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Differentiation Among Types of Intimate Partner Violence: Research Update and Implications for Interventions
Abstract
A growing body of empirical research has demonstrated that intimate partner violence is not a unitary phenomenon and that types of domestic violence can be differentiated with respect to partner dynamics, context, and consequences. Four patterns of violence are described: Coercive Controlling Violence, Violent Resistance, Situational Couple Violence, and Separation-Instigated Violence. The controversial matter of gender symmetry and asymmetry in intimate partner violence is discussed in terms of sampling differences and methodological limitations. Implications of differentiation among types of domestic violence include the need for improved screening measures and procedures in civil, family, and criminal court and the possibility of better decision making, appropriate sanctions, and more effective treatment programs tailored to the characteristics of different types of partner violence. In family court, reliable differentiation should provide the basis for determining what safeguards are necessary and what types of parenting plans are appropriate to ensure healthy outcomes for children and parent–child relationships.
... Limited evidence suggests that fear of harm not only tends to compound the psychological impairment experienced from violence (Csoboth, Birkàs, & Purebl, 2005), but may lead to lethal outcomes either through suicide or homicide (Kelly & Johnson, 2008) or murder-suicide (Leth, 2009). ...
... The researchers concluded that trauma experiences are uniquely associated with suicidality. Furthermore, suicide and homicide in the context of IPV appear to be related a complex way (Guggisberg, 2006a;Kelly & Johnson, 2008) that has not been well understood. While international research continuously suggests that the majority of intimate partner homicide victims are women fatal outcomes perpetrated by women have been noted (Leth, 2009). ...
... E. Walker, 1989, p. 45). Similar findings were reported by Kelly and Johnson (2008) referring to a study investigating contexts of women who murdered their intimate partners and women who did not commit homicide but were also victims of IPV, often of sexual violence. Kelly and Johnson noted: "these women [those who had murdered their intimate partners] felt that they could no longer survive this relationship and that leaving safely was also impossible" (p.485). ...
Violence vicimisation cannot be viewed in isolation - it almost always impacts primary and secondary victim/survivors' cognitive and physiological functioning. Victimisation likely results in a variety of maladaptive coping behaviours.
This thesis examined the interplay between victimisation of what many refer to as "domestic violence", mental health impacts and related alcohol and/or other drug use as a coping strategy.
The overall aim of the study was to examine the prevalence and nature of the association between Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) victimisation, mental health problems and behavioural responses in a sample of women already in contact with a government or non-government support service.
The uniqueness of this study can be seen in that different forms of IVP victimisation (later referred to as 'Victim Types') were examined in their association with different (single or co-occurring) mental health problems and psychoactive substance use issues.
Although this thesis presents results of the study in a scientific way, which may be perceived as 'objective' or 'impersonal', it should be noted that the experience of violence is highly personal and often devastating for primary and secondary victims (e.g., children).
... One way to address the aforementioned potential biases is through the use of a Foucauldian strain of queer theory, which contends that gender and sexuality are socially constructed and theorizes that those who more closely aligned with social expectations of gender and sexuality (i.e., cisgender, heterosexual; Oswald et al., 2005) are able to access more power. As power in Johnson's typology was originally conceived as patriarchal, he and his colleagues (e.g., Johnson 2008;Kelly & Johnson, 2008) cast doubt on how applicable this typology is to queer relationships, namely same-gender relationships. We argue the typology is, in fact, useful for queer relationships but the role of cis-heteronormativity in queer individuals' experiences of IPV has been under theorized. ...
... In this text, he viewed the family violence perspective of IPV as largely situational and when incidents of conflict escalate into physical violence, typically due to unhealthy communication patterns. Johnson (2008) conversely articulated the feminist perspective of IPV as being mainly perpetrated by cisgender men towards cisgender women victims/survivors and involving power and control differentials (Johnson, 2008;Kelly & Johnson, 2008). The feminist perspective emphasized how patriarchal power serves as a mechanism for perpetrators to control their partners (Johnson, 1995(Johnson, , 2008. ...
... Originally, coercive controlling violence was conceptualized as patriarchal terrorism (Johnson, 1995), but has since been expanded to recognize relational diversity, and is now referred to as intimate terrorism or coercive controlling violence (Johnson, 2008(Johnson, , 2017Johnson & Ferraro, 2000;Kelly & Johnson, 2008). This paper will continue to push the expansion of coercive controlling violence to include the role of cis-heteronormativity across the diversity of queer relationships. ...
PurposeJohnson’s (2008) typology revolutionized how intimate partner violence (IPV) was conceptualized. Broadly, it distinguished different ways that IPV manifested and motivations for perpetrating IPV. Contemporary queer theorists and researchers have critiqued the typology as being too cis-heteronormative, or assuming cisgender identity and heterosexuality as default identities and experiences. Our purpose then is to make visible the unintended cis-heteronormativity in Johnson’s typology of IPV and articulate ways to enhance its use with queer populations.Method
We used queer theory to reconceptualize cis-heteronormative tenants of Johnson’s (2008) typology and propose a more inclusive understanding of IPV. We also used queer of color critique to consider additional intersectional locations (e.g., race) that can lead to relational power imbalances.ResultsWe developed two queer theoretical extensions to Johnson’s (2008) typology that are reflective of the dynamics of diversity in queer relationships. In them, we engage in Challenging Categorization through Contextualizing Prevalence Estimates of IPV Among Queer US Populations and (Re)Conceptualizing Categorization (Extension 1). We also engage in (Re)Conceptualizing Power and Control (Extension 2).Conclusion
Our theoretical extensions can be used to advance the field of IPV research in ways that are inclusive of queer peoples’ experiences of IPV.
... CCV refers to a pattern of emotionally abusive intimidation, coercion, and control combined with physical violence perpetrated against an intimate partner (Kelly & Johnson, 2008: 478). The coercive partner keeps the victim under surveillance, and failure to follow the rules established by them often results in punitive action (Kelly & Johnson, 2008;Tanha et al., 2009;Beck et al., 2013). Johnson maintains that the abuser may use one or a combination of several tactics to keep the victim under control. ...
... Violent resistance is the type of violence used by the victim of violence to resist violence from a coercive controlling partner. Various terms that have been used to describe this type of violence include female resistance, resistive/reactive violence, and self-defense (Kelly & Johnson, 2008;Beck et al., 2013). ...
... It is the most common type of violence in the general population and can be perpetrated by men or women against their partners. The intention behind this type of violence is not power, control, or coercion; it arises from situations, arguments, and conflicts between partners, which then escalates into physical violence (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). Mutual violent control violence occurs when both partners are violent and controlling towards each other (i.e., two intimate terrorists) (Beck et al., 2013). ...
... For instance, Burgess-Proctor (2003) examined the efficacy of applying for protection orders by survived women who received either a temporary or permanent protection order following male domestic violence. The protection orders were less successful in cases of patriarchal terrorism than in common couple violence (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). The effectiveness of protection orders for the survivors of family violence may also depend on the particular type, such as coercive controlling violence, violent resistance, situational couple violence, and separation-instigated violence (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). ...
... The protection orders were less successful in cases of patriarchal terrorism than in common couple violence (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). The effectiveness of protection orders for the survivors of family violence may also depend on the particular type, such as coercive controlling violence, violent resistance, situational couple violence, and separation-instigated violence (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). Therefore, to gain a deeper understanding of how women survivors experience protection orders, the present study explores the factors around violent events and the influence of protection orders. ...
This study examines women’s experiences with domestic violence and receiving a protection order based on fourteen semi-structured interviews with women survivors in Türkiye. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 women survivors who obtained protection orders in Türkiye. Interpretive phenomenological analysis was used. The phenomenological analysis revealed two major themes: (a) silence with being blamed and (b) the process of protection orders. While women were able to identify the reasons for violence, such as their partners’ anger and tolerance of violence, they mostly only used the protection order when the level of violence and abuse was unbearable and life-threatening. We discuss how women can protect themselves before their lives become threatening. This study suggests that policymakers and human services should consider protecting women survivors’ well-being both during and after receiving protection orders.
... Instead, violence typically occurs within specific conflicts and is more representative of poor conflict and problem resolution skills. Also, violence tends to be less frequent and encompasses milder acts of violence compared to when the motivation is to control (Johnson & Ferraro, 2000;Kelly & Johnson, 2008). This form of violence is in contrast to intimate partner terrorism (IPT), where violence is unilateral and represents coercive control (Johnson, 2005). ...
... This is likely because a perpetrator who is controlling their partner would not allow them to enter therapy at all. SCV has been identified as a form of violence that can be treated in couple's therapy because it occurs in relationships in which the abuse is not intended to control or intimidate and is representative of poor conflict and problem resolution skills (Kelly & Johnson, 2008), which can be addressed in couple's therapy (Stith et al., 2012). However, when control is the motivation (not congruent with SCV), the perpetrator is unlikely to allow the victim to be honest about the violence and other relationship issues. ...
