifestyle politics (Bennett 1998). In particular, these concepts refer to the tendency of political leaders to adopt communication strategies based on themes and images that reflect the interests, values, and lifestyle of ordinary citizens, in order to strengthen their media presence and political influence. ...
The article aims to examine the characteristics of mediatized political communication in a hybrid media system, in which the social media accounts of political leaders play an increasingly important role. Firstly, the phenomenon of mediatization and its main aspects in relation to the mass media system are described. Subsequently, the concepts of disintermediation and new forms of mediation specific to social platforms are discussed. The analysis shows that disintermediation does not lead to the end of mediatization, but emphasizes the need to support the mass media logic based on the intertwining of entertainment and a social logic built on online content capable of triggering the creative potential of digital media. In particular, it is highlighted how politicians now prioritize social media over traditional media, assuming the role of social opinion leaders. The analysis of the posts published on the “ellyesse” Instagram account in the period from 4 December 2022, the date of the announced candidacy for the party secretary, to 26 February 2023, the day of the primaries in which he won against all odds, reveals a tendency towards the remediation of traditional content accompanied by innovative use of digital images, aimed at creating a sense of immediacy in interaction with the public. Furthermore, the use of codes typical of mass media mediatization is observed, but in a context where they change their meaning and assume a new communicative function. All these aspects reinforce the idea that social media, in a relationship of complementarity and interdependence with mass media, orient political communication towards the selection and repetition of a coherent set of identity traits.
... Arguably, the exploitation of local gastronomic products as performed by party leaders Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Salvini crucially in昀氀uences the symbolic meanings attributed to food products in Italy. The public personae of high-visibility politicians like Meloni and Salvini often overlap with those of celebrities, and the archetype of the celebrity politician developed by Street's (2004) is a well-established trope in the Italian political landscape (Alomes, Mascitelli, 2012;Mazzoni, Ciaglia, 2014;Wood et al., 2016). Additionally, Simon Anholt's (2007) in昀氀uential theory of competitive identity considers celebrities and public 昀椀gures to be actors shaping the image of a territory. ...
The relationship between food and identity is long-standing, and it has been proficiently studies by social scientists in a variety of fields and disciplines. This article wants to contribute to this literature, with an original thematic and methodological approach. By showing the key elements that gastronomic place-branding and (gastro)populist styles of communication share, this article builds bridges between the two disciplines. With (gastro)populism is intended the exploitation of food products as performed by politicians to fuel populist messages. This empirical study provides a visual analysis of the practices of gastropopulism as performed on Instagram by two leaders of right-wing, populist parties: Matteo Salvini and Giorgia Meloni. First, I detail some key elements that make food so central in place branding, and in the establishment of collective identities. Second, I explain its strict connection to politics and introduce the concept of gastropopulism. Third, I provide some key elements useful to better understand the Italian political landscape. Fourth, I describe the approach I developed to disentangle the leaders’ communicational strategies and how they become tied to gastronomies. In a nutshell, I grounded my methods in some of the most influential works on visual analysis to find the dominant elements in the analysed images, and the recurring topics in the attached texts. Subsequently, I use the results emerged from this approach to focus on some specific instances of gastropopulism, where food politics and gastronomic place-branding contaminate each other. The main contention of this article is that when high-visibility characters, like national party leaders, implement gastronomy in their communication strategies, they can influence the public perception of food as an identarian element. Thus, gastronomic place-branding actors need to confront themselves with the association that gastropopulists make between the local identities connected to cuisines and a set of right-wing, populist values.
... Menurut Street (2004), pertemuan antara selebriti dan politik melahirkan dua konsep berikut. ...
Komunikasi politik sudah bukan hal baru di Indonesia. Bidang keilmuan ini terus berkembang sejak masa reformasi, dalam ekosistem demokrasi yang sehat. Semakin kaya literatur dan menjamurnya konsultan politik meruntuhkan pemahaman bahwa komunikasi politik merupakan hak istimewa kalangan elite. Penetrasi internet dan loncatan teknologi komunikasi juga memberikan suara bagi masyarakat umum di level politik.
Praktik komunikasi politik sudah saatnya meninggalkan gaya tradisional dan mau tidak mau wajib bertransformasi seiring perkembangan zaman, yakni masuk ke tahap personalisasi dan semakin melibatkan rakyat. Era Big Data memungkinkan kehendak dan kemauan individu tercatat serta terekam dengan apik untuk dimanfaatkan demi kepentingan rakyat. Hal ini bisa menjadi peluang sekaligus tantangan. Digitalisasi membawa peluang untuk penyerapan aspirasi masyarakat tanpa mengenal batas ruang dan waktu. Di saat bersamaan, tantangan besar terletak pada bagaimana memanfaatkan data personal tanpa menyalahi etika. Tantangan yang tidak diatasi dengan baik, dapat berujung pada pudarnya kepercayaan rakyat hingga berujung pada runtuhnya sistem demokrasi.
Implementasi komunikasi politik di era digital juga menghadirkan fenomena baru yakni influencer relations. Keterlibatan para influencer begitu besar dalam kancah perpolitikan saat ini. Aura selebritas menjadi daya jual tersendiri yang tidak bisa ditandingi media pers. Tidak hanya itu, fenomena politik tawa juga tak lepas dari sorotan. Kritik yang biasanya identik dengan demonstrasi, bisa tersalurkan secara alternatif melalui stand-up comedy. Buku berjudul Komunikasi Politik di Era Digital: Dari Big Data, Influencer Relations & Kekuatan Selebriti, hingga Politik Tawa merupakan lensa untuk melihat wajah baru komunikasi politik.
... The typification of celebrities has a long history. In 2004, John Street proposed two celebrity categories under the "celebrity politicians' umbrella" [24]. On one hand, the traditional politician refers to a legitimately elected representative who engages in popular culture to enhance their pre-established political functions. ...
