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Getting By the Occupation: How Violence Became Normal During the Second Palestinian Intifada

Article

Getting By the Occupation: How Violence Became Normal During the Second Palestinian Intifada

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Abstract

The second Palestinian intifada against Israeli occupation, which began in September 2000, saw Palestinian areas repeatedly invaded and shelled by Israeli forces. A long history of war and targeted cities is told along the thoroughfares of Palestinian towns; memories of past battles and defeats inscribed in street signs recall massacres in places like Tel Al-Za'atar and Deir Yasin. But recent events were more important than any official marker and formed the most relevant base by which Palestinians organized their lives. Commemorative cultural production and basic acts of physically getting around that became central to the spatial and social practices by which reorientation and adaptation to violence occurred in the occupied Palestinian territories. This article analyzes the spaciotemporal, embodied, and symbolic aspects of the experience of violence, and the political significance of cultural practices whereby violence is routinized. Such an approach provides a lens onto the power of violence in Israel's colonial project in the occupied territories that neither necessitates an assumption that violence is all determining of Palestinian experience, nor a championing of every act of Palestinian survival as heroic resistance. Memorialization that occurs in storytelling, in visual culture, in the naming of places and moving through spaces is one way in which this happens. The concept of “getting by” captures the many spatial and commemorative forms by which Palestinians manage everyday survival. The kind of agency that is entailed in practices whereby people manage, get by, adapt, and the social significance of getting used to it may be somewhat nebulous and unobtrusive as it develops in the shadow of spectacular battles and bloodshed. I demonstrate that this routinization of violence in and of itself, the fact of getting by, just existing in an everyday way, is socially and politically significant in Palestine.

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... In drawing attention to the ways Mutuwall residents navigate dispossession, I take inspiration from recent studies which have examined subtle forms of compliance, consent and acceptance which characterize urban residents' ways of relating to oppressive conditions (eg. Harms 2012, Zeiderman 2016, Melly 2013, Pettit 2018, de Boeck 2011, Harker 2011, Allen 2008. The lens of navigation, as I use it, highlights both temporal and spatial dimensions of dispossession which are familiar from other accounts of urban displacement in the scholarly literature, but also diverge from it in important ways. ...
... Residents quietly "continue to continue" (Harker forthcoming, Simone 2014). Rather than fighting dispossession, they simply "deal with" it (Harker 2011) or find creative ways of "getting by" (Allen 2008).xvii This is particularly evident in William's story, which highlights the importance of strategies such as alternating fishing with other jobs or migrating as modes of survival in uncertain times. ...
... xvi Serena Tennekoon (1988) suggested that development was the most important agenda of the Sri Lankan state; though it was briefly replaced by the national security agenda, ultimately she argues that development has been the structuring logic/drive of postcolonial Sri Lanka. xvii Harker (2011 and forthcoming) and Allen (2008) develop their concepts of "dealing with," "enduring" and "getting by" respectively through ethnographic research in Palestine, detailing the effects of Israeli occupation. It is worth noting that these related terms spring from a distinct empirical context, specifically one of settler-colonial violence in which those who deploy these forms of survival are understood as non-citizens. ...
Article
This article explores how residents of a small coastal fishing enclave in Colombo live with cumulative waves of dispossession brought on by exclusionary projects of urban development. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, I introduce the analytic of navigation to describe how people move, plan and live with both present and future threats of dispossession. Navigation offers a unique perspective on questions of agency and resistance in oppressive conditions. Rather than framing subjects as “resisting” projects of world‐class city‐making, this analysis shows that urban residents instead engage in complex and occasionally contradictory modes of living with uncertainty. I complicate existing understandings of the term “navigation” by describing how questions of nation and belonging are crucial to comprehending how people navigate. Ultimately, I suggest that expressions of belonging and obligation to an imagined community might not only be strategic, but instead reflect some of the broader social forces which structure possibilities for action.
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Article
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Article
Studying the inter-play between social capital and corruption aversion in a context subject to institutional dysfunctions like the Palestinian Territories may help understand mechanisms of governance and institutional legitimacy. By using a unique survey conducted in 2007 in the Palestinian Territories, we find that corruption aversion increases with civic spirits and is lower among individuals involved in voluntary activities. Furthermore, corruption aversion and social capital increase with institutional trust and the importance of the rule of law. These results are integrated within the current debate on the role that identity-based motivations of moral solidarity play in supporting institutional legitimacy.
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Article
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How do we identify and understand transformative agency in the quotidian that is not contained in formal, or even informal structures? This article investigates the ordinary agency of Palestinian inhabitants in the violent context of the divided city of Jerusalem. Through a close reading of three ethnographic moments I identify creative micropractices of negotiating the separation barrier that slices through the city. To conduct this analytical work I propose a conceptual grid of place, body and story through which the everyday can be grasped, accessed and understood. ‘Place’ encompasses the understanding that the everyday is always located and grounded in materiality; ‘body’ takes into account the embodied experience of subjects moving through this place; and ‘story’ refers to the narrative work conducted by human beings in order to make sense of our place in the world. I argue that people can engage in actions that function both as coping mechanisms (and may even support the upholding of status quo), and as moments of formulating and enacting agential projects with a more or less intentional transformative purpose. This insight is key to understanding the generative capacity of everyday agency and its importance for the macropolitics of peace and conflict.
... The focus of the research in this paper is thus concentrated on the practices of hope in the vulnerable parts of the occupied West Bank with the objective, following Ghassan Hage's suggestion, of exploring agency at sites where one hardly expects to find any space left for agential manoeuvre (2009,(100)(101). Hope in this formulation can emerge from (close to) hopeless, even desperate, conditions and (yet) connects to affirming practices towards everyday modes of 'getting by' and staying with the trouble in the hyperprecarious sites produced by the occupation (Allen 2008;Griffiths 2017;Hage 2009;Joronen and Griffiths 2019). ...
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Article
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In this article we sketch out a geography of hope in Palestine. We focus on ‘hyperprecarious’ sites, exactly those where exposure to harm is heightened and where thus reasons not to hope seem plentiful. Focusing on fieldwork at such sites, we examine hope as a temporal practice of waiting, attending especially to how a ‘moment to come’ (kairos) constitutes and affirms anti-colonial practices and topologies of everyday Palestinian life. Hope in the cases we discuss is not simply a positive orientation to the future, but an experience of kairo-logical time that ties hopeful waiting to topo-logical practices that disrupt the space-times of the Israeli occupation, and the horizon of hopelessness it creates for Palestinians. We propose that attending to kairos and topos can therefore reveal the ways that together they can operate as conditions of possibility, as a ‘moment’ and ‘place’, for time-spaces to come forth anew, and so as structuring conditions for everyday Palestinian hope for life that is irreducible to the systematic subjugation and violence of the occupation.
... Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved Articles NAture HumAN BeHAvIOur may acclimate to conflict [37][38][39] . However, in the context of the prolonged and pervasive Afghan conflict, we take this as evidence that people are more likely to flee their homes after recent and sustained violence but may be willing to withstand 'idiosyncratic' violence. ...
... NAture HumAN BeHAvIOur may acclimate to conflict [37][38][39] . However, in the context of the prolonged and pervasive Afghan conflict, we take this as evidence that people are more likely to flee their homes after recent and sustained violence but may be willing to withstand 'idiosyncratic' violence. ...
Article
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Nearly 50 million people globally have been internally displaced due to conflict, persecution and human rights violations. However, the study of internally displaced persons—and the design of policies to assist them—is complicated by the fact that these people are often underrepresented in surveys and official statistics. We develop an approach to measure the impact of violence on internal displacement using anonymized high-frequency mobile phone data. We use this approach to quantify the short- and long-term impacts of violence on internal displacement in Afghanistan, a country that has experienced decades of conflict. Our results highlight how displacement depends on the nature of violence. High-casualty events, and violence involving the Islamic State, cause the most displacement. Provincial capitals act as magnets for people fleeing violence in outlying areas. Our work illustrates the potential for non-traditional data sources to facilitate research and policymaking in conflict settings.
... As Ghazi-Walid Falah (2003) has shown, targeting of the Arab-Palestinian population in the occupied territories and Israel proper through "zoning", "enclavization/exclavization" and "spatial segregation" policies has a long history that can be dated to before the 1967 occupation of the Palestinian Territories (on the role of the British Mandate regulations, see Abdo 2011;Gordon 2008). While Falah's focus on zoning reveals the colonial processes that effect the overall "shrinking" of Palestinian land in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the creation of zones, I argue, also allows Israel to flexibly implement colonial processes through several informal and indirect site-specific practices. ...
... The re-zoning of the Jerusalem district, which also impinged on several other West Bank communities around East Jerusalem (see Chiodelli 2017;Jabareen 2010;Yiftachel 2009), had a significant impact on Al-Walaja, particularly after Israel formalised Jerusalem as its united capital in 1980. Although much has been written about the colonial aims and "creeping urban apartheid" of the Israeli planning system (Yiftachel 2009), and the complex entanglement of racist goals to rational-comprehensive and neoliberal planning in East Jerusalem (Abdo 2011;Braier 2013;Wari 2011), Al-Walaja offers one of the sites for looking at the devastating consequences these plans, particularly the "Jerusalem 2000 plan", 2 have had for the surrounding West Bank communities. Despite being forcefully annexed to Jerusalem, residents of the Jerusalem part of Al-Walaja (the Ain Jawaizeh neighbourhood) have not been offered Israeli citizenship or Jerusalem IDs (a residency permit with limited rights issued to Palestinians in East Jerusalem; see Tawil-Souri 2012). ...