Providing therapy services via Telemental Health (TMH), or teletherapy, has exponentially increased since the COVID-19 pandemic. Although previous research demonstrates that TMH is as effective as in-person therapy, there is a dearth of research on how therapists should address technology-perpetrated abuse and intimate partner violence (IPV) over TMH. This is extremely problematic given the frequency in which violence occurs in romantic relationships. This manuscript aims to address this gap by providing concrete clinical guidelines based on existing literature and professional experience with engaging in TMH services. The authors review literature on technology-perpetrated abuse and discuss innovative ways to assess and treat IPV over TMH by adapting protocols from Domestic Violence-Focused Couple’s Therapy. Within this, the authors integrate research on high-conflict couples to provide new suggestions on how to manage couples who escalate quickly and who are prone to violence. The manuscript will conclude with future directions for research.
... The increasing (and careful) differentiation between types of IPV and the recognition that significant numbers of IPV cases are bi-directional also have implications for interventions (Kelly & Johnson, 2008;Stover, 2013;Stover & Morgos, 2013). IPV is not a singular phenomenon. ...
... IPV is not a singular phenomenon. Differentiation between types of male-perpetrated violence is well recognised (Babcock et al., 2007;Gottman et al., 1995;Hill, 2019;Holtzworth-Munroe & Stuart, 1994;Johnson & Leone, 2005;Kelly & Johnson, 2008). More recently, there have been increasing attempts to articulate typologies of bi-directional couple violence. ...
Intimate partner violence is a major problem in Australia, impacting many families that are on the cusp of disruption and intervention by the child protection system. Using an innovative method of inquiry, the article explores the role of dedicated men's workers in a South Australian non‐government organisation's intensive family service that works towards keeping families safe and together. The dedicated men's worker positions are integrated into a multidisciplinary model that works with fathers who have been a part of situational violence within the family. The men's worker's (and co‐authors') reflections offer insight into systemic barriers, practical therapeutic interventions, engagement work with fathers, how this is approached, and the various outcomes experienced. Blending auto‐ethnography reflections, elements of rapid ethnographic assessment, and the use of rigorous and accelerated data reduction, we demonstrate the need for increased supports for fathers. These should include therapeutic engagement and working with the underlying trauma of fathers to ensure the whole family is supported and offered opportunity for healing and sustainable preservation. We also consider the more encompassing lifeworlds of the men and the need to drive and support broader sociocultural shifts.
... It is recommended that future studies examining the concordance of retrospective and ESM reports of PTSD symptoms control for such variability. Finally, the present study did not assess typologies of IPV, such as situational versus characterological violence (for a full review, see Kelly & Johnson, 2008). The former arises in the context of a specific argument or conflict during which one or both partners enact violence toward the other; unlike characterological violence, it is not driven by an underlying motivation to dominate, control, or otherwise exert power over a partner (Johnson & Ferraro, 2000). ...
Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is one of the most prominent negative health consequences that women experiencing intimate partner violence (IPV) may develop. However, research on PTSD among women experiencing IPV has largely relied on retrospective reporting methods, which are vulnerable to bias and may consequently misrepresent PTSD symptoms. This study evaluated the concordance between PTSD symptoms assessed via retrospective self-report and experience sampling methods (ESM), which involve repeated within-day sampling of experiences in near real-time and in natural environments. Community women ( N = 134) experiencing IPV ( M age = 40.7, 30.4% Black) responded to ESM surveys three times a day for 30 days and then completed a follow-up interview. Retrospective self-report of PTSD symptoms, which were assessed during the follow-up interview, were compared to ESM reports of PTSD symptoms. Retrospective reports of PTSD symptoms were significantly different from PTSD symptoms reported during the ESM period, but most closely resembled peak PTSD symptoms. Notably, retrospective reports of PTSD symptoms were significantly different, with a very large effect size, from average PTSD symptoms reported during the ESM period. Discordance scores were significantly negatively associated with the number of days on which any IPV occurred, suggesting that as the frequency of IPV experiences increased, differences between retrospective PTSD symptoms and each ESM symptom pattern decreased. This study provides an important contribution to the literature by highlighting meaningful differences in PTSD symptoms assessed via retrospective self-report versus ESM and the role of IPV context. Findings emphasize the importance of utilizing ESM in PTSD research with women experiencing IPV.
... Coercive, controlling violence is when the abusive party engages in a pattern of coercive behaviour directly targeting the other parent's capacity to make independent decisions through tactics of physical abuse, degradation, intimidation, threats, and isolation to gain and maintain control of their partner (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). Indicators of coercive, controlling violence are relevant in a family law context because the abuse is part of an ongoing pattern that will likely continue, and the children could become a means for a controlling person to intimidate their former partner throughout the divorce proceedings (Government of Canada,2023). ...
Intended to fill the existing gap in knowledge, the book, “Breaking the silence: The untold journeys of racialized immigrant youth through family violence,” is a Phenomenological research study that sheds light on the experiences and agency of twelve racialized immigrant youths as they navigated family violence in their childhood. By bringing together theoretical frameworks, such as Anti-Colonialism, Critical Race Theory, A rights Based approach to children and Anti-Oppressive practice, with concepts of the Best Interest of the Child and Coercive Control, the book provides an insight into the impacts of family violence and how these
experiences are complicated by systemic violence in case of racialized immigrant children. The book provides a way forward for the Justice sector to broaden the concept of the best interest of the child and recognize systemic violence in family violence matters. A unique contribution of the book is the participants’ recommendations that call for transforming practices of sectors that address family violence along with work with communities and individuals.
... The evaluation process should be at least semi-formal and structured. The evaluator will typically ask questions aimed at understanding each parent's perceptions of their and the other parent's parenting strengths and weaknesses; the co-parenting issues, including how well parents communicate, share information about the children, and make joint decisions on behalf of the children; their co-parent and any behaviors by or towards their co-parent that fall into the category of gatekeeping ; whether or not there has been violence in the relationship and, if so, what type of violence has occurred (Kelly & Johnson, 2008); and the child(ren)'s strengths, weaknesses, special issues, needs, and best interests. ...
Psychologists and other professionals are often appointed by the courts to assist families in resolving post‐separation disputes and to assist judges in making orders on behalf of the best interests of the child(ren). Although these evaluations provide valuable information to the court, they require assessing areas of human behavior that are imprecisely defined or lacking professional consensus. As parents separate, their disputes may become more challenging, and they may act in uncharacteristic and unpredictable ways. Families that cannot solve their own challenges outside of court often show high levels of conflict and/or have issues that are extremely complex, including domestic violence allegations, resist‐refuse family dynamics, and relocation requests. Evaluators and judges, being human, tend to oversimplify complex issues due to the limitations of the human brain. Evaluators are subject to cognitive biases that result from the use of mental heuristics, leading to shortcuts and errors in their reasoning and judgment. Other biases, such as implicit and explicit cultural biases, often influence evaluators' reasoning and conclusions. This article explores various biases that affect and potentially diminish the quality of an evaluator's work. We conclude by addressing “de‐biasing” strategies that can reduce, but not negate, the risks associated with such biases.
... Violence against women are highly predominant irrespective of their marital status, employment status, age and religion (Lyons & Brewer 2021). There are various reasons for violence by intimate partners and substance abuse is also a major reason (Kelly & Johnson 2008). Women adopt different coping strategies against violence inflicted by their intimate partners (Kasi, et. ...
COVID-19 catastrophe forced the world to stay within the boundaries of the home. Work from Home has become a new norm as the workplace has now shifted to home. The rate of violence against women rose during the pandemic. It is not only a matter of pandemic era, historically, violence against women that occurs within intimate relationships (intimate partner violence or IPV) affects millions of women every year resulting in adverse social, physical, and emotional outcomes that can be persistent for decades. In this context this research deals firstly, with the assessment of the correlation between work from home and intimate partner violence and secondly with the coping mechanism of women. After exploring seven cases of intimate partner violence and various reports and available data it has been found that intimate partner violence has risen during pandemics with more intensity. The study has used primary as well as secondary data and employed a qualitative approach. The study found that the life of women during the pandemic has become worse, and victims had adopted various coping mechanisms to escape the situation.
Keywords: Covid-19 Pandemic, Work from Home, Intimate Partner Violence, Coping
Mechanism.
... These include Safe, Sane, and Consensual (SSC); Risk Aware Consensual Kink (RACK); and Caring, Communication, Consent, and Caution (4Cs) (Williams et al., 2014). In relationships with IPV, however, one individual takes power and control or enacts violence without request or permission (Johnson, 2008;Kelly & Johnson, 2008). ...