Screen culture and conglomerates are starting to echo the green shooting phenomena; roles such as sustainability director, eco-manager, eco-consultant, and eco-assistant are taking a more prominent space in the entertainment and cultural industry to achieve the goal of creating sustainable productions. In this current context, there seems to be a need for an agent to catch the attention of the audience to make a claim about green policies and contribute to a green literacy fabric. This opinion article recognizes that there are two types of voices, internal (scholars and practitioners) and external (celebrities and audiences), that have arisen in the audiovisual industry from different perspectives. Hence, through a theoretical approach, it tackles the particularities, typologies, and the role celebrities play as hot spots to push both viewers and creators into better decision-making models. The results show two main typologies: celebrification, in which a person becomes famous due to their sustainable actions, provoking a metonymic effect, and recelebrification, when famous people or well-known figures redefine their status by acting sustainable, producing a synecdoche effect. In conclusion, it is difficult to define what goes before and what goes after: whether it is the celebrity who passes the attributes onto production or whether it is the production that, by its characteristics, passes its attributes onto the celebrity.
... Normative Defizite im Hinblick auf die Herstellung politische Gleichheit aller Bürger*innen sowie sinkender Legitimitätsglauben sind somit sowohl auf Partizipations-sowie auf Repräsentationsebene zu finden (Merkel und Ritzi 2017: 227 f.). Mit Blick auf die Throughput-Legitimität ist zudem der intransparente parlamentarische Entscheidungsfindungsprozess zu bemängeln, der für Bürger*innen unzugänglich ist und von nicht legitimierten Akteuren beeinflusst wird (Street 2004;Bartels 2009;Urbinati 2011;Achen und Bartels 2017;Caramani 2017;Landemore 2020;Landwehr et al. 2022). Asymmetrische Interventionen durch Verbände, Unternehmen und Lobbys oder Auslagerungen in externe Gremien können zur Verlagerung politischer Entscheidungsfindungsprozesse von legitimierten parlamentarischen Institutionen hin zu informellen und intransparenten Verhandlungspolitiken führen (Alcántara et al. 2016: 24f.). ...
In recent years, citizens’ juries and councils have been strongly promoted as addi- tional instruments for achieving more democracy through direct input from citizens, among the representative political boards and procedures. The concept rests on the idea that a second consultative instance should undertake the task of the typical ex- pert commissions, which work in addition to the official decision-making structures. Despite the growing number of citizens’ juries internationally, these councils are still a rare phenomenon in Germany. Drawing on the example of the German „Citizens’ Climate Jury“, which was appointed by the national parliament in 2021, this paper examines the question of whether and to what extent additional democratic legiti- mizing power can be unfolded by an input-oriented council. We conclude that citi- zens’ juries and councils are a useful addition to the repertoire of parliamentary de- mocracy and can generate additional legitimacy power, provided that they meet sev- eral requirements and conditions. On the one hand, they must be constructed in a smart way and, on the other, they must be integrated into a setting that offers optimal framework conditions. By doing so, they can strike a balance between effective, in- clusive and impactful effects, improvements of democratic legitimacy at the input-, throughput- and output-level. Most crucial for achieving this goal are a great diver- sity of participants and a decision-binding connection of the council’s results at the political outcome level.
Um ein Mehr an Demokratie durch direkte Inputs von Bürgerinnen und Bürgern zu ermöglichen, werden seit einigen Jahren Bürgerräte als zusätzliche Instrumente ne-ben den Gremien und Verfahren des repräsentativen Systems immer stärker ins Spiel gebracht. Hierbei soll die Funktion einer konsultativen zweiten Instanz neben den Entscheidungsgremien von den typischen Expertenkommissionen übernommen bzw. ergänzt werden. Neben zahlreichen Erfahrungen weltweit mit Citizen Jurys sind in Deutschland Bürgerräte nach wie vor ein seltenes Phänomen. Dieser Beitrag unter-sucht am Beispiel des Bürgerrats Klima, der im Jahr 2021 auf Bundesebene aktiv war, die Frage, ob und inwieweit zusätzliche demokratische Legitimationskraft durch ein input-orientiertes Gremium entfaltet werden kann. Wir kommen zu dem Ergebnis, dass Bürgerräte eine sinnvolle Ergänzung zum Repertoire der parlamenta-rischen Demokratie darstellen und zusätzliche Legitimitätskraft generieren können, sofern sie verschiedene Anforderungen und Bedingungen erfüllen. Sie müssen einer-seits klug konstruiert und andererseits in ein Setting eingebunden sein, das optimale Rahmenbedingungen bietet, damit sich sowohl auf Input-und Prozess-als auch auf Ergebnis-Ebene ausgewogene, effektive, inklusive und wirkmächtige Effekte entfal-ten können. Zentral sind hierbei eine heterogene Zusammensetzung der Teilneh-mer*innen sowie eine verbindliche Anbindung der Ergebnisse auf Outcome-Ebene.
... npr. Street, 2004;Van Zoonen, 2005) te se bavi manifestacijom, dinamikom i implikacijama tog odnosa. ...
Rad daje pregled doprinosa hrvatskih istraživača, prije svega znanstvenika i suradnika s Fakulteta političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, znanstvenom i akademskom razvoju političke komunikacije, političkog marketinga i odnosa s javnošću u Hrvatskoj. Sve tri discipline spadaju u područje strateškog
komuniciranja koje podrazumijeva svrhovito korištenje komunikacije kojom pojedinci, organizacije, institucije ili države nastoje ostvariti svoje strateške ciljeve.
Rad pokazuje kako je Hrvatska, iako je kasno uskočila na vlak tržišnog komuniciranja, brzo uhvatila korak s međunarodnim istraživačkim i akademskim trendovima na tom području. Fakultet političkih znanosti u tome je imao pionirsku i predvodničku ulogu. Istraživači s Fakulteta, ali i drugi hrvatski znanstvenici, svojim istraživanjima i policy analizama na području političkog marketinga i političke komunikacije doprinijeli su konceptualizaciji i komparativnoj analizi suvremenih izbornih kampanja, zatim fenomena amerikanizacije, personalizacije, pakiranja politike, populizma, celebrity populizma, dezinformacija, e-demokracije, cyber politike i drugih. Na području odnosa s javnošću
posebno se ističu doprinosi konceptualizaciji i istraživanju imidža, identiteta i brenda država, kriznom komuniciranju, strateškom komuniciranju u turizmu te evaluaciji odnosa s javnošću.