Article
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This paper examines the ways in which colonial violence is transformed and spatialised into negotiated precarities at the occupied Palestine. The notion of “negotiated precarity” is developed herein, to refer to two aspects in particular. First, to spatial compartmentalisation, which shows how the settler colonial power operates by creating precarious administrative zones, where the life of the colonised becomes prone to several flexible, negotiated uses of power. Second, negotiated precarity is used to refer to the conduct of the colonised that counters, transforms, redirects, cancels or hampers the colonial spatialisations of power. By focusing on the “negotiated precarities” in a singular West Bank village, I exemplify how the colonial governing is entwined with spatial compartments that enable several informal, indirect and ad hoc techniques of colonial violence, but also how the colonial governing is constantly mobilised, negotiated, countered and redirected in/through the everyday Palestinian spaces.
... Any account of the physical realities and the lived realities of Palestinians happens (Allen 2008) in the context of the apparent Israeli (or Zionist) mission over the last half-century; the literature is, however, sparse and the language is emotive (Veracini 2013), but the Zionist position, dating back more than a century, is encapsulated in: ...
Article
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Unlike most neighbouring countries in the world, teachers in the occupied territories of Palestine face extraordinary conditions and challenges. These are due to the continued Israeli occupation. This article reports on a large-scale survey of Palestinian teachers. It explores the impact of the occupation on the professional lives of the teachers around Nablus, and indirectly on their students and communities , and on their digital responses. Follow-up focus groups explore their feelings, experiences and reactions, providing greater insights into this complex and troubling situation. The article underpins further work on appropriate digital literacy. It does however also provide an insight into the challenges to rigorous fieldwork outside the mainstream of the developed North and specifically in a region of conflict and occupation.
... Studies of the restrictions imposed on Palestinian movement have noted their effects on Palestinian temporality (i.e. Allen 2008;Backmann 2010;Fieni 2014). Several scholars see the Israeli mobility regime as creating two distinct temporalities, one for Palestinians and another for Jewish Israelis, often noting that the two are relational (Weizman 2007;Handel 2009;Parizot 2009;Pullan 2013a;Tawil-Souri 2017;Peteet 2018). ...
Article
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In East Jerusalem two seemingly antithetical temporal regimes are at work. On the one hand, access to the city is disrupted by time that expands and contracts arbitrarily. This impedes movement, makes even the immediate future difficult to predict, and disconnects many Palestinian residents, particularly those on the outskirts of the city beyond the Separation Wall, from Jerusalem in both the short and the long term. Read as a deliberate ‘deregulation’, temporality thus feeds into Israel’s demographic aims of excluding Palestinians from the city. On the other hand, increased speed, timeliness and synchronisation are used to formalise and normalise Palestinian mobilities, as I show using the case of the Ramallah-Jerusalem Bus Company. This furthers the fifty-year project of Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem by linking and incorporating Palestinian movements into the circulations of the Israeli city. The de/regulation of urban rhythms enabled by this infrastructure of control serves to advance Israeli policy aims in the city by modulating degrees of connection to the city. The article reads this dual regime as reflecting the ambivalent status of Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents, who nonetheless seek to resist and mitigate the effects of both exclusionary and incorporative temporality.
... This perpetual attack on the mundane aspects of daily lives, Bleibleh accurately captures, is 'causing the slow but cruel suffocation of normalcy' (Bleibleh, 2015, p. 168). Faced with this chaos of a mundane existence, 'getting by', Allen argues, has become the only option to manage everyday survival (Allen, 2008). ...
Article
The West Bank wall is a contemporary manifestation of the protracted violence in the Israel-Palestine conflict. Yet, the Israeli state-promoted discourse has detached the wall’s construction from the conceptualization of violence. It has achieved this by relying on the employment of the traditional conceptualization of the violence, governed by the regimes of instantaneity, visibility and physicality. Embracing Johan Galtung’s concept of structural violence, the paper problematizes the restricted understanding of the notion. It draws attention to the politics of conceptualizing violence and explores various nexuses between the modalities of violence and the production and governance of conflict ‘realities’, as well as the regimes of legitimacy, accountability and responsibility. The paper argues that the discursive inequalities in the representation of violence in the conflict are not independent from the material power of the Israeli occupation regime; they constitute an extension of Israel’s dominant status, and as such should be analysed as an intentional strategy that enables and legitimizes the occupation.
... A separate strand of literature, put forward by anthropologists with a keen eye on everyday practices and perceptions, looks at how violence becomes routinized or normalized in communities (Allen, 2008;Borell, 2008;Liebes & Kampf, 2007). The media plays an important role as communicator of violence in this set-up (Liebes & Kampf, 2007). ...
Article
Studies about Islamist‐inspired terror attacks in the Western world have identified a recently declining impact on public opinion. What explains this development? I argue that the wider audience of terrorist attacks has become desensitized. Cognitive desensitization occurs when citizens increasingly expect an attack, reducing the likelihood of attitudinal change. Emotional desensitization occurs when audiences lose sensitivity to attacks, tempering emotional arousal. To assess the implications of desensitization, I analyze a survey conducted around the Berlin Christmas market attack in 2016 and account for baseline information of the surveyed individuals, an approach not used before due to data limitations. I find that attitudes like trust in government, national identification, and views of Islam remain unchanged. Sadness and anger are heightened in the immediate aftermath of the attack. The wider German audience may thus have expected an attack but still be emotionally sensitive to it in the short term. These findings are relevant as political leaders have justified important policy changes in fields like migration and even war making with reference to supposed shifts in public opinion after attacks.
... Crucially, I discuss everyday resistance as intentional tactics distinct from compliance; although compliance may be a veritable strategy for individual prisoners within and beyond the Palestinian context for 'getting by' (Allen 2008), or resisting for survival (Buntman 2003, Bosworth 1996, the tactics discussed here, though relatively restrained, were organised, deliberate, and collectively strategic. It should also be noted that the tactics discussed here were mostly conceived and coordinated by the prisoners themselves, rather than by external factions or political parties. ...
Article
Studies on prison-based resistance often focus, understandably, on the phenomenon of hunger strikes. However, most collective hunger strikes are preceded and complemented by other types of resistance, including the formation of alternative institutions and various forms of non-cooperation. These everyday acts of resistance, usually unpublicised, form a necessary foundation for the organisation of sustained hunger strikes, and are also ends in themselves in terms of maintaining prisoners’ sense of dignity and frustrating the intended order of the prison authority. In this article, I use the Palestinian prisoners’ movement as a case study to explore how prisoners’ everyday acts of resistance, including the establishment of a “counterorder” of parallel institutions, the development of a political education system, and day-to-day non-cooperation, are crucial for maintaining a sense of agency, gaining rights, and transforming power relations within, and at times, beyond the prison space. Using Johansson and Vinthagen’s (2020, 2016) model of everyday resistance, the research demonstrates how extending the repertoire of prison-based tactics beyond hunger strikes facilitates the subversion of both the spatial and temporal boundaries of the prison to allow for a disruption of the intended power dynamics established by the state.
... 50 Daily acts of survival in Palestine have always reflected and built agency, power, and connection. 51 These factors-solidarity and action-underlie healing, as liberation psychology instructs. 52 From the rapidly expanding body of liberation psychology scholarship, 53 we can derive many lessons. ...
... 50 Daily acts of survival in Palestine have always reflected and built agency, power, and connection. 51 These factors-solidarity and action-underlie healing, as liberation psychology instructs. 52 From the rapidly expanding body of liberation psychology scholarship, 53 we can derive many lessons. ...
Article
The Covid-19 pandemic has laid bare the devastating and disproportionate effects of structures of violence that produce vulnerability in communities of color globally, including with respect to mental health-care provision. While coping and resilience are dominant mainstream frameworks to understand mental health in crisis—both in Palestine and elsewhere—the three contributors to this roundtable were asked to offer a rejoinder to that approach. They reflect on the pandemic as an opportunity to revisit how we understand and advocate for critical approaches to mental health in Palestine in the midst of prolonged crisis.
... Within the social sciences, the effects of war and occupation in Palestine have mainly been addressed in terms of political resistance and formation of a national social memory (Allen, 2006(Allen, , 2008(Allen, , 2009Hajjar, 2005;Khalili, 2007;Sa'di and Abu-Lughod, 2007). Meanwhile, less attention has been paid to describing and analysing Palestinian lives in terms of the daily routines, through which occupation and collective violence manifest themselves in people's lives (Segal, 2016;Taraki, 2006). ...
Article
In this article, we propose that coping is not only an individual property but also a structural feature. Coping shapes what is referred to in social network theory as multiplex networks, which are based on relations with multiple functions, values and meanings. Focus groups with adult Palestinians were held and content analysed. Five main coping strategies were identified: (a) creating cultural and religious meaning; (b) individualism to collectivism; (c) normalization and habituation; (d) belonging, acceptance, expectation and readiness; and (e) social support. Participants also reported culture-specific expressions for indicating psychological distress. Implications for cultural informed clinical work are then discussed.