Gender and sexual minoritized (GSM) youth are more likely than their cisgender heterosexual peers to experience intimate partner violence (IPV) and practice bondage and discipline, domination and submission, sadism, and masochism (BDSM). Although IPV and BDSM are vastly different phenomena, superficial similarities (e.g., violent behaviors) can lead to misidentification in both practice and research. This study explores how GSM youth (a) experience and understand the differences between IPV and BDSM and (b) report consensual violent and controlling behaviors when answering items on IPV measures. Nine demographically diverse GSM youth (mean age 21.2) were drawn from a GSM youth-serving organization in the Northeast United States. Participants were interviewed about their experiences with IPV, BDSM, and consent. Participants also were asked to describe the process of completing two standardized measures of IPV. Interviews were coded using conventional and directed content analysis. Eight of nine participants reported IPV victimization, and seven reported BDSM interest or experiences. Four themes emerged: (a) GSM youth experience a spectrum of IPV victimization, often related to their gender and sexual identity; (b) interest in BDSM does not imply an acceptance of IPV; (c) GSM youth have a nuanced understanding of consent and strategies to communicate consent with their partners; and (d) Consent is the organizing framework by which GSM youth distinguish IPV from BDSM. Participants reported various degrees of certainty that they would include BDSM behaviors when answering questions about violent behaviors. Findings underscore the importance of conceptually and operationally differentiating IPV and BDSM. Programs that serve GSM youth should address IPV victimization, offer sex-positive education regarding healthy relationships and BDSM, and assist GSM youth in differentiating abusive behaviors from consensual BDSM. Standardized measures that do not conflate BDSM with IPV are crucial for studying IPV among GSM youth.
... Victims have been described as trapped in a complex web of unequal resources and treatment (Stark, 2007). The empirical literature has noted that victims of coercive control suffer various forms of psychological trauma, such as anxiety, depression, and stress (Kelly & Johnson, 2008), and may even experience suicidal thoughts (Ali et al., 2014). ...
We explore the emerging issue of how communications technologies can be used by male perpetrators to facilitate intimate partner violence against their female partners. We analyzed interview narratives from 18 women survivors of intimate partner violence in Taiwan, informed by Stark's theory of coercive control. Our findings indicated that the male perpetrators of intimate partner violence against the survivors utilized communications technologies to further harm, control, and intimidate their victims. We found that the perpetrators harassed, stalked/monitored, and isolated the survivors and distributed defamatory messages about the survivors to other people using telephones, e-mail, social media, the Internet, broadcast media, and recording devices.
... ς χαμηλή αυτοεκτίμηση (δεν έχουν που να πάνε, νιώθουν αδύναμες να αντιδράσουν κ.ά.) ή νιώθοντας ενοχές ή έντονο φόβο για τις συνέπειες της καταγγελίας τους. Άλλοτε τους είναι οικεία τέτοια σχήματα σχέσης από την πατρική τους οικογένεια, οπότε δεν αντιδρούν, ενώ συχνά είναι συναισθηματικά εξαρτημένες από το σύντροφο/σύζυγό τους (παπακωνσταντής, 2006. Kelly & Johnson, 2008. ...
... In addition to the forms of IPV, IPV has been better understood by investigating and categorizing the different typologies and subgroups of violence. According to the most commonly used and empirically validated typology, five main types of IPV were defined: coercive controlling violence, violent resistance, situational couple violence, separation-instigated violence, and mutual violent control (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). In another commonly cited typology, Holtzworth-Munroe and Meehan (2004) identified four types: generally violent/anti-social, dysphoric/borderline, familyonly, and low-level antisocial types. ...
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a multifaceted
concept defined as “behaviour within an intimate
relationship that causes physical, sexual or psychological
harm, including acts of physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviours” (World Health Organization, 2010: 11). Both survivors and perpetrators
of IPV could seek psychological help from mental health practitioners (e.g., psychiatrists, psychological counselors, psychologists, social workers) either individually or conjointly as a
couple. One of the common forms of professional help for partners in violent relationships is relationship counseling (i.e., couple/marital counseling, couple/marital therapy) which aims to assist partners to feel less stressed and more
satisfied in their personal lives and romantic relationships.
Relationship counseling is different than individual counseling given that its focus is on the dyads and the relational issues and problems. Relationship counseling and couple counseling/therapy will be used interchangeably in this paper.
... Stark (2007) conceptualized the term 'coercive control' by emphasizing its fundamental motivation aiming to target women's gender-based vulnerability and to ensure men's privileged position in terms of having control on resources, daily life and usage of time. Kelly and Johnson (2008) used the term 'coercive controlling violence' as a mutated version of controlling behavior by defining it as a punitive action that targets the subordinate side within a relationship in case of failing to obey the rule set by coercive partner. Within the frame of the Domestic Abuse Intervention Project's findings based on the instances of controlling behaviors continually notified by both perpetrators and victims (Pence et al., 1993), controlling behavior was regarded as an extended term by Archer (2003, 2008) so that it involved economic measures, threats, intimidation, emotional abuse and isolation. ...
Background/aim
Intimate partner controlling behavior toward women is an important form of intimate partner violence (IPV), both in terms of limiting women’s daily lives and in terms of reproducing patriarchal culture and male dominance in societies at the micro level. A limited number of studies in the literature have identified the male intimate partner’s controlling behavior as a dependent variable, which is important for understanding the determinants of this type of IPV. There is also a significant gap in the literature in terms of studies focusing on the case of Türkiye. Thus, the main aim of this study was to determine the socio-demographic, economic and violence-related factors that have an effect on women’s status in terms of exposure to control behavior in Türkiye.
Methods
These factors were examined by using binary logistic regression analysis, based on the micro data set collected by the Hacettepe University’s Institute of Population Studies in the 2014-dated National Research on Domestic Violence against Women in Türkiye. A total of 7,462 women between the ages of 15 and 59 were interviewed face-to-face.
Results
The findings of the study revealed that women are more likely to be exposed to controlling behavior if they live in rural areas, are unmarried, speak Turkish as their mother tongue, have bad or very bad health conditions, justify men’s violence and are afraid of their intimate partners. As women’s age, level of education and income contribution increase, their likelihood of exposure to controlling behavior decreases. However, women’s exposure to economic, physical and emotional violence also increases their likelihood of exposure to controlling behavior.
Conclusion
The findings highlighted the importance of creating public policies that make women less vulnerable to men’s controlling behavior, providing women with methods and mechanisms of resistance and raising public awareness of the exacerbating effects of controlling behavior on social inequalities.
... Research on domestic violence has di erentiated several types of domestic violence, including coercive controlling violence, separated-instigated violence, situational couple violence, and violent resistance, with coercive controlling violence being associated with the most severe and extensive adjustment problems in children (Kelly & Johnston, 2008). ...
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... People's experiences are affected by violence in different ways and the reasons underpinning domestic violence and abuse (DVA) also differ between individuals and across relationships (Johnston and Campbell, 1993;Huss and Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 2000;Lohr et al., 2005;Capaldi and Kim, 2007;Kelly and Johnson, 2008). ...
The aim of the research was to understand the perceptions and beliefs of police officers who work and support victims of intimate partner domestic violence and abuse (DVA) and evaluate the way it is recorded. A sample was collected from eight police departments in Greece. The head of each police department was approached by the researcher and asked to distribute a structured questionnaire to front-line police officers who work with DVA victims. In total 358 police officers completed the questionnaire. Overall, nearly twice as many police officers referred to female victims (n = 170) compared to male victims (n = 83) of DVA. The police officers indicated that female victims usually suffered from severe physical violence/GBH (43%) and psychological abuse (27%), whereas male victims were most likely to disclose minor physical injuries and verbal abuse (49%) and less psychological violence (10%). An arrest was the most common response for both female and male victims (51% and 60%, respectively). Police participants indicated that offenders against males were more likely to be charged (28%) but less likely to be convicted (4%), whereas the opposite was reported for offenders of female victims (14% and 13%, respectively). If the offender was known to the police, the opinion was they were less likely to be prosecuted. Police respondents reported no significant differences for female and male victims as to causal factors and reasons for NOT reporting DVA. These were discrimination (31%), few DVA services (23%), intimidation (15%), shame and stigma of media reports (14%), lack of community support (6%), and personal reasons (9%).
... In the UK, Katz (2015) found that controlling behaviors, isolation from family/friends, restricting activities and parenting time may impact children's social skills, confidence, and development. Jaffe et al. (2008) reference the work of Kelly and Johnson (2008) and suggest that there are various forms of domestic violence: abusive-controlling violent relationships (also known as coercive controlling violence); conflictinstigated violence; violent resistance; and, separation-instigated violence. For the purpose of this study, the broader definition of domestic violence that includes coercive and controlling behavior will be considered in its connection with shared parenting relationships where mothers have young children. ...
This cross‐sectional survey reports on the experiences and impact of mothers in shared parenting arrangements and their young children ages 0–4 years across three provinces in Canada (Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario). The purpose of the study was to explore shared parenting arrangements in the context of domestic violence, and we sought to recruit mothers from a range of experiences regarding reported violence in their relationships with their ex‐partners. The online survey consisted of standardized tools to measure child development, depression, substance use, and anxiety, extent and severity of domestic violence, and coparenting. Recruiting during the pandemic was challenging, which required various recruitment strategies. The total sample included 84 mothers who completed questionnaires. Findings show that while mothers experienced various forms of domestic violence in shared parenting arrangements, experiences of coercive control were most evident. Implications are identified and discussed in relation to parenting plans, shared parenting and all forms of domestic violence including coercive control.
