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The ‘Identified Victim’ Effect: An Identified Group, or Just a Single Individual?
Abstract
People's greater willingness to help identified victims, relative to non-identified ones, was examined by varying the singularity of the victim (single vs. a group of eight individuals), and the availability of individually identifying information (the main difference being the inclusion of a picture in the “identified” versions). Results support the proposal that the “identified victim” effect is largely restricted to situations with a single victim: the identified single victim elicited considerably more contributions than the non-identified single victim, while the identification of the individual group members had essentially no effect on willingness to contribute. Participants also report experiencing distress when the victim is single and identified more than in any other condition. Hence, the emotional reaction to the victims appears to be a major source of the effect. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... Studies on the identifiable victim effect have shown that people are often more generous toward single, identifiable victims that they have some information about, than toward unidentifiable, abstract ones (Kogut & Ritov, 2005a, 2005bSmall & Loewenstein, 2003;Small et al., 2007). One explanation for the psychological mechanism behind this effect is that identification reduces psychological distance, such that an identified victim is perceived by people as being closer to them than non-identified, statistical victims with the same need (Small, 2015). ...
... This effect is largely explained by the emotional reaction triggered by tangible, identified individuals in need (Small & Loewenstein, 2003;Small et al., 2007). Specifically, Kogut and Ritov (2005a) found that when participants were asked about their distress on learning about the plight of certain victim(s), those who were told about a single identified victim reported greater distress than those who were told about an unidentified victim, or a group of victims (whether identified, or not). Moreover, learning about a single victim in need produced a sharper mood change than learning about a group of victims with the same need (Kogut & Ritov, 2007). ...
... As previously noted, identifiable recipients are perceived to be psychologically closer to oneself than unidentifiable ones (Small, 2015). Moreover, identifiable single recipients evoke a stronger emotional response in a prospective helper (compared with unidentifiable ones)resulting in greater donations to the cause (Kogut & Ritov, 2005a, 2005b. Second, while the prosocial behavior in the previous studies was devoting time to help others, here we used charitable giving as the dependent measure. ...
We examined the role of two Subjective well-being orientations, hedonism (maximizing pleasure and minimizing pain) and eudemonia (a desire for meaningful life), in prosocial behavior toward a close help recipient versus a distant one. Study 1 examined individual differences in levels of hedonism and eudemonia, while studies 2 and 3 used a priming manipulation to enhance the salience of the two orientations. In all three studies we found that these orientations interact with the attributes of the help recipient during the decision to help. Specifically, hedonism was found to be positively associated with prosocial acts when the recipient was presented as a close other (a friend, as opposed to an unfamiliar student; or a specific identified target, as opposed to a general one). Conversely, eudemonia predicted greater donations to more general or distant causes. A moderated mediation analysis (Study 3) suggests that the hedonic orientation increased donations specifically to closer recipients (the identified victim), due to the heightened emotional reaction raised by this help target. However, the increased donations to the general help target under eudemonic orientation was not driven by emotional reactions.
... We further contribute to existing knowledge by identifying inspiration-a positive emotion-as a mechanism for the proposed relationship between victim self-help (as portrayed in campaign photos) and donation behavior. So far, relationships between emotions and donation behavior have tended to focus on negative emotions (e.g., sadness and guilt; Basil, Ridgway, & Basil, 2008;Fisher, Vandenbosch, & Anita, 2008;Kogut & Ritov, 2005). By comparison, surprisingly little research has been devoted to the role of positive emotions, and in particular inspiration, in driving donations. ...
... For example, aesthetic elements can increase perceptions of organizational professionalism, and thus lead to greater donations (Townsend, 2017). Another campaign feature that is well known to influence donation decisions is the focus of the campaign on a single identifiable individual versus multiple "anonymous" victims, where campaigns featuring the former typically attract more donations than campaigns featuring the latter (e.g., Kogut & Ritov, 2005;Small & Loewenstein, 2003). In addition, campaigns that provide more details about the associated charities tend to attract higher donations, by enhancing donors' perceptions that their donations will be impactful (Cryder, Loewenstein, & Scheines, 2013). ...
... Most research in this domain focuses on pictures that evoke negative emotions-e.g., featuring individuals with sad expressions, or images of child victims, which are particularly powerful in triggering negative emotions-showing that such pictures elicit more donations compared with pictures that evoke neutral or positive emotions (Burt & Strongman, 2005;Small & Verrochi, 2009). Indeed, in general, the emotions evoked by fundraising appeals have a prominent role in donation behavior, such that appeals that evoke negative emotions (e.g., sadness and guilt) are suggested to be more effective than those that evoke positive emotions (Fisher, Vandenbosch, & Antia, 2008;Kogut & Ritov, 2005). The association between negative emotions and the tendency to donate has been attributed to people's motivation to alleviate their negative emotions by donating (Cialdini et al., 1987;Basil et al., 2008). ...