... Нормално у друштвеном и културном смислу, дакле, није само оно што се сматра позитивно нормираним и санкционисаним, у рецимо правном и економском смислу, и не односи се искључиво на преовлађујуће културне вредности и идеје, нити на индивидуално понашање у складу с њима (Žikić 2011). Социокултурна нормалност односи се на све то, али схваћено у кључу уобичајеног и неометаног одвијања свакодневног живота, односно активности (Allen 2008). У антропологији је одавно присутно сазнање о томе да се друштвени живот одвија у фазама рутине и ритуала, односно свакодневног и обредног или празничног организовања активности. ...
Article
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The situation caused by the appearance of Covid-19 can be viewed as a critical event: typologically, it is an unprecedented event, which requires and shapes new forms of historical action hitherto unknown in the given context. Critical events serve as strong value and emotional landmarks in the cultural cognition of each social environment, and form the basis for a meaningful determination towards other events. Using material collected primarily from the online versions of electronic and printed media, we consider how the reality they presented is shaped through the news through the statements of politicians and medical doctors in Serbia. We trace how the narrative transformation of socio-cultural reality took place from the time before the of Covid-19 outbreak in our country to the time immediately after the lifting of the state of emergency declared due to that infection. The premise of all that is being done to tackle the infection is not a purpose in itself, but aims to enable a return to the life we were accustomed to before the outbreak of the epidemic. Covid-19 destabilizes our everyday life – a life that consists of work or study, use of free time, socializing etc. Such everyday life is a reference point of "normalcy". Socio-cultural normalcy refers to all that is understood as a normal and undisturbed course of everyday life. The appearance of Covid-19 gave rise to the notion of the "new normal", that is, a course of everyday life that is similar to normal, ordinary life, but with adherence to measures aimed at preventing the spread of infection by the authorities. In the paper we deal with the period that begins just before the outbreak of Covid-19 in our country, and ends with the period after the lifting of the state of emergency, to show the discursively produced picture of social reality in which the concept of the "new normal" serves as a cultural cognitive tool for understanding a situation in which one has to live with Covid-19 in order to one day be able to return to the way of life that existed before it.
... The HR vernacular of witnessing and testimony in Israel/Palestine has standard ized the event as unfolding in witnesses' homes, usually with certain characteristics of a social gathering that parallel the inquisitive aspect of witnessing and testimony. The violence of the occupation that is testified about -a shadow under which Palestini ans' everyday lives persist (Allen 2008;Kelly 2008) and that shifts between structural pervasiveness and painful eruption -is coupled with and partially countered by such gatherings and practices. Witnessing and testimony are thus a dominant political idiom in Israel/Palestine (Aboubakr 2019;Bishara 2006;Collins 2004;Shalev 2016;Stein 2012): they are recurring (intimately known through individual participation) and mediatized (and hence widely familiar; cf. ...
Article
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This article shows that human rights NGOs sustain their relevance not by producing testimony texts and witness subject positions, but rather through the social and performative dimensions of events in which witnessing is transformed into testimony. The interactional dimensions between witness and documenter are usually omitted from textual representations due to NGOs’ rigid bureaucratic writing, and are also largely overlooked by scholars. Witnessing and testimony are analysed as spatiotemporal sites and occasions of contending with violence and colonialism. Through the peculiar case of Palestinian witnesses and Israeli NGOs’ sustained commitment to witnessing and testimony, despite shared acknowledgement of the failures of human rights, the event is theorized as malleable enough to be reshaped by its participants. These additional interactional layers may undermine the very logics of human rights witnessing and testimony.
... They achieved this by staying in their homeland or by doing almost everything they could to return. As endurance is deemed an act of resistance for the Palestinians in exile (Allen 2008), their return and the original residents of Haifa remaining was an act of resistance against attempts at physical elimination. ...
Chapter
History is written by the victors, cities are likewise built by the victors; and the history of Haifa, “the city of peace and coexistence” has been blotted out by the victors who have silenced the story of the Arab Haifa and the narratives of its original residents. In the absence of a Palestinian archive, the oral history methodology has become of utmost importance for the documentation of the Palestinians’ life before and throughout the Nakba, especially the life of the marginalized communities. This article is derived from the argument that the Palestinian Nakba did not end in 1948 and that it has been a systematic practice rather than a sole event. To better comprehend its continuous reality, special attention should be paid to those who remained in Palestine following the occupation. As in historical narratives based on oral history, this article addresses a specific subject in terms of time and space, and presents the experience and life of urban Palestinians who remained in Haifa after the Nakba. The article does not attempt to portray the pre-Nakba and post-Nakba life in Haifa. Yet, by shedding light on the life of the remaining townspeople, as portrayed in their memory, the article contributes to historicizing the different aspects of this population’s life, that is still absent from Palestinian and global studies. This article is based on the explicit and concealed contents of the oral testimonies with 12 Palestinian residents of Haifa, in addition to few more published testimonies. In addition to archival documents this article tells the story of Haifa from the perspectives of its indigenous Palestinian residents. It places a special emphasis on the meaning of the Nakba that their city has gone through; why did they leave/stay and the ways they resisted the attempts to eliminate them during and following the Nakba. Moreover, the present article divulges the reality of their lives, highlighting the changes that occurred in their everyday life from their own perspective, and the present-absent “silence box” of their stories.
... In these ways, Palestinians were "getting by," to use Lori Allen's felicitous phrase, even though they were not resisting in a direct or organized way. 52 They were not only getting by the overt violence and dislocation of the occupation, as Allen emphasizes and as was especially evident after violent incidents and heightened security near their workplaces. They were also getting by the social forms of constraint and policing that customers and managers imposed on their everyday practices and social ties within the store. ...
Article
A careful examination of Palestinian service work in Israeli settlements and of everyday settler-Palestinian contact demonstrates how these encounters play a key role in normalizing the presence and dominance of settlers in the occupied West Bank. Based on ethnographic fieldwork at a settlement supermarket, this article shows that Palestinians are called upon to perform customer service in a setting where they are not only subjugated but are also coerced to help create the ultranationalist climate of their occupiers' holidays. In addition to being compelled to normalize Israeli dominance, Palestinian workers are also the object of a seemingly contradictory orientation, one that favors not having Palestinians around at all. The article thus weighs in on the broader contemporary significance of Palestinian labor for the settler-colonial logics of Zionism.
... They have learned to "get by" amid the occupation's many forms of violence. 33 They value perseverance and patience and keep things moving despite the obstacles occupation routinely places in their path. In 2003 and 2005, as the intifada persisted across the West Bank and Gaza and PA ministry buildings were bombed, PA and British experts partnered to publish a report on rainfall variability and regional climate change models. ...
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Recent Palestinian Authority (PA) initiatives to help Palestine adapt to climate change help shine light on the role that climate uncertainties play in how political futures can be represented. UN-led adaptation has occasioned opportunities for new networks of actors to make claims about Palestinian futures and to perform PA readiness for statehood. These actors weigh scientific uncertainties about climate against uncertainties over if and when settler colonialism in Palestine will end. How they do so matters because it is the foundation of requests for capital that could be translated into some of the most important institutions and infrastructures of Palestinian governance over the next several years, including those that provide Palestinians with access to water. It also matters because it constitutes the image with which PA officials represent what needs to be “fixed” in Palestine in important international forums such as the UN. Climate change adaptation is a new approach to the management of uncertain environmental futures. This analysis offers insight into how this approach shapes and is shaped by practices of statecraft in places marked by the volatilities of war, economic crisis, and occupation.
... Since the 1967 Arab Israeli war and the fall of the West Bank and Gaza Strip under Israeli military rule, the Palestinian population has endured chronic exposure to political violence and human rights abuses. The Second Palestinian Uprising against Israeli military occupation (the Intifada of [2000][2001][2002][2003][2004] and the large scale Israeli military offensives on the Gaza Strip (2008, 2012, and 2014), are examples characterised by the intensification of political violence (Allen, 2008;Batniji et al., 2009) which continues until today. During the 2000-2004 Intifada, the Israeli army invaded Palestinian cities in the West Bank, imposing a curfews for up to 45 continuous days. ...
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To address the gap in locally driven mental health capacity strengthening initiatives in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), researchers from Birzeit University (BZU) and King's College London (KCL) developed a unique short course focusing on the intersection between methods, mental health, and conflict. The course was delivered in the West Bank at BZU, aiming to strengthen mental health research capacity among local researchers, health professionals and administrators. Twenty‐eight participants from the West Bank and East Jerusalem completed the course. Participants accepted on the course from the Gaza Strip did not receive permission by the Israeli authorities to travel to the West Bank and were thus unable to attend. A pre‐training assessment was completed before the start of the course and identified a gap in participants’ key qualitative and quantitative research skills. The post‐evaluation showed that all participants agreed that their qualitative research skills improved, and the majority agreed that their quantitative research skills improved. Several participants considered the quantitative part too intensive, requiring more training time. The majority of participants were highly satisfied with the course. Our initiative offers a model for strengthening the local research capacity required to tackle the burden of mental illness in conflict‐affected areas. This annual course can be scaled up to other conflict settings.
... A separate strand of literature, put forward by anthropologists with a keen eye on everyday practices and perceptions, looks at how violence becomes routinized or normalized in communities (Allen, 2008;Borell, 2008;Liebes & Kampf, 2007). The media plays an important role as communicator of violence in this set-up (Liebes & Kampf, 2007). ...