... Intimate partner violence (IPV) refers to physical, sexual, and psychological harm against a romantic partner (Breiding et al., 2015;Stewart et al., 2013). Among couples from the general population, situational violence is the most common form of IPV, which refers to violent behaviors understood as resulting from an escalating romantic conflict (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). Several studies suggest that IPV tends to arise in the context of reciprocal interactions between romantic partners and often involves mutual aggression (i.e., perpetrated by both partners), particularly in young adult's romantic relationship (Paradis et al., 2015;Renner & Whitney, 2012). ...
Social media have profoundly transformed young adults’ social interactions, especially within their romantic relationships. For instance, jealousy induced by the partner's activity on social media can cause conflicts that can escalate into controlling and aggressive behaviors. Previous cross-sectional studies show significant links between social media jealousy and intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration. However, the directionality of these associations has not yet been examined using longitudinal designs. This study investigated the associations between social media jealousy and IPV perpetration in young adults’ romantic relationships over a year. Two samples, one composed of 112 couples (n = 224) and one composed of 286 individuals involved in a romantic relationship, completed online questionnaires at two time points over one year. Results of cross-lagged panel analyses were replicated across samples and suggested that the intra-individual association between social media jealousy and IPV perpetration is bidirectional and positive over time. Results also indicated a negative association between a person’s IPV perpetration at Time 1 and their partner’s online jealousy at Time 2. These findings highlight the reciprocal and dyadic influences of social media jealousy and IPV and provide a better understanding of the potential risks associated with social media use in young adults’ romantic relationships.
... Ponekad nasilje proizlazi iz frustracije ili patološke agresije, nedostatka samokontrole i rezultira prekidom odnosa ili razvodom. Kelly i Johnson (2008) opisuju tri vrste nasilja u partnerskim vezama: situacijsko nasilje, nasilje potaknuto razvodom ili razdvajanjem i nasilje koje karakterizira prisila i kontroliranje. Posebice rizično je nasilje koje za cilj ima preuzimanje kontrole nad (najčešće) partnericom, na način da ju se sprječava da izađe iz veze i da joj se ograniči sloboda izbora ("Bit ćeš moja ili te neće biti", "Ti možeš ići, ali djecu zaboravi"). ...
Knjiga predstavlja jedinstven uspjeli pokušaj objedinjavanja različitih koncepata koji se bave kontrolom kako vlastitoga ponašanja i osjećanja, tako i doživljaja izvora i mogućnosti kontrole događaja koji se zbivaju oko nas. Budući da se koncepti kontrole javljaju u najrazličitijim granama psihologije kao što su psihologija ličnosti, kognitivna psihologija, psihologija emocija, motivacije i učenja, razvojna psihologija, psihologija rada, pa i klinička psihologija, ovaj poduhvat autora zaista je hvalevrijedan znanstveni poduhvat. Premda nam se može činiti kako je o konceptu mjesta ili lokusa kontrole sve već davno poznato i istraženo, autor nam pokazuje koliko smo u krivu i koliki su još brojni metodološki problemi vezani uz taj koncept.
... Researchers have proposed various typologies to classify different patterns of intimate partner violence and/or abuse (IPV/A) (also called domestic violence) (Beck et al., 2013;Kelly & Johnson, 2008). Situational couple violence, which is largely reciprocated between partners, can lead to loyalty conflicts among children who become triangulated in the family dynamic (e.g., Bernet et al., 2016) and has not been found to be a predictor of PA in children (e.g., Harman, Leder Elder, et al., 2019). ...
Previous studies have demonstrated a connection between intimate partner violence (IPV) and a child’s alienation from the abused parent, but little is known about the relationships between the type of IPV, aspects, and severity of a child’s alienation, and the target parent’s gender. This study assessed the presence of an IPV history (verbal and physical aspects) among parents who identify as targets of their children’s unreasonable rejection. Also investigated were associations between the form of IPV and manifestations of a child’s alienated behavior, parent’s gender and type of IPV, and parents’ gender and degree of the child’s alienation. Self-identified alienated parents ( n = 842) completed an online survey that included an IPV screening measurement (Hurts, Insults, Screams, Threatens screening tool) and a measure of the parent’s perception of their child’s alienated behaviors (Rowlands Parental Alienation Scale). The majority identified as IPV victims and reported a higher level of verbal than physical abuse. More mothers than fathers identified themselves as IPV victims. As a group, IPV victims rated their child as more severely alienated than did non-IPV alienated parents. Mothers were more likely than fathers to report physical aggression by the other parent and more likely than fathers to assess their child’s alienated behaviors as more severe. Victims of physical violence reported their children were less likely to withhold positive affection from them. This knowledge may assist in earlier identification of the alienation process and greater recognition, legitimacy, funding, and opportunities for enhanced collaboration among stakeholders. This, in turn, may lead to improvements in prevention, intervention, and accountability, thus helping to interrupt alienation processes.
... Thus, it is critical that researchers and clinicians alike assess for multiple forms of IPV victimization. Although our findings indicate that these types of violence highly correlate, other research demonstrates that different forms of IPV are associated with unique mental health risk factors, underscoring the clinical and practical limitations of categorizing IPV as one homogenous adversity (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). ...
Background:
Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) are typically assessed within two subscales: child maltreatment (CM) and household dysfunction (HD). More research is needed about how the CM and HD subscales differentially contribute to adult posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS), accounting for additional adversities.
Objective, participants, and setting:
In a sample of 137 pregnant women exposed to recent intimate partner violence (IPV) in the United States, this study aimed to (1) explore the contributions of ACEs subscales to pregnant women's PTSS severity, (2) examine the inclusion of the witnessing IPV ACE in the CM subscale, and (3) contextualize the contributions of the ACEs subscales to women's PTSS by examining the moderating effect of age of first ACE exposure.
Methods:
The study used linear, multiple, and hierarchical regression analyses and the Hotelling-Williams test.
Results:
The CM subscale predicted pregnant women's PTSS significantly better than the HD subscale, controlling for past-year IPV (t(134) = 2.69, p = .008). Adding the witnessing IPV ACE to the CM subscale did not significantly improve the subscale's prediction of PTSS (ΔR2 = 0.07, p = .290). Age of first exposure did not significantly moderate the effects of the CM (β = 0.12, p = .140) or HD (β = -0.10, p = .238) ACEs subscales on PTSS.
Conclusions:
Results suggest that for pregnant women exposed to high levels of trauma, polyvictimization and particularly experiencing multiple types of CM have stronger predictive validity for PTSS than HD. Cumulative victimization may be more influential than age of exposure to adversity.
... Aligned with Stark's (2007) thesis, Johnson (1995) and Kelly and Johnson (2008) distinguished between less serious, non-gendered violence and that which is motivated by gender, power, and control. The former, 'situational violence', they propose can be perpetrated by men and women as a reaction to stressful events and is unlikely to repeat or escalate. ...
Evaluations of domestic violence perpetrator programmes have not produced evidence that they are as effective at reducing male, non-violent, coercively controlling behaviours. This article proposes such limitations are understood by adopting a more complex conceptualisation of coercive control for which the reasons are both gendered and biographically unique. Drawing on document analyses and in-depth interviews with eight programme facilitators and an in-depth case study of one male participant, this article explores the merits and limitations of the cognitive behavioural, skills-based criminal justice programme, Building Better Relationships, in addressing coercively controlling behaviours. The dual (re)conceptualisation of coercive control proposed has implications for both practice and programme evaluation methods.
... Domestic violence or abuse was neither in the academic discourse nor incorporated into government policies for a long time in the United Kingdom until very recently (the last three decades). It was considered a private affair that should not be brought to the public domain [16]. The last three decades have seen a significant shift in the understanding, approach and response to domestic violence, nationally and internationally. ...
Domestic and sexual abuse have been in the academic discourse for quite some time. In recent years in the United Kingdom, the government, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the charity sector have doubled their efforts to tackle this challenge through different approaches. One of these approaches is the establishment of specialist services. A case study of these specialist interventions is two advocacy services within a community-based domestic and sexual abuse charity in Southampton named Yellow Door (YD). In line with the specialist service approach (SSA), the diversity, inclusion and advocacy (DIA) service and the Black and minority ethnic Communities (BME) independent sexual violence advisory (ISVA) service were created to address the needs of the BME community. Through the adoption of the collaboration, prevention and education approach, these services support survivors from this community, professionals and community groups to encourage more disclosures and support clients holistically. Recommendations to encourage more reporting and better ways to improve the needs of clients from BME communities were proposed.