Ključne riječi: politička komunikacija, politički marketing, odnosi s javnošću, strateško komuniciranje, Hrvatska
... npr. Street, 2004;Van Zoonen, 2005) te se bavi manifestacijom, dinamikom i implikacijama tog odnosa. ...
Rad daje pregled doprinosa hrvatskih istraživača, prije svega znanstvenika i suradnika s Fakulteta političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, znanstvenom i akademskom razvoju političke komunikacije, političkog marketinga i odnosa s javnošću u Hrvatskoj. Sve tri discipline spadaju u područje strateškog komuniciranja koje podrazumijeva svrhovito korištenje komunikacije kojom pojedinci, organizacije, institucije ili države nastoje ostvariti svoje strateške ciljeve. Rad pokazuje kako je Hrvatska, iako je kasno uskočila na vlak tržišnog komuniciranja, brzo uhvatila korak s međunarodnim istraživačkim i akademskim trendovima na tom području. Fakultet političkih znanosti u tome je imao pionirsku i predvodničku ulogu. Istraživači s Fakulteta, ali i drugi hrvatski znanstvenici, svojim istraživanjima i policy analizama na području političkog marketinga i političke komunikacije doprinijeli su konceptualizaciji i komparativnoj analizi suvremenih izbornih kampanja, zatim fenomena amerikanizacije, personalizacije, pakiranja politike, populizma, celebrity populizma, dezinformacija, e-demokracije, cyber politike i drugih. Na području odnosa s javnošću posebno se ističu doprinosi konceptualizaciji i istraživanju imidža, identiteta i brenda država, kriznom komuniciranju, strateškom komuniciranju u turizmu te evaluaciji odnosa s javnošću.
... Campos esses que se interpenetram com o auxílio dos dispositivos digitais contemporâneos.Inúmeras pesquisas já foram feitas no Brasil e em outros países acerca de personalidades emergentes em vários desses campos, 5 mas é nos últimos anos que vem crescendo o interesse acadêmico pela articulação entre celebridade e política. Em texto pioneiro,Street (2004) discute o fenômeno dos políticos celebridade, evidenciando duas variantes principais do fenômeno: "A primeira é o político eleito ou candidato que usa elementos de 'celebridade' para estabelecer sua pretensão de representar um grupo ou causa. A segunda é a celebridade -a estrela da cultura popular -que usa sua popularidade para falar pela opinião popular"(Street, 2004, p. 435). ...
O objetivo deste texto é discutir sobre o potencial das celebridades para despertar a comoção e a indignação públicas em torno de acontecimentos. Para tanto, resgatamos a perspectiva pragmatista de acontecimento, seu poder hermenêutico e seu poder de afetação na vida dos sujeitos. Em seguida, abordamos o papel que as celebridades podem desempenhar ao buscar sensibilizar as pessoas para determinadas questões desveladas por uma ocorrência, evidenciando a politização que vem marcando o posicionamento de figuras públicas no Brasil contemporâneo. A partir disso, o texto traz uma breve análise da repercussão do movimento “Cadê os Yanomami” no Twitter. A análise foi realizada tendo em vista o poder de afetação e o poder hermenêutico desse acontecimento e demonstra como celebridades se posicionam em relação a ele, convocando a comoção e a indignação públicas diante da violação da dignidade humana e do tratamento aos povos indígenas no Brasil.
... For instance, in developing countries with poorly institutionalized party systems, they are deliberately recruited by parties for their high winnability owing to their fame and proximity to the voters (Ribke, 2015). Meanwhile, other scholars argue that celebrities' political entry is a symptom of an "aesthetic turn" in politics, where emotion and symbolic attachment are increasingly becoming important requirements of political representation (Street, 2004). Meanwhile, Encinas-Franco in Castaneda (2021), talking about the 2022 Philippine elections, suggests that celebrities might also be running in politics to seek redress for their personal grievances (e.g., the closure of their TV network). ...
In the Philippines, parties are mere volatile alliances, and nominations are guided mostly by
winning prospects. Within this setting, a new breed of politicians has emerged —celebrity
politicians. Inexperienced but famous, these media figures have given career and elite politicians
a run for their money. Nevertheless, scant studies have been conducted to develop a nuanced theory
of when, why, and how they win and the issues in their entry into national politics. Following
Driessens (2013) and using the cases of Isko Moreno and Manny Pacquiao, I argue that celebrities
successfully penetrate politics because they possess a unique resource — celebrity capital —
composed of favorable reputations, symbolic roles, and narratives that, when harnessed
strategically, can be converted into legitimacy to combat the tendency to be seen as unfit for office.
Nevertheless, as the cases show, celebrity capital has its own limitations and risks which can invite
celebrities’ electioneering to eventually converge with that of traditional politicians, casting doubt
on their potential to improve the country’s deformed elections. The findings call for a reevaluation
of our elections and reforms to make them less personalistic and more programmatic.
... To these ends, they might associate themselves with popular artists, publicly share personal playlists, organise music events or play music at election rallies. Indeed, scholars have pointed out that the boundaries between politics and popular culture are becoming increasingly blurry, with a growing number of popular musicians assuming the roles of political advocates or even actors in the political field (Street 2006(Street , 2019, and professional politicians increasingly performing as celebrities or pop stars (Street 2004(Street , 2019. In Austria for instance, the celebrity singer-songwriter Andreas Gabalier, who calls himself 'Volks-Rock'n'Roller', has become a prominent political actor (Dunkel and Kopanski forthcoming;Dunkel et al. 2021). ...
On 12 November 2017, the Philippine celebrity musician Pilita Corrales was singing the popular song ‘Ikaw’ (‘You’) at a gala event in Manila, attended by some of the world's most powerful politicians at the time, US President Donald Trump and Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte. Suddenly, she noticed a male voice singing along with her, its intonation off, its volume increasing. Aware that the event was being recorded, Corrales at first tried to disregard the intruding voice. Eventually however, she could no longer ignore it and, shielding her eyes from the lights with one hand, she tried to spot the uninvited singer in the audience. ‘Where are you, sir’? she asked. Realising that the singer was on one of the balconies, it dawned on her that he was none other than Duterte himself. After giving Duterte room to sing a section by himself, she then joined the president in the song's finale (BBC News 2017; Guardian News 2017; Rappler 2017).