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Studies about Islamist inspired terror attacks in the Western world have identified a recently declining impact on public opinion. What explains this development? I argue that the wider audience of terrorist attacks has become desensitized. Cognitive desensitization occurs when citizens increasingly expect an attack, reducing the likelihood of attitudinal change. Emotional desensitization occurs when audiences lose sensitivity to attacks, tempering emotional arousal. To assess the implications of desensitization, I analyze a survey conducted around the Berlin Christmas market attack in 2016 and account for baseline information of the surveyed individuals, an approach not used before due to data limitations. I find that attitudes like trust in government, national identification and views of Islam remain unchanged. Sadness and anger are heightened in the immediate aftermath of the attack. The wider German audience may thus have expected an attack, but still be emotionally sensitive to it in the short term. These findings are relevant as political leaders have justified important policy changes in fields like migration and even war-making with reference to supposed shifts in public opinion after attacks.
... Accordingly, sumud should primarily be regarded as the attempt to actively adapt to a conflictive situation, trying to go on with everyday life under occupation, or as a way of 'getting by' (Allen 2008;see Peteet 2017: 172) while at the same time trying to equip these everyday acts with a political meaning. Accordingly, from such a point of view, adaptation should not be equated with submission or acquiescence. ...
Article
By drawing from the engagement with the empirical case of sumud (Arabic: steadfastness) in Palestine, this article focuses on the social and political implications of everyday life in conflict settings. Proposing an alternative perspective on conflicts, this article argues that it is important also to focus on normalcy of everyday life in conflict settings and how this transforms conflict dynamics. Hence, contrary to the assumption that there is an opposition between the normalcy of everyday life and violent conflicts, this article argues that everyday life is not disrupted but that it goes on also in the face of conflicts, it only has to adapt to it. Building on Stephen Lubkemann's concept of 'culturally scripted life projects', this article will show how the attempt to pursue a regular life unfolds in an everyday setting in order to escape the predominant conflict/resistance frame. In addition to sumud as an individual practice this article highlights the broader social and political role this concept assumes in the context of Palestinian nationalism. In order to illustrate this argument, this article presents sumud as a spatial quotidian practice which is primarily aimed at realising culturally scripted life project in the face of the Israeli occupation.
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British Muslims are often viewed as holding values incompatible with Britishness, regarded with suspicion and sometimes subjected to gendered forms of racism. Research projects have found that identifiably Muslim women face everyday microaggressions, yet little is known about how they negotiate both this and their identities over time. This article addresses this gap by reporting the results of qualitative longitudinal research that explores the narratives of two young British Muslim women over a seven-year period. The women were first interviewed when they were single undergraduates in 2010 and followed up as married young professionals in 2017. On both occasions they were negotiating their identities and sense of belonging in a climate of heightened scrutiny of Muslims. The paper examines their reflections on: “fitting in” with Britishness, their religious identities and the complexity of belonging. Methodologically, it contributes to qualitative longitudinal narrative research.
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This essay examines how meanings and practices of walking, particularly quantified walking, change according to place. Drawing together my own experience with a wearable computing device called a Fitbit at home and in my field site, East Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank of Palestine, I compare quantified walking and its focus on the self with other forms of walking that highlight place. I examine the relationship between self-monitoring and other-monitoring, especially in relation to walking in Palestine, and I explore how genres of mobility like nature walking or playing Pokémon GO might unfold differently in an occupied territory where the right to move is highly contested. I also explore Palestinian genres of walking, including the wander (sarha). In Palestine, walking becomes an important means not for pursuing personal health, but for cultivating a wider health of the land and knowledge of the nurturing relationship between land and the people who walk across it. Such practices of walking with or walking together can, I conclude, function as forms of kinwork.
Chapter
This chapter examines the influence of an educational exchange organized by the Dutch COME (Communication Middle East) Foundation on its participants from rival societies in the Middle East. The exchange brings together Jewish-Israelis, Palestinians from the West Bank, and Palestinian citizens in Israel to an intensive educational exchange in Cyprus. Unlike the usual aim of educational exchanges to bring about reconciliation between rival societies, this exchange sets a modest goal: it encourages each participant to take part in a dialogue regarding controversial ideas and emotions with the “other side.” In an era of deep political frustration and the collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, an open and safe educational exchange is a rare opportunity for individuals from rival societies to meet each other for an educational exchange. Therefore, the declared goals of the encounter are far from attempting to ease tensions. Instead, the exchange simply aims to bring together people from rival societies who hardly meet in their daily lives and do not have opportunities to exchange ideas or emotions regarding the conflict. Based on a qualitative analysis of the comments made by the participants and the author’s experience as facilitator in this educational exchange, this chapter highlights differences and similarities in individuals’ conceptions of the educational exchange and its relation to the conflict between their societies. Some of the differences found relate the reasons for participation in the educational exchange, its perceived impacts, and its role in shaping perceptions about the identities of members of each society. Despite the modest goals, the chapter argues that some of the participants, according to their own accounts, changed their opinions and feelings toward the other groups and the conflict as a result of the educational exchange. Although the impacts of the exchanges were different for members of each group and produced optimism for only some of the participants, in an era of growing segregation and animosity between Palestinians and Israelis, even micro-level individual changes through educational exchanges are meaningful and valuable.
Article
ملخّص تتقصّى هذه المقالة التحوّلات في تشكيل جسد الفلسطيني/ة كموقع لوسم القوى الاستعماريّة الاسرائيليّة، وبالتّوازي أداة للتحرّر بيد المجتمع وقوى المقاومَة الفلسطينيّة، خاصّة خلال الانتفاضة الأولى سنة 1987 وحتى اليوم. تدّعي المقالة بأن الانتفاضة الأولى كانت نقطة تحوّل وتكثيف لدور جسد الفلسطيني/ة، مادّة روحا وعقلا، بحيث شكّل أداة جمعيّة أساسية في النّضال للانسلاخ عن الاستعمار وأداة أساسيّة للقوى الاستعماريّة لفرض سيادتها. تعتمد المقالة على توثيق وتحليل لبيانات اثنوجرافية جُمِّعت على يد الباحثة، وأيضا على بيانات محفوظة، كتابات وأبحاث سابقة خاضت في قضايا جسد الفلسطيني/ة السّياسي. إن القضايا التي سيتم التطرق إليها في المقالة سردا وتحليلا تتوزّع على محورين متداخلين يستحيل الفصل بينهما. يركّز المحور الأوّل على آليات مواجهة الفلسطيني/ة لمنظومة السّلطة-الاستعماريّة الإسرائيليّة، من خلال استخدامه/ها لحيّز-زمن جسده/ها الخارجي والدّاخلي، وكيف تكثّف ذلك الاستخدام خلال الانتفاضة الأولى. امثلة على ذلك مواجهة ومهاجمة آلة الفتك الاستعمارية مباشرة، اختراق الحواجز ومنع التجوّل إلى الحيّز-زمن الإسرائيلي، تسريب المعرفة وتهريب النّطف من داخل السجن، الإضراب عن الطّعام وغير ذلك. أمّا المحور الثّاني فيركّز على الممارسات الإسرائيلية الاستعمارية على جسد الفلسطيني/ة الحي/ة والميّت/ة وتحويله إلى أداة لفرض السّيادة ول"حلبة" للتَّنازُع وللتفاوض ولإعادة صياغة علاقتها بالفلسطيني/ة. امثلة على ذلك إعدام الفلسطيني/ة ومحوه/ا، السيادة على شكل ثكل الشّهيد/ة، احتجاز جثامين الشّهداء، سرقة الأعضاء من الجثامين وغير ذلك. تدّعي المقالة بأنّه يمكننا قراءة وكتابة التاريخ الفلسطيني من خلال قراءة وتتبّع ما كُتِب وحُفِر على جسد الفلسطيني/ة. كلمات مفتاحيّة: الجسد السياسي، فلسطين، استعمار، مقاومة، سيادة. Abstract This article traces the transformations in restructuring the Palestinian body as a site for the Israeli colonial marking, and as a tool of liberation used by the Palestinian society. Drawing on ethnographic an archival data, the article explores how the first Intifada (1987) should be considered as a historical turning point in intensifying the Palestinian body transformation. during the first Intifada, the Palestinian body constituted as a main tool in breaking away from the colonial entity, but also used by that entity to impose its sovereignty over the Palestinians’ lives and deaths. The article is divided into two main interlocking themes that cannot be separated. The first theme focuses on how since the first intifada, the Palestinians intensively and collectively confronted the Israeli colonial tools by using the internal and external spaces of the body. Examples include direct confrontation with the Israeli army, penetrating checkpoints and reaching the Israeli space-time, smuggling of knowledge from prisons, and hunger strikes inside the prisons. The second theme focuses on the Israeli colonial apparatuses inscribed on the lived and dead body. Examples include the execution and elimination of the Palestinian, sovereignty over funerals and burials of martyrs, and withholding corpses. The article claims that we can read and write the Palestinian history by reading what was inscribed over the Palestinian body. Keywords: Political body, Palestine, colonialism, resistance, sovereignty.