Objective
The purpose of the present study was to test a model that examines the characteristics of the escalation process among heterosexual couples. It also examined how women's use of verbal and physical violence is associated with a sense of danger in men.
Background
The prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV) is a critical concern for public health. IPV has serious physical and mental health consequences on the victim.
Methods
Participants were 165 women. The first subsample ( n = 70, 42.42%) comprised women from the general population, and the second ( n = 95, 57.57%) was composed of women living in relationships characterized by high‐intensity conflict (research population). Structural equation modeling was performed to assess the hypothesized model and to test the research hypotheses.
Results
Analysis indicates that the use of violence (verbal and/or physical) by one partner was positively correlated to the use of violence by the other partner. The analysis also shows that the woman's use of violence positively affects the man's sense of danger only for couples from the general population. Finally, the man's sense of danger is related to his violence toward the woman .
Conclusion
In a high‐conflict relationship, violence is less reciprocal but escalates more easily, whereas in the general population, violence is more reciprocal but more moderate. In addition, emotions are an essential component of marital conflict and influence the development and management of conflict. Emotional components, such as a sense of danger, may be a risk factor in the escalation of conflict to violence.
Researchers have suggested that intimate partner violence experience (IPV) is associated with both early and unintended childbearing. However, since IPV and early and unintended parenthood are concentrated among young women and men, this association may not be causal. Using the Toledo Adolescent Relationships Study (TARS), we examined whether IPV experience was related to early and unintended parenthood by age 25 for women and men (n = 811). Women and men who previously experienced intimate partner violence were no more likely to enter parenthood by age 25 than those individuals who had not previously experienced intimate partner violence. Further, prior IPV experience was not associated with an increased probability of unintended parenthood. Results suggested that rather than a causal relationship, prior IPV experience and unintended parenthood both occur in young adulthood. This work has implications for policy and programmatic foci of both unintended parenthood and intimate partner violence prevention initiatives.KeywordsIntimate partner violenceEarly and unintended parenthoodYoung adulthood
Research has focused on intimate partner violence (IPV) against women either before or after separation, but little attention has been paid to the changes in and persistence of violent behaviors from one situation to the next. This study contributes to the literature by comparing the changes in types and frequencies of abusive behaviors of women's former husbands. This allows us to understand how mechanisms of power are enacted through IPV both before and after separation. We interviewed 19 women in the Midwestern United States who had experienced IPV by their former husbands and had subsequently divorced them. Data were analyzed using qualitative content analysis. The findings suggest that verbal abuse and using children were the most common forms of IPV both pre‐ and postseparation. Many preseparation behaviors were replaced by other forms of abuse; for example, physical abuse was not experienced after separation. Some forms of IPV, such as stalking and economic abuse, escalated after separation. This reveals that exerting control over women through nonphysical forms of IPV was more common after separation. In particular, using axial and selective coding approach, our findings present three composite narratives of women's experiences of the changes in, and the escalation and persistence of, the violence they faced. The three composite narratives show how abusive behaviors are situated within patriarchal notions of dominance, power, and control over women and their children. The implications of the findings are discussed in terms of healthcare services, advocacy‐based victim assistance, school officials, and the courts.
This study examines how gender interacts with polyvictimization patterns in survivors' health problems using 8,587 survivors of intimate partner violence from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, a nationally representative sample collected in 2010. Polyvictimization included six categories that were created in our previous work: sexual violence, physical and psychological violence, coercive control, multiple violence, stalking, and psychological aggression. Multiple violence was associated with chronic pain, headache, difficulty sleeping, and poor health perception. Females experiencing coercive control were more likely to have chronic pain than males. The appropriate assessment of gendered patterns of polyvictimization, and relevant subsequent services and support will better address health problems among survivors.
Purpose
Family law cases where high levels of interparental conflict (high conflict) and/or intimate partner violence (IPV) is present have concerned social science and legal scholars and practitioners for decades because these cases require more court resources and relate to poorer outcomes for children. However, definitions between fields are inconsistent, which limits stakeholders’ ability to consistently identify and support these families.
Methods
The current study uses an innovative rapid qualitative method to elucidate (1) court stakeholders’ definitions of high conflict and IPV, (2) how they determine these are present in a case, and (3) whether they distinguish the two concepts in meaningful ways, to highlight areas for family law reform. Court stakeholders (i.e., judges, administrators, lawyers, community service providers; n = 16) from the same Midwestern county were interviewed to better understand their definitions, determinations, and distinguishment of high conflict and IPV in family law cases. Rapid qualitative analysis methods, including matrix analysis, were used to collect, organize, and analyze the data (Averill, 2002).
Results
Results indicate the following: stakeholders largely do not determine a case is high conflict until after the case begins; IPV definitions primarily focus on physical violence; empirically supported methods to identify IPV survivors are infrequently used; and stakeholders disagree about how to distinguish between high conflict and IPV.
Conclusions
These results will be used to increase the implementation of screening for IPV and high conflict in family law cases. Results highlight the need to develop methods for assessing for high inter-parental conflict early in the case and target knowledge acquisition via training strategies (particularly about IPV) for court stakeholders in family law.
Purpose
Johnson’s typology of intimate partner violence, first published in 1995, intended to resolve the gender symmetry debate and alter the way scholars studied intimate partner violence. This scoping review explores the empirical reach of Johnson’s typology over 25 years.
Methods
Articles were identified through searches of four databases and were included if they were an empirical journal article with Johnson’s typology central to the analysis (n = 82) and published between 1996 and 2020.
Results
Empirical work reached its highest points in 2014 and 2016, with 10 articles published each year, but has since declined. The mean number of articles published per year is less than four (M = 3.28). Authorship appears to have diffused well, as there were 56 different lead authors of the 82 articles, and no one author contributed to more than 10% of the empirical work. Articles appeared in 37 journals and were heavily concentrated in journals on interpersonal violence and in the disciplines of Family Studies and Psychology.
Conclusions
Empirical engagement with Johnson’s typology is modest yet extends across a large number of independent authors and appears in journals across multiple disciplines. It is not clear why there has not been more empirical engagement given the widespread and increasing citation of Johnson’s work, but perhaps this is part of the reason why the typology has not ended the gender symmetry debate. Moving forward requires better understanding of why intimate partner violence researchers often choose not to empirically test Johnson’s typology.
The invisible nature of economic abuse contributes to its pervasiveness. Through interviews with 14 women survivors in Canada, this study identifies the ways in which economic abuse is (in)visible to survivors. There were three major themes: "Constructing and maintaining the fairy-tale" describes how gender roles and ideas of love concealed abuse. "The normalization of financial problems in heterosexual relationships" examines how disagreements about money were normalized in ways that masked abuse. "Recognizing economic abuse" describes how breaking away from expectations was critical to recognition. These findings can aid in improving support to help survivors identify, avoid, and escape economic abuse.
Links between IPF and homicide concealment have been observed but not explained. We theorize IPF perpetrators use concealment to continue coercively controlling investigators, children, courts and finances post-IPF. We compare abuse in the relationship and surrounding IPF in five diverse cases. Facilitated by concealment, offenders use versatile, subtle and overt tactics to extend control post-IPF. They capitalize on opportunities for concealment and regaining control, sometimes without other benefits. Tactics are akin to those employed previously, aligning with the power and control wheel. Concealment allows offenders to dominate the death narrative and assists with remaining unaccountable.
Violence in the family has been a frequently discussed topic in the scientific discourse in the last two decades. Thanks to this, today, we have at our disposal a significant body of scientific knowledge, legislative solutions, and practical policies that focus on preventing and protecting victims of violence. However, we do not notice some among the victims of domestic violence. Hereof, our knowledge about the etiology and phenomenology of violence against men is insufficient. Our study represents a small step forward in researching the phenomenology of this phenomenon. We aimed to describe characteristics of violence against men through personal stories and from the perspective of both partners. We used documentary material in the analysis - official records of centers for social work in the territory of the city of Belgrade. Analysis showed that violence against men in a partner relationship is most often recognized by the center's professional workers as mutual. The prosecution of the abuser, except in the case of her partner's life being threatened, is rarely the outcome of the assessment process. The impression is that partner violence against men is seen as an exception rather than the rule. However, the victimization of men in a partner relationship is not such a rare phenomenon, so it is necessary to undertake a research effort to shed light on this dark field and to design prevention strategies and practices aimed at protecting men - victims and helping women - bullies.