... "Celebrity politics," 1 "Jacindamania," 2 "the Jacinda effect," 3 "a political influencer," 4 "the Facebook prime minister," 5 "Jacinda Ardernthe celebrity," 6 "Jacindamania goes global" 7to name but a few references to the phenomenon of Jacinda Ardern and her leadership style, which inscribes into what has recently become a worldwide trend oscillating on the verge of politics and mass media, and thus posing a research problem for representatives of various disciplines within humanities and social, cultural and political sciences, including studies of interdisciplinary and discursive nature (Loeb 2017;Marsh, 't Hart and Tindall 2010;'t Hart and Tindall 2009;Street 2005;Street 2004;West and Orman 2003). ...
Jacinda Ardern – a social democrat, a progressive, a republican, and a feminist, as
she delineates herself – is a prominent politician who has been serving as the Prime
Minister of New Zealand since 2017. Contemporaneously, she has also been the
leader of the Labour Party, which position she assumed after, first, being
unanimously elected as deputy leader of the party and soon afterwards being chosen
unopposed as the party’s standard-bearer. The present paper explores the discourse
of this female leader, particularly in terms of the features of men’s and women’s
language. The author’s primary interest is whether Ardern’s public utterances
manifest more womanlike or manlike characteristics and manner of speech in a
persistently male-dominated political context. The peculiar case of Jacinda Ardern’s
discourse seems to be all the more riveting because this female politician has been
increasingly successful in implementing social, political, and economic measures
(including her response to the Covid-19 pandemic) on the one hand, and her
leadership style has received positive coverage from international media
commentators, who refer to the phenomenon of Jacinda Ardern as “Jacindamania,”
on the other. In this study, the specificity of Ardern’s speech and the way she
communicates are assumed to constitute a substantial part of her female political
leadership, and the linguistic research into this area has been conducted primarily
with the theoretical background in political discourse (van Dijk 1997, Fairclough &
Fairclough 2012) and the language of men and women (Lakoff 1972, Tannen 1994,
Mulac, Bradac, Gibbons 2001, Weatherall 2002, Coats 2003).
... Desde el uso de la Reina Victoria por Cadbury's Cocoa a finales del siglo XIX hasta las actuales campañas de Nespresso con el actor George Clooney de protagonista, el uso de las celebridades como endorsers ha sido ininterrumpido en la evolución de la publicidad (Segrave, 2005), pese a sus excesos (Fox, 1997, p. 88). Hasta el punto de la traslación de esta técnica a otros ámbitos no comerciales como el político Bartoszewicz, 2019;Oliva, Pérez-Latorre & Besalú, 2015;Street, 2004). Dado que una celebrity " […] has been manufactured by a process and it is used to sell all kinds of products" (West & Orman 2003, p. 117), resulta lógico que sean instrumentalizadas por parte de las marcas para asociarse con los valores que estas últimas poseen (Erdogan & Baker, 2000). ...
El presente trabajo aborda los conceptos de testimonial, endorsement y celebrity desde la estrategia publicitaria y la gestión de marca. Nuestro objetivo pasa por estudiar la forma en que los anunciantes y las empresas de publicidad han usado el testimonial y la figura de la celebridad con fines comerciales o corporativos en el contexto de la publicidad inscrita en el festival de Cannes de 2010 a 2020 en el ámbito iberoamericano. Para ello, se realizó un análisis de contenido de 280 piezas que además de cuantificar la presencia e implicaciones estratégicas del uso de las celebrities, también aportó datos y conclusiones sobre la técnica del endorsement y el uso de testimoniales publicitarios en general. Se analizó el posicionamiento estratégico, la tipología de objetivo, los tipos de testimonial, el modo de endorsement y las características de las celebrities. Los resultados arrojan que un 41,1% de los anuncios analizados han utilizado la figura del testimonial en sus commercials, destacando la persona corriente (62,1%), seguida por la celebridad (25,0%). Estratégicamente, predominan los objetivos híbridos (48,3%), los posicionamientos de usuario (55,17%) y atributos (42,2%) y el copresent mode como modo principal de endorsement, con un 89,3% de la muestra. De las características de las celebrities destaca la familiaridad/reconocimiento (76,9%), el carácter único/extraordinario (51,9%), la generación de interés (42,3%) y la fama (34,6%). El estudio concluyó la relevancia de los testimoniales en la publicidad iberoamericana, en el sentido de que los tipos de endorsements y el uso de testimoniales tienen implicaciones estratégicas muy interesantes para las marcas.
... Most politicians commonly posted their pencitraan in social media to establish engagement with their supporters and to get sympathy from the public so that they can boost more voters in the coming election. Academics pointed out a new phenomenon where a politician's figure plays a more prominent role instead of his/her political affiliation, and these academics regard this as politiciancelebrity and/or governmental issues personalization (Mcallister, 2007;Street, 2004). Political figures boost their social media to keep in touch more with their constituents. ...
Instagram serves as an example of the most famous social media platforms. Instagram, particularly for the executives, can favorably relate connections among politicians, voters, and other supportive or contending parties. The current research aimed to analyze the form of social criticism delivered by netizens on the comments towards three Indonesian politicians' Instagram posts, namely Anies Baswedan, Ridwan Kamil, and Ganjar Pranowo, who have millions of followers putting concerns towards what they did on Instagram. Besides, the research also aimed to identify some pedagogical implications of Instagram on language learning. A qualitative approach was employed to uncover the three dimensions of the discourse: positivism-empiricists, constructivism, and critical into one analysis unit or social cognition. The research found that netizens' comments were in line with the status postings of each of the governor published on Instagram, focus on the three governors' performance during their tenure, and affected by the background of the supporting parties. This research supports the idea that Instagram is a viable means of language learning because it can provide a meaningful context to learn a language.