Article
This article examines practices of resistance that thwart Indian state’s control over everyday life in Kashmir. The state frequently uses ‘curfew’ to dominate public space, shut down ordinary mobility, and suppress pro-independence politics. Curfews are enforced through punitive prohibitions and by activating the militarised infrastructure built to reinforce Indian rule over the region since 1947. Yet, Kashmiris are not passive objects of this control. Through overt and hidden practices of resistance and disobedience, like sangbāzi and, what I call, counter-mapping, they keep their aspirations for independence alive, while rebuilding a semblance of everydayness under the occupation. Desire to walk freely becomes the key metaphor for freedom from military control. Based on ethnographic and theoretical material, the article makes a case that in spaces under long-term military occupations political subjectivity is primarily expressed and enacted as a bodily demand to become visible in public space.
Article
This article interprets the meanings and motivations of refusal to pay water bills within a context of fragmented sovereignty. Residents of a village in the occupied Palestinian West Bank call for solutions to water shortages and failed infrastructure, but do so amidst capricious power, where would‐be sovereigns evade accountability. Lacking avenues for direct engagement with authorities, residents speak in generalized ethical terms of their legitimate water claims, and they resort to bill refusal. Setting villagers’ bill refusals within the broader set of interactions between would‐be sovereigns and subjects, this article contributes to anthropological scholarship on refusal by demonstrating how it can be a way of not only dismantling state power, but also summoning a responsible sovereign. Furthermore, it highlights how common dilemmas faced by refusers – dismissal and co‐optation – can be exacerbated by the same evasive accountability against which they protest. Eau, pouvoir et refus : affronter une responsabilité évasive dans un village palestinien Résumé Le présent article interprète les significations et les motivations du refus de payer les factures d'eau dans un contexte de souveraineté fragmentée. Les habitants d'un village de Cisjordanie palestinienne occupée veulent que leurs problèmes de coupures d'eau et de défaillance des infrastructures soient résolus, mais leurs demandes sont adressées à un pouvoir capricieux, où ceux qui voudraient gouverner esquivent leurs responsabilités. Faute de circuits pour entrer directement en relation avec les autorités, les habitants s'expriment en termes éthiques généralisés à propos de leur droit légitime à l'eau et recourent à la grève des paiements. En plaçant le refus de paiement des villageois dans le contexte plus large des interactions entre aspirants gouvernants et sujets, le présent article contribue aux études anthropologiques sur le refus en montrant comment celui‐ci peut être un moyen non seulement de démanteler le pouvoir étatique, mais aussi d'inciter les gouvernants à prendre leurs responsabilités. En outre, il montre comment les dilemmes fréquemment rencontrés par les réfractaires (rejet et cooptation) peuvent être exacerbés par cette même responsabilité évasive contre laquelle ils protestent.
Article
In the fast‐growing, gentrifying metro Atlanta region, poor people and immigrants are simultaneously being priced out of inner city neighborhoods and displaced by suburban revitalization initiatives. Affordable housing activists struggle to adapt their strategies to the place and pace of redevelopment. In this context, focusing on time becomes increasingly crucial to understanding people’s varying experiences and responses to these phenomena. I develop this insight by attending to an often‐overlooked site of gentrification: a majority‐white, conservative, but rapidly diversifying suburb of Atlanta, Georgia. In 2012, this suburban municipality launched an ambitious plan to transform its sprawling, car‐centric landscape into a brand‐new “city center.” The project, inspired by the principles of new urbanism, was only the first step toward a broader redevelopment vision targeting the city’s most diverse neighborhoods. By analyzing planning documents alongside ethnographic data, I examine how affluent homeowners, renters, activists, and institutional actors differentially engaged with and endured the temporalities of redevelopment. I focus in particular on working poor Latinx families, who were first to be affected by these plans. Unlike nonresident activists, these people did not engage in overt forms of contestation, nor did they try to influence local planning decisions. Instead, they deployed various time‐tricking (Bear 2016) and place making tactics in an effort to build a life in the leftover spaces and “meantime” of redevelopment. Through creative uses of time and the re‐purposing of disinvested landscapes, Latinx residents endured the regime of temporal uncertainty and residential mobility (re)produced by redevelopment.
Article
Research has widely documented the effects of war and political violence on the functioning and well-being of adults and children. Yet, within this literature, women’s agency in the face of war-related adversity and political violence remains underexplored. The present study was conducted in the Gaza Strip in the aftermath of the most recent war on Gaza in 2014, with the aim of investigating the consequences of war and political violence for women’s mental health and psychological functioning. Based on interviews with 21 Palestinian women exposed to extreme war-related traumatic events, the article offers an analysis of the risk and protective factors affecting their well-being and enhancing (or diminishing) their agency. Human Security, Family Ties, Psychosocial Resources, Individual Resources, and Motherhood emerged from the women’s narratives as key factors contributing to the maintenance of positive psychological functioning and the ability to adjust to traumatic war events in the aftermath of acute armed conflict. These exploratory findings suggest that Palestinian women display a high level of functioning and resources for adjustment that is preserved after periods of devastating armed conflict. The study draws attention to a set of protective factors for the well-being of women and their families when living with chronic political violence.
Article
This paper explores how processes of visuality produce geopolitical imaginaries of the West Bank in the everyday register. Drawing on the visual geopolitics literature, I turn to a grounded approach of ethnographic observation to consider how the West Bank is framed for international tourists. I trace two guided tours of the West Bank with attention to the differences in the visual, discursive, and embodied practices that constitute their scopic regimes. By analysing the sights tourists are allowed to see or made to see, I illuminate the geopolitical implications of how the West Bank is framed: the scopic regime of mainstream tourism normalises the Israeli military occupation by obscuring its violence, while the critical gaze of alternative tourism seeks to challenge it by foregrounding its violence. The juxtaposition ultimately reveals the complicity of both types in sustaining the asymmetrical logics of occupation.
Article
Although normative constructions of masculinity in Palestine denote emotional suppression as an idealized attribute, extreme subjugation under the grinding realities of a colonial military occupation requires that this ideal is negotiated. This article explores Palestinian rap as a channel through which emotions related to individual and collective oppression are expressed within the (fluid) parameters of a particular emergent masculine performance. Through qualitative research with young Palestinian men living in a refugee camp, I argue that emotional expression within this musical culture both functions to reconfigure binary gendered dynamics, while simultaneously masculinizing emotionality through a dialogic performance of emotion, nationalism, resistance, and paternalism. In some ways, patriarchal gendered binaries are hence challenged in and through the performance of Palestinian rap, while in other ways these are reconfigured so that men’s emotional expression can be subsumed within them. This article, therefore, examines the negotiation of “masculinity as emotional suppression” through rap, in a context in which internal patriarchal powers are routinely threatened by colonial patriarchal forces.
Thesis
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The current study aims at identifying the traumatic loss experiences and the social adaptation among the families of Palestinian suicide martyrs (Istishhadiyin). The study has tackled its topic as a multi dimensional phenomenon. To achieve this end, the researchers developed a 178-item questionnaire; divided into five parts: The first part includes primary data about the interviewees; the second part includes general information about Palestinian suicide martyrs; while the third part includes the scale of the traumatic loss experiences with its various dimensions: (martyrdom incident, experience and symptoms of trauma). In return the fourth part includes the adaptation scale with its four dimensions: (personal, psychological, social, and life orientation); the fifth part includes a scale of special support with its three dimensions: (financial, psychological and social). The tool of the study was conducted on a sample of (132) families of Palestinian suicide martyrs in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, selected randomly. The sample constituted (66%) of the study population. Following collection of data, they were statistically processed using (SPSS). The study results have revealed statistically significant differences in the traumatic loss experience among the families of Palestinian suicide martyrs according to gender, locality, qualification, relationship to the martyr, refugee status, year of martyrdom, exposure of martyr to Israeli violence and reception of martyr body. The study reveals that there is positive correlation between age and the traumatic loss experiences. Moreover, the study shows that there are statistical significance differences in the social adaptation among the families of Palestinian suicide martyrs attributable to the following variables: gender, locality, qualification, family relationship to the martyr, type of family, year of martyrdom, birth rank in the family, exposure of martyr to the Israeli violence and the reception of the martyr body. In addition, findings demonstrated that there is positive correlation between age and the social adaptation. Moreover, results have shown that there are statistical significance differences in support among the families of Palestinian suicide martyrs according to: gender, place of residence, locality, relationship to the martyr, refugee status, type of family, year of martyrdom, birth rank in the family and reception of martyr body. Besides, the study shows that there is a negative correlation between the traumatic loss experiences among the families of Palestinian suicide martyrs and the level of social adaptation, as well as a negative correlation between the level of support with its different types and the experiences of traumatic loss among the families of Palestinian suicide martyrs. In conclusion, the study ends up with several recommendations, among which the most prominent is the necessity of planning programmed of psychological, social and economic support to activate their role in society in the various activities, and to demand international organizations and governments to intervene immediately to release the bodies of the martyrs detained in Israel for its traumatic effects on the life of their families in particular, and on the life of the Palestinians in general.
Article
Palestinian students in the occupied regions of Palestine are facing exceptional circumstances besides difficulties, unlike other neighboring countries in the world. These are due to the continuing occupation by Israel. This study, intended to find out English Language Education under Israeli Occupation through dramatization Method for the EFL students in Palestine. This study used a full qualitative method, the participants were eight students who had used drama as a technique in learning English language class. The researcher got the data from interviewing the students. The result of this study showed that the English Language Education under Israeli Occupation through dramatization method for the EFL students in Palestine dramatization method is effective in Learning English for Palestinian students. The results of interviews with eight students indicate that they have a positive perception of the dramatization method in learning English language class. Thus, the technique of dramatization examines their thoughts, memories, and responses, offering greater insights into this complex and disturbing situation due to conflict and occupation.