Leaving an abusive relationship is a difficult process for all survivors. For men, this can be particularly challenging due to the current knowledge and support for survivors being heavily influenced by a feminist discourse, despite a growing body of research that examines men's experiences. This raises concerns about how men make sense of abuse, where they seek support for injuries and psychological distress, and what services are available to them to help them move on from abuse. Narrative interviews with 12 midlife and older men (aged 45-65 years) who had experienced intimate partner violence from a female were conducted with the aim to explore their journey of leaving abuse. The men's stories revealed themes of how they made sense of what was happening to them (legitimacy as a survivor and self-help), their experiences of service readiness to respond to male victimization (discrimination from police, legal system set up to support women, and service readiness for males), and how men can leave abuse (post-separation abuse and support from friends and family). Implications of the findings demonstrate that many services are still not equipped to support male survivors. The men in our study found it difficult to comprehend their experience as abuse and this is negatively reinforced by ineffective services and stereotypical beliefs about abuse. However, informal support through friends and family is a powerful tool in supporting men to leave abusive relationships. More work is needed to increase awareness of male survivors and ensure that services, including legal systems, are inclusive.
Scholarship on police violence tends to either center the historical role of the institution in protecting an unequal social order or the individual use of force. To broaden our understanding and unpack how violence manifests in everyday interactions, we examined 251 accounts of police encounters in Ottawa, Canada. Finding that disrespect was disturbingly common, we developed a typology that highlights the spectrum of police disrespect as it manifests through: a) denial of bodily autonomy, b) demeaning verbal interactions, and c) disdain. We argue that everyday police disrespect may appear banal compared to the use of physical force, but that it is a significant part of a continuum of dehumanization that creates an atmosphere that renders police violence possible.
Rad se bavi ključnim aspektima planiranja intervencija/mjera stručne pomoći roditeljima čije dijete manifestira probleme u ponašanju.
Rad se bavi konkretnim stručnim metodama i tehnikama/načinima i sadržajima rada s obitelji/roditeljima/mladima koji manifestiraju probleme u ponašanju
La investigación psicológica, sociológica o jurídica que reconoce la existencia de diferentes contextos relacionales y distintos tipos de violencia, permite desarrollar, en última instancia, una política legislativa adecuada para las víctimas de malos tratos. Este punto de partida no debería ser irrelevante para la interpretación y aplicación del Derecho canónico. La reflexión canónica también necesita distinguir entre tipos de violencia, sus causas y consecuencias en la definición de las normas sustantivas y procesales aplicables al proceso de crisis y ruptura de la relación matrimonial. Esta metodología ofrece un parámetro crítico de validación sobre la permeabilidad de ciertos institutos canónicos a los desarrollos de las ciencias sociales en la violencia de pareja íntima. En el presente estudio me ocuparé únicamente y a grandes rasgos de este método aplicado a la mediación y la reconciliación en la separación canónica por malos tratos y a la exclusión de las víctimas de control coercitivo del proceso brevior, que, bien visto, sugiere atender a diferentes alternativas por las que pueden transitar los cónyuges en una eventual experiencia matrimonial marcada por la violencia.
Purpose
To systematically review the misrepresentations and misapplications of Johnson’s typology of violence in the empirical research on intimate partner violence (IPV).
Method
We systematically review and critically evaluate conceptual and methodological errors in the peer-reviewed, empirical IPV research that tests Johnson’s typology, published 1995 to March 31, 2021.
Findings
Thirty-four studies meeting our inclusion criteria were deemed to be conceptual misrepresentations and/or methodological misapplications in testing Johnson’s typology, to varying degrees.
Conclusions
Direct tests of Johnson’s typology and related assumptions are necessary for evaluating the validity and utility of the typology. However, errors in conceptualization and/or operationalization ultimately preclude fair testing of the typology, whether study findings refute or support its use. Our review of the literature suggests that a sizeable amount of empirical evidence is flawed, hindering potential theoretical advances, and provides insight to the ongoing impasse between feminist and family violence scholars regarding the validity and utility of Johnson’s typology.
We investigate whether exposure to rainfall shocks affects the experience of physical intimate partner violence (P-IPV) among women in rural areas of the Peruvian Andes. Using data from the Demographic and Health Surveys over 2005-2014, we track changes in the probability that a woman experiences recent instances of P-IPV after being exposed to a rainfall shock during the last cropping season. Our results indicate that the probability that a woman experiences P-IPV increases by 8.5 percentage points (65 percent) after exposure to a dry, but not a wet, shock during the cropping season. We identify two complementary causal pathways of this effect: increased economic insecurity and poverty-related stress that deteriorates men's emotional well-being and mental health, and reduced female empowerment that affects women's ability to negotiate their preferences within the relationship.
People’s lives are accompanied by conflicts as an inseparable part of interpersonal relationships. Although often considered with a negative connotation, conflicts also have progressive potential, and its use will depend on the method of conflict resolution. This possibility is provided by mediation as an amiable method of dispute settlement. Experience shows that the dynamics, communication, and behaviour of the parties are influenced by many factors among which the cultural and gender-natured differences in behavioral patterns of men and women are of special importance. Based on their mediation-conducting knowledge and experience, the authors advocate for increasing the gender responsiveness of mediation and emphasize the need for consideration of gender dimensions of conflicts and its impact on the mediation process. Particular attention is given to the importance of performing gender-sensitive conflict analysis, the need for addressing gender-based power imbalance and the prevention of harmful influences of gender stereotypes and prejudices on the quality of mediation process and its possible outcomes. Gender dimensions of the mediability of mixed-gender conflicts as well as challenges of mediation in cases related to gender-based violence are also explored.
Objective:
Physical and sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) among adolescents leads to adverse health behaviors, particularly suicidal ideation and attempts. Studies demonstrated the link between IPV and suicidal ideation and attempts among adolescents, yet there is conflicting evidence regarding differences between adolescent males and females; research evaluating the interaction of gender and the association between IPV and suicidal ideation and attempts is limited. The present study used a nationally representative sample from the Youth Behavioral Risk Surveillance questionnaire to determine whether there is an interaction of gender on the relationship between physical IPV, sexual IPV, and suicidal ideation and suicidal attempts.
Method:
Weighted logistic regressions were fit using Stata 15.1 and multiple imputations were used to account for missing data.
Results:
There is a significant gender by sexual IPV interaction (AOR = 0.66, CI = 0.51-0.84, p = 0.002) such that at low levels of sexual IPV there were no differences between genders in reported suicide attempts (t[33] = 1.19, p = 0.242). However, at moderate and high instances of sexual IPV, adolescent females were significantly less likely than males to report attempting suicide in the past year (t[33] = -2.71, p = 0.011; t[33] = -3.17, p = 0.003, respectively).
Conclusions:
The present study demonstrates the vital need for IPV and suicidal ideation and attempt screening, tailored multi-level interventions, and advocacy for adolescents. Policies are essential to increase screening among medical providers, and increase school- and community-based interventions and IPV and suicide awareness to decrease rates among adolescents.HIGHLIGHTSFemale students were more likely than males to report suicidal ideation.Significant interaction between sex and sexual IPV on suicide attempts.Gender differences at medium and high levels of sexual IPV on suicide attempts.
The two family courts of Australia—the Family Court and the Federal Circuit Court—merged in 2021 into a single structure, the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia. This represents another restructure of the family law system which, over its 46-year history, has staggered from crisis to crisis, from review to review and from reform to reform without ever successfully addressing family violence. This chapter reviews past efforts by the Family Law Courts to address matters of family violence and considers the criticisms of the adequacy and efficacy of such efforts. It assesses whether the most recent attempts to address family violence by the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia are likely to overcome past criticisms or whether further changes are required. The chapter suggests that the new Lighthouse Project program will create a new pathway for litigants with family violence affecting their separation and parenting arrangements.KeywordsFederal Circuit and Family Court of AustraliaFamily violenceLighthouse ProjectFamily DOORS Triage screeningChild abuse
Collection of contributions from the 5th year of the Czech-Slovak scientific conference QUALITY OF LIFE 2021, which took place on August 26 and 27, 2021 at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov in Prešov.
This article describes a revised Conflict Tactics Scales (the CTS2) to measure psychological and physical attacks on a partner in a marital, cohabiting, or dating relationship; and also use of negotiation. The CTS2 has (a) additional items to enhance content validity and reliability; (b) revised wording to increase clarity and specificity; (c) better differentiation between minor and severe levels of each scale; (d) new scales to measure sexual coercion and physical injury; and (e) a new format to simplify administration and reduce response sets. Reliability ranges from .79 to .95. There is preliminary evidence of construct validity.
The methodological part of this chapter analyzes the discrepancy between the more than 100 "family conflict" studies of domestic physical assaults (those using the Conflict Tactic Scales and similar approaches), and what can be called "crime studies" (i. e. the National Crime Victimization Survey and studies using police call data). Family conflict studies, without exception, show about equal rates of assault by men and women. Crime studies, without exception, show much higher rates of assault by men, often 90% by men. Crime studies also find a prevalence rate (for both men and women) that is a small fraction of the rate of assaults found by family conflict studies. The difference in prevalence rates and in gender differences between the two types of studies probably occur because crime studies deal with only the small part of all domestic assaults that the participants experience as a crime, such as assaults which result in an injury serious enough to need medical attention, or assaults by a former partner. These occur relatively rarely and tend to be assaults by men. The theoretical part of the chapter seeks to provide an explanation for the discrepancy between the Iow rates of Zusammenfassung
Reviews the book
Protecting children from domestic violence: Strategies for community intervention, edited by Peter J. Jaffe, Linda L. Baker, and Alison J. Cunningham (see record
2005-04430-000). The book emerged from the International Conference on Children Exposed to Domestic Violence that was held in London, Ontario in 2001. It begins with an excellent chapter by Jeffrey Edleson synthesizing the literature on the impact of exposure to domestic violence on children. Edleson's chapter is followed by two papers examining emerging assessments and treatment programs. The second section of the book addresses current thinking about individual and group intervention approaches. The third section of the book examines broader system level responses, including public awareness and school-based campaigns, as well as responses by the courts and police. This is a well-organized collection of papers that provides a good overview of the state of knowledge and innovative practice in an emerging field of practice.