CEL NAUKOWY: Badania wizerunków medialnych polityczek w kontekście zjawiska celebrytyzacji, będące próbą empirycznej weryfikacji spostrzeżeń Liesbet van Zoonen i pokazujące, jak celebrytyzacja rzutuje na wizerunki medialne polityczek. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Badanie oparto na wynikach analizy zawartości czterech polskich tygodników opinii „Newsweek Polska”, „Wprost”, „Polityka”, „Gazeta Polska” w wyselekcjonowanych zakresach czasowych, przypadających na lata 2000–2019. PROCES WYWODU: Ustalenia teoretyczne umożliwiły oznaczenie mierników celebrytyzacji w wizerunkach medialnych polityczek. W artykule skoncentrowano się na wskazaniu różnic między sławą a celebrytyzacją, pokazaniu elementów celebrytyzacji na skali kobiecości i męskości oraz określeniu dominującego modelu celebrytyzacji w wizerunkach medialnych polityczek polskich i zagranicznych. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Badanie umożliwiło weryfikację hipotez zakładających, że wizerunki polityczek konstruowano na podstawie elementów celebrytyzmu, które były wyraźniej widoczne w obrazach medialnych polityczek polskich niż zagranicznych, zaś dominującym modelem celebrytyzacji wizerunków polityczek jest model kobiety pielęgnującej i opiekuńczej. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Analiza zawartości pokazała, że działalność polityczna jest utożsamiana ze sławą, a nie z celebrytyzacją. Celebrytyzacja zbudowana z elementów usytuowanych na skali kobiecej służy dewaluacji pozycji kobiet w polityce, co szczególnie mocno dotyka polityczki polskie. Artykuł ma zwrócić uwagę na problem dyskryminacji kobiet w polityce oraz stanowić impuls dla dalszych rozważań na temat nierówności płciowych, z uwzględnieniem perspektywy politologiczno-medioznawczej.
The purpose of this study is to describe the emotions that dominated the political vocabulary used on Twitter during the Covid-19 epidemic by the leaders of the major Italian political parties, including Forza Italia, Movimento 5 Stelle, Fratelli d’Italia, Italia Viva, Lega, and Partito Democratico. We developed a 4-step analysis model based on Natural Language Processing (NLP) that combines: (1) Exploratory Textual Data Analysis; (2) Emotion Recognition (ER) for Italian language; (3) cross-tabulation coding between leaders and emotions; (4) the multivariate approach of Correspondence Analysis in order to determine the associations between politicians and four categories of emotions: anger, fear, sadness, and joy. Specifically, we contrasted the language utilized by Covid-19 leaders throughout the first and second waves. The results reveal an intriguing shift in the emotions communicated through political discourse between the first and second waves. Giorgia Meloni’s position as head of Fratelli d’Italia shifted significantly from fury to fear and grief, aligning her more with centrists and foreshadowing a serious rift in the right-wing and the balance of coalitions in the political arena. Giorgia Meloni became Italy’s Prime Minister in September 2022. This political success shows that the sentiment analysis done in this paper could be a good way to predict the future.
In the 2020 US presidential election, Misha Collins, star of the show Supernatural, endorsed Joe Biden for president and worked to support Biden’s campaign through interviews with campaign surrogates on Instagram Live and by phone banking on Zoom. In this study, we examine how fans made sense of Misha’s political action. While the political science and advertising literature on celebrity endorsements evaluates endorsements by the number of votes earned, we found that fans’ experience of Misha’s political advocacy was far more complicated than that. Our interviews with fans suggest that fans were ambivalent about Misha’s endorsements but enthusiastic about how Misha went about doing politics. Fans described a civic culture they co-constituted with Misha, defined by accepting and caring for other people, being authentic and genuine, and respecting disagreements. Fans described how these values were enacted both inside the fandom (in discussions of LGBTQ representation) and outside the fandom (in the 2020 US presidential election). Ultimately, fandom should be read as an important site of civic culture building—with implications for how fan cultures influence contemporary notions of citizenship, civic values, and political outcomes.
Music has been a part of US presidential contests since George Washington first campaigned across the newly independent nation. In time, the country grew, the voting public was augmented, and new technologies and industries were invented. In the midst of these changes, both small and profound, music remained constant, but its role and uses underwent transformation. This article examines three advertisements in Presidential campaigns during the mass media age, from 1960 to the present, where music culture was an essential element of the message. These examples, a pro-Civil Rights ad featuring Harry Belafonte for John F. Kennedy in 1960, Will.i.am’s “Yes, We Can” for Barack Obama in 2008, and a tweet by Dan Scavino, Trump’s social media coordinator in 2020, all differ in their media platform, content and relationship to voters. Each analysis centers the socio-economic changes that accompanied each period and examines the relationship between the production of knowledge in industrial and post-industrial capitalism. These ads, their content, appeal, and codes are read through theories of industrial and post-industrial epistemology. Here, music serves as an entry into understanding the effect that economic change has on cultural production and reception. Music is a necessary feature of campaigns, but as the production and reception of knowledge change, so does the use of music by campaigns. The efficacy of these three ads depends on different relationships among campaigns, voters, and cultural products, and this relationship is always affected by dominant modes of production.
The digital space has become indispensable for campaigns around the world. However, it is not obvious how digital influence translates to leverage on‐ground action, particularly in its impact on protest movements that challenge the status quo. In our study, we seek to clarify these conceptual issues with the idea of influence in digital politics and develop a framework to understand its institutional impact, particularly in the Global South. Taking two prominent movements, #BlackLivesMatter, which was successful in changing the state's policy on racism, and #AntiCAA in India, a similar movement that achieved less success, we develop a comparative framework that can be applied to understand the limits of digital influence in the Global South. Highlighting the difference in their institutional contexts, we show that digital influence emerges not only in terms of its positive impact but also in the negative impact it can have when the state and its institution seek to counter the protests.
Originating in social media, an unconventional gendered political persona, “hot Taiwanese girl (la tai mei),” of the incumbent President of Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen has become well-known in Taiwan and beyond. Drawing on frameworks of femininity in politics and political persona on social media, this study scrutinizes this persona as an empowering political tool. Using critical discourse analysis, this study examines Dwagie’s rap song, “Hot Taiwanese Girl,” where the persona was created and the media, cultural and political contexts to reveal that it was used to construct understandings about cross-strait conflicts, create a collective Taiwanese identity and win the political favor of voters in election campaigns of Tsai and the Democratic Progressive Party. While this served to subvert the stereotypes of women in politics, the power to interpret femininity remains in the masculine domain. Through the prism of the “hot Taiwanese girl,” this paper seeks to unravel the dynamics between femininity and politics, thereby exploring how the representation of femininity is contingent on the political agenda and its appeals to audiences.