Article
With more than two thirds of Olga Grjasnowa’s Gott ist nicht schüchtern set in present-day Syria, the novel’s main objective is to convey to its readers a sense of the Syrian Civil War and its effects on individual lives. Grjasnowa goes to great lengths to describe the early days of the uprising, the atrocities committed by the Assad regime, and the slow but definite destruction and ultimate uninhabitability of the Syrian nation state. But the text also reveals the importance of coping mechanisms and strategies for survival and resistance. By foregrounding the quotidian spaces of everyday life and the often banal routines for navigating war and destruction, this article interrogates to what extent life under extreme conditions is still conceivable and explores what kinds of insights the depiction of war opens up for envisioning a more hospitable environment for newcomers in the host country.
Article
This article is published as part of the Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography special issue ‘Palestinian Futures Anticipation, Imagination, Embodiments', edited by Mikko Joronen, Helga Tawil-Souri, Merav Amir & Mark Griffiths. In this paper, I examine different treatments of the future in Palestine through four scenes. I argue that the four scenes offer a reorientation of Palestinian temporality, in which there exists a multiplicity of temporal orderings of the past and the future. I situated Palestinian futures as imagined and communicated by Palestinian artists against the hegemonic narrative of a futurity that single out the path to statehood as the ultimate future for Palestine. I show that despite the violence that the Israeli state inflicts on Palestinian daily life, which affects their ability to imagine something else outside the immediate everyday, Palestinian struggle for liberation is always already future-oriented. The four scenes suggest that the future for Palestinians resides in the working of the imaginative in which the future might evoke a past or haunt the present. Thus, when read closely, Palestinian temporality can be viewed as cyclical, not linear. In Aamer Hlehel’s play, the past haunts the future, while in Hadeel’s Assali’s letter the past describes the liberated future. The continuous loss is enfolded into future traces in the form of memory in Samar Hazboun’s work, and in the form of evidence, or daleel- in Jawad’s Al Malhi’s work.
Article
This paper argues the built structure of Israeli military occupation in the West Bank is only part of the mechanism that serves to define territorial boundaries and restrict Palestinian movement. A more pervasive and debilitating process of boundary formation occurs through affect-laden performances that typically take place in border areas or sites of surveillance, where state actors and technologies police Palestinians. These performances serve to produce fear and shame: two affects that circulate and act as structuring agents preventing Palestinian movement and resistance. Thus, Israel extends its borders through socio-spatial-technical practices, deep into Palestinian spaces. The underlying evidence for this study originated out of critical performance ethnography and a drama workshop conducted with Palestinians, theorised in part through Sara Ahmed's notion of an ‘affective economy’ of emotions. Overall, this study re-orients the predominant view of occupied space in the West Bank as an oppressive architectural blockade, to that of an affective regime constituted by a set of relations that require repeatable performances to produce the effect of territory. This re-framing opens possibilities for re-thinking resistance to the occupation by suggesting Palestinians may disrupt or alter the circulation of affect in order to reclaim their space and curtail Israeli extraterritorial ambitions.
Article
This essay explores the challenges and opportunities that the Covid-19 pandemic has afforded Israel as it broadens its settler-colonial objectives internally, in Gaza, and elsewhere. In particular, it sheds light on the heightened militaristic and economic approaches taken by Israel to further entrench its siege of Palestinians in Gaza and to export increasingly advanced technologies of surveillance and state control long deployed against the Palestinian people. This investigation thus offers an opportunity to probe settler colonialism's strategic opportunism in the face of the historic pandemic.
Article
The conflict between Ukraine and Russia in the Donbas region has led both countries to strengthen their respective militaries. The literature on militarization emphasizes the subtle and largely unconscious ways in which militarization spreads through society. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2015 and 2017, I argue that attention to the intersubjective aspects of the process exposes the self-conscious working-through of military realities. I make this argument using the case study of a restaurant run by demobilized fighters, Café Patriot. Specifically, I show how the café's proprietors aimed to provide an anti-depressive atmosphere for fighters, and to provoke critical thinking among non-combatant patrons. The café challenged theorizing on militarization by effacing the separation between military and civilian as predicted, but doing so in the interest of reminding people of militarization rather than blinding them to it. These findings highlight veterans’ constructive efforts to re-inhabit a fractured world, and contrast with portrayals in critical studies of militarized masculinity. In sum, the café represented an effort to intervene in the process of militarization using, strangely enough, the trappings of militarization. At stake is the definition of militarization as an insidious process.
Book
In recent decades, Palestinian heritage organizations have launched numerous urban regeneration and museum projects across the West Bank in response to the enduring Israeli occupation. These efforts to reclaim and assert Palestinian heritage differ significantly from the typical global cultural project: here it is people's cultural memory and living environment, rather than ancient history and archaeology, that take center stage. It is local civil society and NGOs, not state actors, who are "doing" heritage. In this context, Palestinian heritage has become not just a practice of resistance, but a resourceful mode of governing the Palestinian landscape. With this book, Chiara De Cesari examines these Palestinian heritage projects—notably the Hebron Rehabilitation Committee, Riwaq, and the Palestinian Museum—and the transnational actors, practices, and material sites they mobilize to create new institutions in the absence of a sovereign state. Through their rehabilitation of Palestinian heritage, these organizations have halted the expansion of Israeli settlements. They have also given Palestinians opportunities to rethink and transform state functions. Heritage and the Cultural Struggle for Palestine reveals how the West Bank is home to creative experimentation, insurgent agencies, and resourceful attempts to reverse colonial violence—and a model of how things could be.
Article
This article identifies playful antagonism as a defining mode of rare Israeli‐Palestinian encounters in Israeli settlement businesses. It is based on ethnographic work primarily in an Israeli settlement supermarket where the lowest‐paid workers are mostly occupied Palestinians. This playful antagonism characterizes heated Israeli‐Palestinian political exchanges as well as Palestinian workers’ mockery of their settler bosses and customers, through gestures and jokes alike. These practices navigate an incongruity between the high‐stakes antagonisms of Israeli settler‐colonization and the banality of the workplace. Rather than preventing more “serious” antagonism, this playful antagonism is itself serious, enacting and contesting existential struggles over settler‐colonization, in a context saturated with suspicion and risk to Palestinian livelihoods. Thus, rather than framing humor as standing outside of or transcending political domination and antagonism, this article frames humor as a way of enacting these forms of settler‐native politics. It thus stages a fresh conversation between the recent literature on settler colonialism in Palestine, which has understandably focused on Israeli domination but ignored Israeli‐Palestinian contact and humor, and the literature on humor, which has often ignored scaled‐up forms of power and domination. The article thus contributes to a political anthropology of humor as intertwined with power and domination.
Article
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Situations of internecine warfare have in common to question the transitivity of everyday life—that is, its capacity to be taken for granted, to flow without any need for explication. These wars within the familiar generate specific anxieties about where to look at and what to believe. Events, persons, places, or objects whose status seemed hitherto undeniable become less predictable, while their worth comes into question. As individuals’ ontological security is threatened, the need for new monitoring devices and authentication procedures arises. Drawing on the phenomenology of civil wars and the anthropology of fakes, this contribution proposes to explore one such crisis of evidence: the nexus of political, ethnic, and criminal violence raging in Karachi's inner-city area of Lyari. Through the lens of local journalism, it reflects upon the tactics of social navigation deployed by residents confronted with chronic uncertainty in all sectors of life. Janbaz , the Urdu newspaper examined here, provides an opportunity to move beyond functionalist readings of the press in conflict situations. While insisting upon the pleasure derived by Janbaz ’s readers from the sensationalized rendering of Lyari's predicament, we argue that the newspaper is the site of a continuous series of ‘reality tests’ and the focal point of private and collective investigations, pooling knowledge in an increasingly undecipherable environment. More than through its information, it is through its shortcomings that Janbaz has helped to recreate social ties in a world plagued by discord and uncertainty.
Thesis
Since 1989 the state of Jammu and Kashmir has been the site of conflict between the Indian state and a separatist movement demanding independence. This thesis explores the impact of the conflict on the historically prominent Hindu Pandit minority of Kashmir who were displaced from their homes in the Kashmir valley. Most displaced Pandits have relocated to Jammu and other parts of India following the outbreak of violence. The thesis examines processes of resettlement in the city of Jammu by analysing categories of place, home and settlement. By paying attention to these categories the thesis shows that the migrants express an absence of attachment to Jammu and treat the city as a waiting room. Some migrants desire to return to their old homes while others hope for future opportunities elsewhere. Hence, contrary to life in the present defined by migration there is a desire for rootedness or a stable future in a fixed location. The thesis then explores how the Pandits engage with the Indian nation state through an examination of their political discourse and their relationship with the state welfare regime. The thesis therefore shows that the Pandits continuously affirm their loyalty to the Indian state in order to demand assistance and recognition as loyal citizens. The thesis also explores what it means to be a Kashmiri Pandit after displacement with reference to class, caste, religion and history. The Kashmiri Pandits are a historically prominent upper caste Hindu community who enjoyed high status in Kashmir. Their experience of displacement allows an examination of notions of decline and injustice due to the loss of socio-economic and political status. The Pandit case also demonstrates that socio-economic differentiation influences the ability to rebuild lives after displacement. Those who constitute the well-to-do strata are better placed to successfully rebuild lives while poorer Pandits enjoy fewer opportunities. The thesis however situates them in the context of Jammu where indigent Pandits do not constitute the most depressed sections of the city’s population. On a wider level, the thesis argues that for forced migrants in general, ideas of home and place remain contested and incomplete in spite of having achieved some measure of physical settlement.