Protecting Children from Domestic Violence provides practitioners, policy makers, and researchers with an excellent overview of current knowledge and practices in working with children exposed to domestic violence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Behavior problems were examined across 3 groups of children (8–12 years of age), living in families characterized by recent physical spousal violence. The groups were (a) 47 children who reported observing marital violence that included the threat or use of knives or guns (observed); (b) 57 children who did not report witnessing marital violence involving knives or guns but whose mothers reported that violence involving knives or guns had occurred in a recent marital dispute (occurred); and (c) 51 children who did not report witnessing marital violence involving knives or guns and whose mothers also reported no violence involving knives or guns (neither). Children in the observed group displayed higher levels of behavior problems than did children in the neither group, but they did not differ from children in the occurred group. Children in the occurred group also displayed higher levels of behavior problems than did children in the neither group. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The associations of frequent physical aggression, injury, and fear were examined for a community-based sample of at-risk young couples who were dating, cohabiting, or married. It was hypothesized that frequent physical aggression toward a partner, in the range of shelter samples, is largely caused by antisocial behavior and mutual couple conflict and, thus, that there would be greater similarity across genders in such behavior than has previously been supposed. It was also predicted that levels of injury and fear would be higher in women but that some men would experience these impacts. Findings indicated similarity across genders both in the prevalence of frequent aggression and in its association with antisocial behavior. Furthermore, such aggression was likely to be bidirectional in couples. Contrary to the hypothesis of the study, rates of injury and fear for the women were not significantly higher than for the men.
Reassesses thirty years of domestic violence research and demonstrates three forms of partner violence, distinctive in their origins, effects, and treatments Domestic violence, a serious and far-reaching social problem, has generated two key debates among researchers. The first debate is about gender and domestic violence. Some scholars argue that domestic violence is primarily male-perpetrated, others that women are as violent as men in intimate relationships. Johnson's response to this debate-and the central theme of this book-is that there is more than one type of intimate partner violence. Some studies address the type of violence that is perpetrated primarily by men, while others are getting at the kind of violence that women areinvolved in as well. Because there has been no theoretical framework delineating types of domestic violence, researchers have easily misread one another's studies. The second major debate involves how many women are abused each year by their partners. Estimates range from two to six million. Johnson's response once again comes from this book's central theme. If there is more than one type of intimate partner violence, then the numbers depend on what type you're talking about. Johnson argues that domestic violence is not a unitary phenomenon. Instead, he delineates three major, dramatically different, forms of partner violence: intimate terrorism, violent resistance, and situational couple violence. He roots the conceptual distinctions among the forms of violence in an analysis of the role of power and control in relationship violence and shows that the failure to make these basic distinctions among types of partner violence has produced a research literature that is plagued by both overgeneralizations and ostensibly contradictory findings. This volume begins the work of theorizing forms of domestic violence, a crucial first step to a better understanding of these phenomena among scholars, social scientists, policy makers, and service providers.
Arrests of women for assault increased more than 40 percent over the past decade, while male arrests for this offense have fallen by about one percent. Some studies report that for the first time ever the rate of reported intimate partner abuse among men and women is nearly equal. Susan L. Miller's timely book explores the important questions raised by these startling statistics. Are women finally closing the gender gap on violence? Or does this phenomenon reflect a backlash shaped by men who batter? How do abusive men use the criminal justice system to increase control over their wives? Do police, courts, and treatment providers support aggressive arrest policies for women? Are these women "victims" or "offenders"? In answering these questions, Miller draws on extensive data from a study of police behavior in the field, interviews with criminal justice professionals and social service providers, and participant observation of female offender programs. She offers a critical analysis of the theoretical assumptions framing the study of violence and provides insight into the often contradictory implications of the mandatory and pro-arrest policies enacted in the 1980s and 1990s. Miller argues that these enforcement strategies, designed to protect women, have often victimized women in different ways. Without sensationalizing, Miller unveils a reality that looks very different from what current statistics on domestic violence imply.
This paper discusses the extent of violence in high-conflict litigating families, differentiating between abusive relationships and high-conflict divorce, and describing the numerous ways that parenting is deficient and compromised. Guidelines for making access plans that minimise adverse effects on children, restrains further abuse, and protects parents who have been victimised is followed by a discussion of the specialised services needed, and the challenges in coordinating the efforts of family court and community agencies on behalf of these families.
This article argues that there are two distinct forms of couple violence taking place within families in the United States and other Western countries. A review of evidence from large-sample survey research and from qualitative and quantitative data gathered from women's shelters suggests that some families suffer from occasional outbursts of violence from either husbands or wives (common couple violence), while other families are terrorized by systematic male violence (patriarchal terrorism). It is argued that the distinction between common couple violence and patriarchal terrorism is important because it has implications for the implementation of public policy, the development of educational programs and intervention strategies, and the development of theories of interpersonal violence.
Mildred Daley Pagelow draws from the largest existing sample of women victims and records their experiences and perceptions of those experiences. She integrates this material into a larger theoretical framework, challenging current myths about woman-battering.
In this reply to Richard Gardner, we outline our points of disagreement with his formulation of parental alienation syndrome (PAS), showing that his focus on the alienating parent as the primary cause of children's negative attitudes and rejecting behavior toward the other parent is overly simplistic and not supported by findings from recent empirical research. It follows that we strongly object to Gardner's recommendations for legal and mental health interventions with alienated children as well as the use of the term PAS when referring to this problem.
Most studies of domestic violence, both heterosexual and homosexual, focus on two roles for the parties involved-that of either perpetrator or victim. However, research indicates that women who are abused, either by a male or a female partner, also often use physical violence in their intimate relationships. The present paper seeks to understand these latter cases by analyzing clinical data derived from the private treatment of 62 lesbian clients who self-identified as either victims or perpetrators of partner abuse. The analysis reveals that in addition to the two traditional roles of perpetrator and victim in abusive relationships, there is a third rold, that of participant. Participants are lesbians who establish a pattern of fighting back against their partners with the intent to hurt and/or injure them. The clinical implications of these findings are explored.
Using data from Statistics Canada's Homicide Survey, this article explores the dynamics of intimate partner homicides in Canada between 1991 and 2000 among a range of relationships. The authors' findings are consistent with previous studies that document an elevated risk of intimate partner homicide for women who have separated compared to women in intact relationships. Using bivariate and multivariate techniques, the authors find that a number of incident characteristics set apart homicides that occur in intact and estranged intimate relationships for women but not for men. Similarly, this study finds that the circumstances and motivational contexts of intimate homicides differ for female victims depending on relationship type (legal marriages, common-law unions, and other intimate relationships). These results support recommendations from Dawson and Gartner (1998) that researchers continue to develop conceptually meaningful categorizations of intimate partner homicides.
Husband abuse has been and continues to be a topic of controversy within the field of family violence. Although arguments persist over methodology, prevalence, and ideology, this study analyzes the narratives of 12 men who claimed to have been abused by their partners and compares their stories to the narratives and findings of past studies of wife abuse. In so doing, this study identifies that the accounts of the relationships of battered men and women follow similar patterns, including the structure of the relationships, the acceptance of the abuse, and the social context of the situation. This reinforces the findings of wife abuse research showing that abusive relationships display certain commonalties and reveals the necessity of future studies of battered males.
This study uses longitudinal data from two sources (parents and their adult offspring) to determine the long-term consequences of marital violence for children. The authors find that parents' reports of marital violence between 1980 and 1988 (when children were between the ages of 11 and 19, on average) predict offspring's reports of negative outcomes in early adulthood, including poorer parent-child relationships, lower psychological well-being, and more violence within their own relationships. Most of these associations are independent of parents' nonviolent conflict, divorce, self-reported abusive behavior toward children, and alcohol/drug use.
A volunteer community sample of 159 primarily (77%) African American battered women were interviewed about forced sex by their partner (or ex-partner). Almost half (45.9%) of the sample had been sexually assaulted as well as physically abused. Except for ethnicity, there were no demographic differences between those who were forced into sex and those who were not, and there was no difference in history of child sexual abuse. However, those who were sexually assaulted had higher scores on negative health symptoms, gynecological symptoms, and risk factors for homicide even when controlling for physical abuse and demographic variables. The number of sexual assaults (childhood, rape, and intimate partner) was significantly correlated with depression and body image.