This study explores the ways in which members of Congress cultivate their representational style via Twitter that helps to affect their political celebrity. Scholars have explored how elected officials craft representational styles to connect with their constituents. Social media has become a key medium through which representatives communicate with voters and enables them to court a constituency beyond their district’s geographic boundaries. This study seeks to extend the literature by examining how members of Congress use social media to craft an image and enhance their celebrity brand, and then assess this image in relation to representational style. Representatives like Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Rand Paul, for example, use social media to critique the opposing party and highlight policies, but do so in a manner that centers themselves in the narrative, either personally or professionally, thus enhancing their celebrity. This is an exploratory study that advances a framework to assess representational style through social media. The methodology includes an assessment of individual Twitter posts by the six most-followed members of Congress over a one-month span from February to March 2022 and categories them according to a particular type—work-talk, scandal, bitching, and chatting. This examination will further our understanding of what it means to be an effective representative in the age of celebrity politics and a gossip politic.
A particular target of gossip in the digital age is the ‘celebrity politician’, that is, politicians whose private life is scrutinised in similar ways to that of traditional celebrities, with similar issues foregrounded, such as their appearance and the state of their marriage or relationships. This chapter details a social semiotic method for understanding how commenters affiliate around YouTube gossip videos about celebrity politicians. It focuses on comment threads associated with YouTube gossip videos about US politicians’ marriages in order to illustrate how solidarity is enacted through the semiotic practice of gossiping via an appraisal and dialogic affiliation analysis. The particular comment threads analysed were sampled from the Nicki Swift YouTube gossip channel. This channel was selected as a case study because it is one of the most popular self-described YouTube gossip channels that focuses on both celebrities and politicians. The marriages of celebrity politicians that are discussed in the dataset include Donald Trump and Melania Trump, Joe Biden and Jill Biden, Kamala Harris and Douglas Emhoff, and Hillary Clinton and Bill Clinton. The social semiotic analysis undertaken in this study demonstrates the unfolding of gossip and its ramifications regarding the key social bonds at stake in this discourse. Social media users evaluate the marriages of celebrity politicians, bonding around shared speculations and conspiracy theories. The results of this study show a preference for negative gossip, thus understanding how this negativity generates attention is important in order to dismantle the cultural and economic systems that help fuel misinformation and conspiracy theories.
Microcelebrity involvement in politics has recently gained some attention in academic research but the emphasis is mainly on the microcelebrities that exist in settings where freedom of speech is protected. Whereas in settings like Turkey where explicit dissent is criminalised and denied public attention, digital spaces maintained by microcelebrities constitute an important site for dissident narratives gaining much needed visibility. At the same time, their visibility and reach put these accounts at a considerable risk of being detected and penalised by the authorities. In this thesis, I explore the ways Twitter microcelebrities partake in anti-government political talk on Turkish Twitter through an analysis of 97 microcelebrity accounts in the 3 months leading up to the 2018 presidential and parliamentary elections. This election period is particularly important as it took place under a state of emergency and during which the opposition parties were denied access to mass media, which meant that a large portion of political discourse was confined to online spaces. I find that despite the staggering risks, Twitter microcelebrities consistently framed partaking in anti-government political talk during elections as a duty for all microcelebrity accounts due to their ability to command public attention. In doing so, they distanced themselves from specific political parties and created narratives that appeal to a politically diverse audience by placing the emphasis on their common aim of replacing the AKP government. In fulfilling this demanding task, to mitigate the risk of lending visibility to potentially incriminating content, these accounts disguised their criticisms behind a creative language relying on their internet culture literacy and the vernacular of the oppositional subcultures in Turkey. I argue that while microcelebrity accounts promote a politics of recognition among politically diverse audiences and create a space for strategic unity, these evasion strategies that increasingly inform the conventions of political talk in online spaces, inevitably create a divide by giving political agency exclusively to those who are “in on” these online conventions.
In this chapter, starting from the concept of celebrity politics, various interactions between the musical and the political scenes will be explored, such as the endorsement of populist politicians by pop singers and/or the intervention of populist leaders in the music debate—relating them to the cultural and political opportunities of the Italian context and historical processes concerning the broader relation of music and politics. With the help of web data mining and experts interviews, we will delve into the most famous examples of Italian pop stars engaging in political debate, especially in relation to populist (and anti-populist) politics. By doing so, populist politicians intend to establish a connection with the people, by mostly performing ‘low’ sociocultural practices (Ostiguy P., Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford University Press, 2018).
In this chapter, after defining the main concepts (including populism and pop music), we shall discuss some analytical guidelines (at the macro, meso and micro levels) in order to explore the likely connection between popular music and populist politics. We shall also consider some main hypotheses (of the connection) from the literature on political mobilization and social movements (and protest music and/or music in politics) as well as research on parties and political communication, within which this research on the connection between popular music and populist politics is based. In addition to this, we will examine insights from cultural studies and sociology, which will help us to elucidate on the reception side. We will look specifically too at the influence of the political, cultural and ‘music market’ opportunities in the Italian national context where populist groups operate, the music that is listened to and the characteristics (material and symbolic resources) of the different types of populist organizations. Additionally, we will discuss the role of popular music as a space of affordance (of political engagement), emotions and political participation, music as a collective ritual and celebrity politics. We shall continue the chapter by describing the research methods and empirical material (sources) on which this book is based, and we will conclude with an overview of the content of the volume.