Article
In this paper I show how the imaging and representation of war is becoming ever more central to its conduct: warfare is being fought through what I call ‘image-fare’. I focus on the 23-day war on Gaza that began on the 27 th December 2008, and make four interconnected claims about the relationship between visuality, law and violence. First, the strategic use of images by the Israeli military in Gaza served a legitimizing function that positions Israel as always and already the lawful victim, scripting Hamas as terroristic perpetrators, belonging to a resolutely “hostile” space (i.e. Gaza). Second, these visualities ‘work’ via the appeal to the immediacy of images; Israel insists on the factual, and thus legal, veracity of its own visual forms while rendering their – Palestinian – visual forms voyeuristic and intrinsically biased. Third, contesting these visualities and exposing the inconsistencies of the Israeli framing is difficult when taking into account the ways in which the visual fields of war are structured by ‘visual economies’ which regulate and mediate global media, and which construct new publics in the process of doing so. Wary of overstating the power of Israeli framings, while understating the possibilities of challenging those framings, I finish by considering what role the circulation of the visual archive might have in challenging Israeli visualities.
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Amid the fanfare of summits and 'concessions,' Israel has quietly laid a matrix of control over the Occupied Territories. This matrix-bypass roads, settlement blocs, security borders-operates by control and not by conquest, enabling Israel to offer 94 percent of the West Bank and creating the illusion of a just and viable settlement. Focusing on the political process while ignoring the emerging realities on the ground is a sure recipe for a Palestinian bantustan. The issue in the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, then, is not simply territory-it revolves around questions of control, viability and justice. A Palestinian state carved into small, disconnected enclaves, surrounded and indeed truncated by massive Israeli settlement blocs, subject to Israeli military and economic closures, unable to offer justice to its dispersed people and without its most sacred symbols of religion and identity, can hardly be called a viable state. 'Peace' may be imposed, but unless it is just it will not be lasting. The term 'apartheid' above is intended to highlight those elements of an imposed peace that will lead in the end not to true self-determination for the Palestinian people, but to their confinement in a number of isolated and impoverished bantustans completely at Israel's mercy. We must be able to evaluate a pending 'peace agreement' for what it is: a genuine peace between equals, or a cover for occupation under another name.
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We tend to see contemporary cities through a peace-time lens and war as somehow exceptional. In this ambitious paper, long in historical range and global in geographical scope, Steve Graham unmasks and displays the very many ways in which warfare is intimately woven into the fabric of cities and practices of city planners. He draws out the aggression which we should see as the counterpart of the defensive fortifications of historic towns, continues with the re-structuring--often itself violent--of Paris and of many other cities to enable the oppressive state forces to patrol and subordinate the feared masses. Other examples take us through the fear of aerial bombardment as an influence on Le Corbusier and modernist urban design to the meticulous planners who devised and monitored the slaughter in Dresden, Tokyo and other targets in World War 2. Later episodes, some drawing on previously classified material, show how military thinking conditioned urbanisation in the Cold War and does so in the multiple 'wars' now under way--against 'terrorism' and the enemy within . City has carried some exceptional work on war and 'urbicide' but this paper argues that, for the most part, the social sciences are in denial and ends with a call for action to confront, reveal and challenge the militarisation of urban space.
Thesis
Palestinian accounts of life before they became refugees in 1948 have made significant contributions to what we know about village and urban life at that time. This dissertation discusses how we can understand village memorial books, autobiographies, oral history collections, and oral histories I collected from Jerusalem, as historical compositions and as narrative products of a distinctively Arab and Palestinian cultural memory. Collected and written many years after the nakbah [catastrophe] and the displacement of the population, these compositions claim authority as historical sources through reliance on memories, eyewitness experiences and first-hand accounts. They correspond to formal, collective texts of history, such as Mustafa al-Dabbagh's Biladuna flastin [ Our Country, Palestine ] and the Institute of Palestine Studies' All that Remains and Before their Diaspora , through extensive descriptions of geography, history, and customs, as well as stories of shared identity and tribal [ hamula ] and family relations. Given the absence of a Palestinian state and also the lack of an overarching hegemonic narrative of Palestinian history, these personal sources of history are emerging as a complement (or counter) to the comprehensive, collective and largely political narratives about pre-1948 Palestine. History is narrated in these text through specific forms that are part of a cultural memory that accepts the importance of eyewitness and memorial accounts. Furthermore, specific narrative styles of telling emotion through poetry, of establishing the authority of the account through retelling childhood mishaps, and lists of important information rely on earlier narrative styles in Arabic. The desire to record and recall details of life during the British Mandate period before the 1948 War are important for Palestinians not only for the historical past but also for the political present. Palestinians have sought to tell histories from their own perspectives and based on their own experiences that add to and broaden the collectively understood Palestinian past which will lead us to new understandings of the power and expression of cultural memories in the present.
Book
Politics of Piety is a groundbreaking analysis of Islamist cultural politics through the ethnography of a thriving, grassroots women's piety movement in the mosques of Cairo, Egypt. Unlike those organized Islamist activities that seek to seize or transform the state, this is a moral reform movement whose orthodox practices are commonly viewed as inconsequential to Egypt's political landscape. Saba Mahmood's compelling exposition of these practices challenges this assumption by showing how the ethical and the political are indelibly linked within the context of such movements. Not only is this book a sensitive ethnography of a critical but largely ignored dimension of the Islamic revival, it is also an unflinching critique of the secular-liberal assumptions by which some people hold such movements to account. The book addresses three central questions: How do movements of moral reform help us rethink the normative liberal account of politics? How does the adherence of women to the patriarchal norms at the core of such movements parochialize key assumptions within feminist theory about freedom, agency, authority, and the human subject? How does a consideration of debates about embodied religious rituals among Islamists and their secular critics help us understand the conceptual relationship between bodily form and political imaginaries? Politics of Piety is essential reading for anyone interested in issues at the nexus of ethics and politics, embodiment and gender, and liberalism and postcolonialism. In a substantial new preface, Mahmood addresses the controversy sparked by the original publication of her book and the scholarly discussions that have ensued.
Chapter
SurfaceLinesPointsBreaking the LineStrategic PointsThe Battle for the HilltopsFlexible LineTemporary PermanenceIslandsEnclaves/ExclavesA Political Volume
Article
There was a village in Palestine called Ein Houd, whose people traced their ancestry back to one of Saladin's generals who was granted the territory as a reward for his prowess in battle. By the end of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, all the inhabitants of Ein Houd had been dispersed or exiled or had gone into hiding, although their old stone homes were not destroyed. In 1953 the Israeli government established an artists' cooperative community in the houses of the village, now renamed Ein Hod. In the meantime, the Arab inhabitants of Ein Houd moved two kilometers up a neighboring mountain and illegally built a new village. They could not afford to build in stone, and the mountainous terrain prevented them from using the layout of traditional Palestinian villages. That seemed unimportant at the time, because the Palestinians considered it to be only temporary, a place to live until they could go home. The Palestinians have not gone home. The two villages-Jewish Ein Hod and the new Arab Ein Houd-continue to exist in complex and dynamic opposition. The Object of Memory explores the ways in which the people of Ein Houd and Ein Hod remember and reconstruct their past in light of their present-and their present in light of their past. Honorable Mention, 1999 Perkins Book Prize, Society for the Study of Narrative
Article
Not only is Israel's occupation of the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem illegal, but Israel's policies since 1967 - "creating facts" and brutally repressing dissent - violate the principles of international law covering occupations. Palestinians have a legally protected right to resist the Israeli presence on their lands.
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As soon as Hamas members elected in January 2006 took their seats in the Palestinian legislature, Israel stopped transferring customs revenue owed to the Palestinian Authority by treaty. When Hamas appointed a cabinet of ministers, the United States and other international donors halted their financial aid. Since its other revenues are meager, the Palestinian Authority has been unable to make payroll for months. How are all the Palestinian families who depend on civil service salaries getting by?.
Book
Om kulturens rolle i det 19. århundredes og det tidlige 20. århundredes kolonipolitik.