The current study used a random sample of 563 low‐income women to test Johnson's (1995) theory that there are two major forms of male‐partner violence, situational couple violence and intimate terrorism, which are distinguished in terms of their embeddedness in a general pattern of control. The study examined the associations between type of violence experienced and respondents’ physical health, psychological distress, and economic well‐being. Analyses revealed three distinct patterns of partner violence: intimate terrorism, control/no threat, and situational couple violence. Compared to victims of control/no threat and situational couple violence, victims of intimate terrorism reported more injuries from physical violence and more work/activity time lost because of injuries. Compared to women who experienced no violence in the previous year, victims of intimate terrorism reported a greater likelihood of visiting a doctor, poorer health, more psychological distress, and a greater likelihood of receiving government assistance.
A currently fashionable claim is that violence against husbands is about as prevalent as violence against wives; spousal violence has been said to be symmetrical in its extent, severity, intentions, motivational contexts, and even its consequences. The evidence for this alleged symmetry derives from two sources: (1) surveys employing the "Conflict Tactics Scales" (CTS), a checklist of self-reported "acts" perpetrated or experienced, and (2) U.S. homicide data. We criticize the claim of sexual symmetry by reviewing other contradictory survey evidence; by showing that the CTS provides an account of marital violence that is neither reliable nor valid; and by demonstrating that the sexual symmetry of spousal homicide victimization does not reflect sexually symmetrical motivation or action-and is in any case peculiar to the United States. Confining self-report data to a checklist of acts, devoid of motives, meanings and consequences cannot insure objectivity, validity or an adequate development of theory to explain violence.
This study examines factors that contribute to the emotional distress of children whose parents experience an acrimonious divorce with conflict over custody and visitation issues. Information was gathered systematically from guardian ad litem reports on 105 children in order to explore the child's emotional distress in response to individual-, parental-, marital-, and custody–related factors. Findings emphasize the impact of the level of marital conflict in predicting increases in the child's emotional distress. The child who witnesses domestic violence and experiences child malmatment suffers a powerful cumulative impact from these factors. which results in a steep increase in emotional distress symptoms. A cluster of relevantfactors taken jointly, including the level of marital conflict, violence against a partner or against the child, the parent's mental health, the child's medical condition, and the nature of visitation changes, all contribute signifcantly to the child's emotional distress.
This is the second article, in a series of three, reviewing currently available empirical data on the problem of husband violence. As discussed in the introduction to this series of articles (see Holtzworth-Munroe et al., 1995), marital violence is a serious problem in this country, affecting millions of couples and their children each year. While advocates for battered women have been actively helping women for over twenty years, marital violence has only received widespread attention from researchers and clinicians in the past 10 to 15 years. Thus, many psychologists did not receive formal training regarding marital violence and are not well informed about this problem. For example, Browne (1993) is concerned that therapists often misdiagnose and, thus, mistreat battered women (e.g., medicating depressive symptoms) because they do not consider that a female client's symptoms may be a consequence of abuse rather than a traditional psychiatric syndrome. Similarly, many clinicians do not adequately assess the possibility that the child problems they are treating may result from experiencing interparental violence.This paper was written to provide others, particularly clinicians, with an overview of the research data on battered wives and their children. By reviewing the available findings, we hope to provide information regarding the psychological effects of marital violence.
Development of research on intrafamily conflict and violence requires both conceptual clarity and measures of the concepts. The introduction to this paper therefore seeks to clarify and distinguish the concepts of "conflict," "conflict of interest," "hostility," and "violence." The main part of the paper describes the Conflict Tactics (CT) Scales. The CT Scales are designed to measure the use of Reasoning, Verbal Aggression, and Violence within the family. Information is presented on the following aspects of this instrument: theoretical rational, acceptability to respondents, scoring, factor structure, reliability, validity, and norms for a nationally representative sample of 2,143 couples.
Family violence researchers suggest that sociodemographic indicators of structural inequality influence propensities for domestic assaults. Feminist scholars argue that domestic violence is rooted in gender and power and represents men's active attempts to maintain dominance and control over women. This article integrates both approaches by proposing that elements of structural inequality influence violent behavior differently for women and men. Using self- and partner-reported data from Wave 1 of the National Survey of Families and Households, this study examines the relationships among sociodemographic characteristics, gender, status (in)compatibility, and domestic assaults. Results indicate that incompatibilities in income and educational status are differentially associated with domestic violence perpetrated by women and men. Discrepancies between self- and partner-reported violence are examined to determine correlates of reporting differences. The findings suggest that future research would benefit from an integration of family violence and feminist approaches.
Societal attitudes about marital violence have changed in the last twenty years. Battered wives have much more legal protection available than even a few years ago. There is now a substantial body of research on battered women and their marriages; less is known about violent men and the reasons for their violent behavior toward wives. Although studies of marital violence have inevitable methodological problems, survey data on the prevalence of violence in marriage suggest that as many wives hit husbands as husbands hit wives but that the degree of physical injury tends to be far greater for women than for men. Numerous studies have attempted to find a relation between various characteristics of the battered wife and the violence she experiences, but most of this work has not been replicated. Studies of men have similarily failed to find many consistent predictors of their violence. Marital rape and a lack of affection between spouses, once violence becomes established, characterize violent marriages. The use of violence is correlated with other forms of interpersonal power in the violent spouse. The relation of alcohol to marital violence is more complex. Alcohol abuse may be a symptom of men with the tendency to use violence rather than a direct causal factor in their battering. The literature on reactions of victims of all types has not focused on understanding battered women and their reactions.
Data from the National Violence Against Women Survey show that the two major forms of husband violence toward their wives (intimate terrorism and situational couple violence) have different effects on their victims. Victims of intimate terrorism are attacked more frequently and experience violence that is less likely to stop. They are more likely to be injured, to exhibit more of the symptoms of posttraumatic stress syndrome, to use painkillers (perhaps also tranquilizers), and to miss work. They have left their husbands more often, and when they do leave, they are more likely to acquire their own residence. If we want to understand the true impact of wife abuse from survey data (rather than from agency data), we must make distinctions among types of violence so that the data used to describe battering are not diluted by data regarding other types of partner violence.
In response to Dutton's (this issue) critique of feminist theories of domestic violence, the author of this article makes three points relevant to the debate about the gender asymmetry of intimate partner violence. First, there are three major types of intimate partner violence, only one of which (intimate terrorism) is the kind of violence that we all think of when we hear the term “domestic violence.” Second, both major types of sampling designs in domestic violence research are seriously biased, and those biases account for the fact that both sides of this debate have been able to marshal ostensibly contradictory empirical evidence for their position. Third, intimate terrorism (also know as domestic violence, spouse abuse, wife-beating, etc.) is, indeed, primarily male-perpetrated and, in the case of heterosexual relationships, probably best understood through some version of a feminist theory of domestic violence. The author then discusses the implications of these points for assessment of risk in child custody deliberations.
Examines the role of domestic violence and child maltreatment in the lives of children. The chapter highlights available measures, methods for analyzing data, advances in intervention, and strategies and minimum standards for coordinating research in domestic violence. The authors extend the results of their work into the public arena by taking into account implications for public policy, legislation, and fund raising. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Despite its great achievements, the domestic violence revolution is stalled, Evan Stark argues, a provocative conclusion he documents by showing that interventions have failed to improve women's long-term safety in relationships or to hold perpetrators accountable. Stark traces this failure to a startling paradox, that the singular focus on violence against women masks an even more devastating reality. In millions of abusive relationships, men use a largely unidentified form of subjugation that more closely resembles kidnapping or indentured servitude than assault. He calls this pattern "coercive control." Drawing on sources that range from FBI statistics and film to dozens of actual cases from his thirty years of experience as an award-winning researcher, advocate, and forensic expert, Stark shows in terrifying detail how men can use coercive control to extend their dominance over time and through social space in ways that subvert women's autonomy, isolate them, and infiltrate the most intimate corners of their lives. Against this backdrop, Stark analyzes the cases of three women tried for crimes committed in the context of abuse, showing that their reactions are only intelligible when they are reframed as victims of coercive control rather than as "battered wives." The story of physical and sexual violence against women has been told often. But this is the first book to show that most abused women who seek help do so because their rights and liberties have been jeopardized not because they have been injured. The coercive control model Stark develops resolves three of the most perplexing challenges posed by abuse: why these relationships endure, why abused women develop a profile of problems seen among no other group of assault victims, and why the legal system has failed to win them justice. Elevating coercive control from a second-class misdemeanor to a human rights violation, Stark explains why law, policy, and advocacy must shift their focus to emphasize how coercive control jeopardizes women's freedom in everyday life. Fiercely argued and eminently readable, Stark's work is certain to breathe new life into the domestic violence revolution. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)