This chapter discusses the increasing percentage of journalists in the Greek Parliament compared with other professions. The extent of career cross‐over from journalism to politics in Greece is explained by the growing influence of media in contemporary democracies and the impact of the resources of reputation, epistemic power, and expertise that can be capitalized by journalists. Data retrieved over the past 30 years confirm changes in the professions of MPs: the decreasing presence of traditionally represented professions (such as lawyers) and increasing presence of newly represented professions (such as journalists) is in line with professional transformations that have characterized the parliaments of European countries throughout the twentieth century. The analysis is based on two components. Our first aim is to identify patterns of political representation between new and traditional professions (levels of education, age, gender, parliamentary terms, party career, etc.). Second, we aim to present a typology of journalists’ career patterns. Our findings show the different types of capital working for entry into parliament: personal capital based on reputation and epistemic power, which lead to eligibility and delegated capital that is based on investment in political posts, further leading to re-election and governability. Journalists tend to hold the first type of capital.KeywordsJournalistsTraditional professionsPolitical parallelismPersonal capital
Social media brings to the forefront two very important factors to today's politics: the prominent role of the internet and the importance of personalisation which is closely tied to a tendency of political candidates to overexpose their private lives. This does not mean that the candidate becomes more relevant than the political party or the ideological platforms thereof, but the interest tends to fall on the candidate's lifestyle; on their personal characteristics and their most intimate surroundings, which blurs the line between the public and private spheres. Online profiles are used as a showcase for the public agenda of the politician at the same time as they gather, on a daily basis, the thoughts, tastes and leisure time activities of the candidates. This chapter offers a reflection of the ways in which political leaders develop their digital narratives, and how they use the social media environment to approach citizens.
This article presents and adopts a new definition of the popularization of political communication, which is defined as a strategic communicative action through which political actors try to create new connections with those citizens who do not still know, follow and support them and to emotionally strengthen the political bond with their current sympathizers. Second, a comparative analysis of the Facebook pages of the main political leaders of 31 countries shows that the popularization of political communication is a relevant phenomenon on Facebook, while a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) indicates that the presence of a presidential system, a high digitalization of the media system, and a high level of trust in political institutions are three sufficient conditions for a “pop” communication on Facebook. Finally, the article identifies and discusses its main properties and development under the current hybrid media system.
In this article, the author takes issue with the common understanding of television as a medium detrimental to the maintenance and encouragement of political citizenship. Starting from the immense popularity of participatory television genres such as Big Brotherand Pop Idol, she examines in the article whether there is any relevance in these zeniths of audience activity for understanding and advancing political activity and involvement. The author argues that there is a threedimensional similarity between the fan communities around entertainment ‘genres’ (whether they are stars, programmes or styles) and the political constituencies around candidates, parties or ideologies. The analogy between the two is structural to begin with: both come into being as a result of performance. Second, fan communities and political constituencies resemble each other in terms of activity: both are concerned with knowledge, discussion, participation, imagination of alternatives, and implementation. Finally, both rest on similar emotional investments that are intrinsically linked to rationality, and lead – in concert – to ‘affective intelligence’. The representation of politics on television, while generally thought to be dismally and destructively entertaining, can be seen as provoking the ‘affective intelligence’ that is vital to keep political involvement and activity going.
This book offers a novel account of key features of modern representative democracy. Working from the rational actor tradition, it builds a middle ground between orthodox political theory and the economic analysis of politics. Standard economic models of politics emphasise the design of the institutional devices of democracy as operated by essentially self-interested individuals. This book departs from that model by focusing on democratic desires alongside democratic devices, stressing that important aspects of democracy depend on the motivation of democrats and the interplay between devices and desires. Individuals are taken to be not only rational, but also somewhat moral. The authors argue that this approach provides access to aspects of the debate on democratic institutions that are beyond the narrowly economic model. They apply their analysis to voting, elections, representation, political departments and the separation and division of powers, providing a wide-ranging discussion of the design of democratic institutions.
This article examines two houses, next door to each other but almost on different planets. The first is the Big Brother House, which appears to reflect the lives of ordinary people and as a result attracts large audiences with its appearance of authenticity. The second, the House of Commons, appears remote, buttoned-up and insulated from the concerns of the electorate which it is supposed to represent. It reflects on the social characteristics, perceptions, and beliefs of two ‘tribes’: the Big Brother viewers on the one hand and the Political Junkies or House of Commons watchers on the other. It discusses why there is such a gulf between these two tribes and how that might be bridged in the future.
It is often said that politics is an amoral realm of power and interest in which moral judgment is irrelevant. In this book, by contrast, John Kane argues that people's positive moral judgments of political actors and institutions provide leaders with an important resource, which he christens 'moral capital'. Negative judgements cause a loss of moral capital which jeopardizes legitimacy and political survival. Studies of several historical and contemporary leaders - Lincoln, de Gaulle, Mandela, Aung San Suu Kyi - illustrate the significance of moral capital for political legitimation, mobilizing support, and the creation of strategic opportunities. In the book's final section, Kane applies his arguments to the American presidency from Kennedy to Clinton. He argues that a moral crisis has afflicted the nation at its mythical heart and has been refracted through and enacted within its central institutions, eroding the moral capital of government and people and undermining the nation's morale.
This book, first published in 2000, offers an account of key features of modern representative democracy. Working from the rational actor tradition, it builds a middle ground between orthodox political theory and the economic analysis of politics. Standard economic models of politics emphasise the design of the institutional devices of democracy as operated by essentially self-interested individuals. This book departs from that model by focusing on democratic desires alongside democratic devices, stressing that important aspects of democracy depend on the motivation of democrats and the interplay between devices and desires. Individuals are taken to be not only rational, but also somewhat moral. The authors argue that this approach provides access to aspects of the debate on democratic institutions that are beyond the narrowly economic model. They apply their analysis to voting, elections, representation, political departments and the separation and division of powers, providing a wide-ranging discussion of the design of democratic institutions.
It is not customary to regard Thomas Hobbes as a theorist particularly concerned with representation. Hardly any of the traditional commentaries on his thought even acknowledge that he mentions the term; and the index to Molesworth's standard edition of Hobbes's English works contains no reference to it. But the fact is that representation plays a central role in the Leviathan ; and Hobbes's analysis of the concept is among the most serious, systematic and challenging in the history of political philosophy. It is an analysis both temptingly plausible and, as I hope to show, peculiarly wrong. And the ways in which it is wrong are intimately related to what is most characteristic and peculiar in the Hobbesian political argument.