In the year 2000, I was invited to a conference in Shiraz. The organizers arranged for a car with a driver to take me back and forth during the conference since I had many people to see in various places in the region. It is my custom, even in New York City, to engage a driver in conversation. My trip to Shiraz was no different. I wanted to find out whether my driver had participated in the "Imposed War" between Iran and Iraq. He was very hesitant in answering my question. Finally, he said, "Yes." I said, "Thanks be to God, you are well and seem to have survived with no major injuries." He rebutted, "Unfortunately." I was confused. I asked him to explain his comment. He paused again and then finally opened up and told his story. It appeared that he and his brother, Rasul, both enlisted in the Basij Volunteer Corps when they were in their late teens. However, they did not serve in the same unit. After a year, Rasul had a few days leave and went to Shiraz to visit his parents. He bought tickets for himself and his mother to fly to Mashhad for a pilgrimage to the tomb of Imam Reza. Upon arrival in Mashhad, they hastened to the Haram, and once there, Rasul asked his mother to petition the imam to grant her son the glory of martyrdom (shahadat). His mother was shocked and distressed and refused to make such a prayer. The two left the shrine and went to their inn, and during the whole evening Rasul tried to convince his mother to pray for his desire to become a martyr. The next morning, they returned to the shrine, and under Rasul's relentless pleading, his mother gave in. However, she could not bring herself to pray outright for the death of her son, so she instead prayed for the fulfillment of Rasul's wishes. In late afternoon, they returned to Shiraz; Rasul stayed with his parents for a few more days and then returned to his unit at the front. Within five weeks, his prayers were answered, and he was killed in action and became Shahid, or "martyr." My driver finished his story by saying, "And I remain." I could hear the regret in his voice that he had not died on the battlefield like his brother. For the remainder of the trip, he did not say another word. Neither did I. Had Roxanne Varzi heard this story, she would have included it in her book Warring Souls and analyzed it from the Karbala paradigm and Sufi mystical point of view, as well as from many other perspectives. Yes, she wears many hats in her research, or should I say many hijabs. She is fascinated with the mechanism of martyrdom. The chapter on the subject is a tour de force. She writes, "I tell the story of the many young martyrs who died and then were seen later in the murals covering the city walls" (7). During the eight-year-long bloody war against Iraq (1980–88), hundreds of thousands of young men died and were immortalized in murals. At that time, Iran could be likened to an artist's atelier, as walls everywhere provide endless surface space for murals, posters, and graffiti. The traditional Iranian dwelling is surrounded by adobe or brick walls, and very often the surface of these walls are whitewashed. During the war, this space was used to the utmost to depict what Rumi calls "the bleeding martyrs." Rumi says: Don't wash the blood upon the martyr's face It suits a martyr better that he bleeds, and that's worth more than countless pious deeds.1 Since the conclusion of the war, a rapid demographic surge and an accelerated migration from villages to towns have changed the urban design of Iranian cities. Now cities grow vertically at the expense of the traditional horizontal dwelling, but the taller buildings provide new surfaces for expression. Since building orientation in Iran is usually toward the south, a several-story-high space is usually found at the east-west axis at the end of a row of buildings. These...
Article
This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948. While sketching the context and diplomatic and polit-ical developments of the period, the article highlights in particular a multi-year "Village Files" project (1940–47) involving the systematic compilation of maps and intelligence for each Arab village and the elaboration—under the direction of an inner "caucus" of fewer than a dozen men led by David Ben-Gurion—of a series of military plans cul-minating in Plan Dalet, according to which the 1948 war was fought. The article ends with a statement of one of the author's underlying goals in writing the book: to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948. ON A COLD WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON, 10 March 1948, a group of eleven men, vet-eran Zionist leaders together with young military Jewish officers, put the final touches on a plan for the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. 1 That same evening, military orders were dispatched to units on the ground to prepare for the sys-tematic expulsion of Palestinians from vast areas of the country. 2 The orders came with a detailed description of the methods to be used to forcibly evict the people: large-scale intimidation; laying siege to and bombarding villages and population centers; setting fire to homes, properties, and goods; expelling residents; demolishing homes; and, finally, planting mines in the rubble to pre-vent the expelled inhabitants from returning. Each unit was issued its own list of villages and neighborhoods to target in keeping with the master plan. Code-named Plan D (Dalet in Hebrew), this was the fourth and final version of vaguer plans outlining the fate that was in store for the native population of Palestine. 3 The previous three plans had articulated only obscurely how the Zionist leadership intended to deal with the presence of so many Palestinians on the land the Jewish national movement wanted for itself. This fourth and ILAN PAPPÉ, an Israeli historian and professor of political science at Haifa University, is the author of a number of books, including The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1947–1951 (I.B. Tauris, 1994) and A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples (Cambridge University Press, 2004). The current article is extracted from early chapters of his latest book, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oneworld Publications, Oxford, England, forthcoming in October 2006).
Article
During the second Palestinian intifada (uprising), which began in September 2000, martyr funerals and posters were the most predominant form of memorialization. These practices did not constitute simple expressions of nationalist sentiment; they created a public sphere in which participants and observers were hailed as national subjects, while simultaneously generating a forum in which public political debate occurred. This article explores the tensions among different visions of the Palestinian national project that appeared through these commemorative practices as the normative effects of martyr memorialization dissolved into criticism, cynicism and apathy.
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Review of Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache / Review of Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache By Keith H. Basso University of New Mexico Press 1996
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This article examines the al-Aqsa intifada against the background of the Oslo accords and the Camp David summit. Comparing its features to those of the first intifada, it analyzes and develops a number of important differences. These include the structure of the clashes themselves, the religious dimension, the role of the settlements, the role of the media, and, most important, the presence on the ground of a Palestinian protostate apparatus and the diminished role of mass organizations and civil society. The authors end with a discussion of emerging trends within Palestinian politics in response to these events.
Article
One of the founding fathers of Italian "workerism," Antonio Negri was associated with the Marxist extra-parliamentary organization Potere operaio [Workers' Power] during the 1960s and with the Italian autonomist movement during the 1970s. He was imprisoned on political charges from 1979 to 1983 and from 1997 to 2003. Between 1983 and 1997, Negri lived in exile in Paris, where he continues to hold a university lectureship. In the Anglophone world, Negri is best known for his collaborative work with Michael Hardt, in particular for their theory of capitalist globalization, developed in Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000) and Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (London and New York: Penguin Press, 2004). "Empire" is the term coined by Negri and Hardt to describe the flexible, transnational form of sovereignty that develops contemporarily with the shift from Fordism to post-Fordism. Hardt and Negri re-introduce the concept of the "multitude"—taken from the seventeenth-century political philosophy of Hobbes, Spinoza, and others—in order to designate the collective subject that labors and struggles under Empire's global regime of exploitation. In exploring the transformations of art and culture in the age of Empire, the essay translated below touches on many of the central themes of Negri's recent work. A prime example of Negri's capacity for theoretical synthesis, the essay surveys the economic, political, and cultural developments of the past decades in order to trace them to the anthropological and ontological transformation that accompanies the transition from the system of Fordist nation-states to Empire. Negri invokes a wide range of conceptual apparatuses—from Spinoza's ontology to the theory of space developed by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in A Thousand Plateaus – in order to reverse Adorno and Horkheimer's vision of capital's all-encompassing dominion and to argue for the autonomy and creativity of the multitude. Max Henninger (MA, PhD) lives in Berlin and works as a translator. He is the German translator of Italian novelist and poet Nanni Balestrini. His critique of Antonio Negri's theory of post-Fordism is forthcoming in the online journal Ephemera.
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This article critically examines the widespread usage of such constructs as ‘culture of terror’ and ‘culture of fear’ to characterize settings in which state power is based on the intimidation of civilians. ‘Cultures of fear and terror’, it is argued, are at once inflationary and reductive tropes which obscure the political agency and cultural resources that are called upon to end regimes of coercion. As an alternative, it is suggested that state-authorized aggression is neither equivalent to culture nor a characteristic of a cultural group, but a historically specific means and rationale for disciplining particular categories of people. Ethnographic evidence from the rural Philippines is presented in support of a more practice-oriented approach toward conceptualizing what scholars now term ‘civil wrongs’.
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Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject. Saba Mahmood. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005. 233 pages.
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This paper argues that Israel's military strategy since the outbreak of the second Intifada , in September 2000, has been one not merely of ‘security' or ‘counter-terror' but part of a longer-term strategy of spatial demolition and strangulation. This strategy seems predicated on two aims: unilateral separation from the Palestinian population, and its concomitant territorial dismemberment. Withdrawal from a totally controlled and isolated Gaza, in effect the latter's enclavisation, is part of this strategy. Such an enclave will in effect be functionally and spatially sundered from another chain of Palestinian enclaves in the West Bank. From an Israeli perspective, driven by its own distinctive territorial imperative, such separation will ensure Israeli control of and sovereignty over the best land and water resources, and control of all borders and border areas. It is further argued that the policy of unilateral separation and strangulation, the destruction and planned enclavisation of Gaza, and covert and overt settlement expansion in the West Bank—its dismemberment through exclavization, has in effect shattered the spatial basis of a two-state solution.
Article
Israel's disengagement plan is widely hailed by the international community, led by the United States, as a first step toward the final resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the establishment of a viable Palestinian state. This essay is a refutation of that view. After presenting the current situation of Gaza as the result of deliberate Israeli policies of economic integration, deinstitutionalization, and closure, the author demonstrates how provisions of the plan itself preclude the establishment of a viable economy in the Strip. Examining the plans implications for the West Bank, the author argues that the occupation, far from ending, will actually be consolidated. She concludes with a look at the disengagement within the context of previous agreements, particularly Oslo-all shaped by Israel's overwhelming power-and the steadily shrinking possibilities offered to the Palestinians.
Article
During the second Palestinian intifada (uprising), which began in September 2000, martyr funerals and posters were the most predominant form of memorialization. These practices did not constitute simple expressions of nationalist sentiment; they created a public sphere in which participants and observers were hailed as national subjects, while simultaneously generating a forum in which public political debate occurred. This article explores the tensions among different visions of the Palestinian national project that appeared through these commemorative practices as the normative effects of martyr memorialization dissolved into criticism, cynicism and apathy.