The shift from ideological politics to politics dominated by the media is characterized by Kundera as the rise of imagology. In Habermas's terms, imagology contributes to the systematic distortion of communication and impoverishes politics by undermining critical public reasoning. His view is shared by much recent research on the media and political communication. Deliberative democracy is proposed by Habermas and others as an antidote to imagology. This paper argues that the above line of reasoning errs by assuming that critical reasoning must take the form of verbal argumentation. This assumption leads commentators to over-emphasize the differences between systematic verbal presentation of ideas (ideologies) and visual and narrative representations (imagologies). Following Jameson and Hall, both forms can be understood as ideology in a Marxist sense. Rather than denigrating images as foreign to rational reflection, it is argued with reference to W. J. T. Mitchell that images are as amenable to critical interpretation as verbal argument.
An engagement with the terms of mediated persona is central to the understanding of contemporary political culture. Persona poses questions about the nature of political identity, political performance and the linkage with different media forms and conventions. It also connects directly with the nature of modern political sentiment and with the various articulations of the political within the popular. This article provides a schematic exploration of some of the primary factors at work in the fashioning of political persona, examining the broader implications of shifts in the styling of political personhood. It suggests the value of further historical and case-study work, opening up the neglected cultural and affective dimension of the formal political process.
Say somethin' positive, well positive ain't where I live
I live around the corner from West Hell
Two blocks from South Shit and once in a jail cell
The sun never shined on my side of the street, see?
(Naughty By Nature, ‘Ghetto Bastard (Everything's Gonna Be Alright)’, 1991, Isba/Tommy Boy Records)
If you're from Compton you know it's the 'hood where it's good
(Compton's Most Wanted, ‘Raised in Compton’, 1991, Epic/Sony)
Introduction
Hip hop's capacity to circumvent the constraints and limiting social conditions of young Afro-American and Latino youths has been examined and celebrated by cultural critics and scholars in various contexts since its inception in the mid-1970s. For instance, the 8 February 1999 issue of US magazine Time featured a cover photo of ex-Fugees and five-time Grammy award winner Lauryn Hill with the accompanying headline ‘Hip-Hop Nation: After 20 Years – how it's changed America’. Over the years, however, there has been little attention granted to the implications of hip hop's spatial logics. Time 's coverage is relatively standard in perceiving the hip hop nation as a historical construct rather than a geo-cultural amalgamation of personages and practices that are spatially dispersed.
Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy remains one of the greatest works of social theory written in the twentieth Century. Schumpeter's contention that the seeds of capitalism's decline were internal, and his equal and opposite hostility to centralist socialism have perplexed, engaged and infuriated readers since the book's first publication in 1943. By refusing to become an advocate for either position, Schumpeter was able both to make his own great and original contribution and to clear the way for a more balanced consideration of the most important social movements of his and our time.
Representation is more than a matter of elections and parties. This book offers a radical new perspective on the subject. Representation, it argues, is all around us, a dynamic practise across societies rather than simply a fixed feature of government. At the heart of the argument is the straightforward but versatile notion of the representative claim. People claim to speak or stand for others in multiple, shifting, and surprising patterns. At the same time they offer images of their constituents and audiences as artists paint portraits. Who can speak for and about us in this volatile world of representations? Which representative claims can have democratic legitimacy? The Representative Claim is set to transform our core assumptions about what representation is and can be. At a time when political representation is widely believed to be in crisis, the book provides a timely and critical corrective to conventional wisdom on the present and potential future of representative democracy.
Simultaneously celebrated and denigrated, celebrities represent not only the embodiment of success, but also the ultimate construction of false value. Celebrity and Power questions the impulse to become embroiled with the construction and collapse of the famous, exploring the concept of the new public intimacy: A product of social media in which celebrities from Lady Gaga to Barack Obama are expected to continuously campaign for audiences in new ways. In a new Introduction for this edition, P. David Marshall investigates the viewing public’s desire to associate with celebrity and addresses the explosion of instant access to celebrity culture, bringing famous people and their admirers closer than ever before. © 2014 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota. All rights reserved.
Contemporary political philosophy disregards history as irrelevant to the nature of politics and to what constitutes a political problem. The author argues that this view reduces politics and political philosophy to a vapid academic game that is insensitive to both the essence and practice of politics. He proposes that an indissoluble link between history and politics lies in the notion of representation. ---------- Frank Ankersmit is Professor of History at the University of Groningen, The Netherlands. Among his many books are Historical Representation (Stanford, 2001) and Aesthetic Politics: Political Philosophy Beyond Fact and Value (Stanford, 1997). ---------- This ambitious work aims to reintroduce history into political theory. Contemporary political philosophyââ¬âliberalism, communitarianism, and republicanismââ¬âdisregards history because it is irrelevant to the nature of politics and to what constitutes a political problem. The author argues that this view reduces politics and political philosophy to a vapid academic game that is insensitive to both the essence and practice of politics. He proposes that an indissoluble link between history and politics lies in the notion of representation. Since history represents the past, and the core of democratic politics resides in political representation, the author sees representation as the common ground of history and politics. He welcomes, analyzes, and elaborates all the aestheticist connotations of representation. The history of Machiavellianism demonstrates how influential the impact of history has been on political thought, ironically resulting in the repression of history from philosophical reflection on the nature of politics. Historicist political philosophy is distinguished from its anti-historicist rival in terms of the distinction between historicist compromise and anti-historicist consensus, as seen in the work of Rawls and Rorty. Compromise is shown to be politically creative and open-minded, whereas consensus is conservative and totalitarian. Finally, the author argues that respect is the supreme democratic virtue, and that historicist political philosophy respects ââ¬Årespect,ââ¬? while its anti-historicist rival has no rivals between disrespect and indifference.
Research into major party behaviour in Britain from a political marketing perspective finds that political marketing is broad in scope and offers fresh analytical tools to explain how political organizations behave. It is nevertheless a marriage between political science and marketing. It borrows the core marketing concepts of product, sales and market-orientation, and techniques such as market intelligence, and adapts them to suit traditional tenets of political science to produce an integrated theoretical framework. A party that takes a product-orientation argues for what it stands for and believes in. A Sales-Orientated party focuses on selling its argument and product to voters. A Market-Orientated party designs its behaviour to provide voter satisfaction. Exploring these three orientations demonstrates that political marketing can be applied to a wide range of behaviour and suggests its potential to be applied to several areas of political studies.
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