... A well-studied effect in the helping literature is the identifiable victim effect (i.e., IVE). The IVE refers to the increased willingness to help when the recipient is an identified victim (e.g., the boy Aylan) compared to an unidentified recipient or statistical victims (e.g., thousands or millions of people affected by war; Genevsky et al., 2013;Jenni & Loewenstein, 1997;Kogut & Ritov, 2005a, 2005b. Increased willingness to help an identified victim can both relate to more people being willing to help (e.g., more positive to help or more likely to donate some amount; Erlandsson, 2021;Genevsky et al., 2013;Small & Loewenstein, 2003) and that the donated amount to the identified victim is higher than to the unidentified victim(s) (e.g., Kogut & Ritov, 2005a;Small et al., 2007). ...
... The IVE refers to the increased willingness to help when the recipient is an identified victim (e.g., the boy Aylan) compared to an unidentified recipient or statistical victims (e.g., thousands or millions of people affected by war; Genevsky et al., 2013;Jenni & Loewenstein, 1997;Kogut & Ritov, 2005a, 2005b. Increased willingness to help an identified victim can both relate to more people being willing to help (e.g., more positive to help or more likely to donate some amount; Erlandsson, 2021;Genevsky et al., 2013;Small & Loewenstein, 2003) and that the donated amount to the identified victim is higher than to the unidentified victim(s) (e.g., Kogut & Ritov, 2005a;Small et al., 2007). An example of how to test the IVE is by comparing a charity appeal that depicts one identified child with a charity appeal that depicts one unidentified child (as done by Genevsky et al., 2013). ...
... As suggested early on by Schelling (1968) and later by Small and Loewenstein (2003), several studies have found a link between the IVE and affective reactions. Specifically, feelings of distress (Kogut & Ritov, 2005a) -measured with a single-item question asking how "worried, upset, and sad" participants were after having read the story of the children -and sympathy and personal distress, with sympathy being the main mediator (Erlandsson et al., 2015) measured with three items relating to how participants experienced "intense compassion", "strong empathic feelings", and feeling "emotionally touched" -, have been directly linked to the IVE. Similarly, Lee and Feeley (2018) found a mediating effect of distress and sympathy on the IVE using an experimental causal-chain design. ...
... As a result, there are many advocates of the idea that empathy can be used as a moral compass. The issue of significant concern here is that an extensive body of work has now demonstrated that our empathic responses are fraught with biases (Fetherstonhaugh et al., 1997;Kogut and Ritov, 2005;Slovic, 2007;Cikara et al., 2011). The biased nature of our empathetic responses has caused scholars of empathy to urge for the creation and commitment to institutional, legal, and political systems that draw upon reasoned analysis and not empathy (Slovic, 2007;Bloom, 2011Bloom, , 2017aSlovic et al., 2011;Västfjäll et al., 2017;Zaki, 2017). ...
... The first bias of empathy that may interfere with sound conservation decisions is that empathy favors the familiar and the in-group (reviewed by Cikara et al., 2011), and new research is beginning to show that these preferential responses have distinct neural signatures (Xu et al., 2009;Eres and Molenberghs, 2013). For example, work examining the relationship between the willingness to help and the number of humans in need of help has revealed that an identified single victim elicits considerably more assistance than a non−identified single victim (Kogut and Ritov, 2005;Västfjäll et al., 2014). Willingness to help varies with the type of identifying information, however, people contribute more toward individuals identified with a picture than individuals identified only by age (Kogut and Ritov, 2005). ...
... For example, work examining the relationship between the willingness to help and the number of humans in need of help has revealed that an identified single victim elicits considerably more assistance than a non−identified single victim (Kogut and Ritov, 2005;Västfjäll et al., 2014). Willingness to help varies with the type of identifying information, however, people contribute more toward individuals identified with a picture than individuals identified only by age (Kogut and Ritov, 2005). These findings are in line with the more general finding that people are more generous toward an identifiable victim than toward a statistical victim (Slovic, 2007;Small et al., 2007a). ...
... The above perceptions may also vary depending on an animal victim's identifiability. These positive effects of identifiability are termed the 'identifiable victim effect' (IVE; Schelling, 1968), whereby people view and respond to individual, identifiable victims more positively than several, non-identifiable victims (Kogut & Ritov, 2005). Explanations for the IVE consist of at least one of two distinct components: 1) the existence of one individual victim (vs. ...
... This focus on identifiability is for two reasons. Firstly, a recent metaanalysis indicates victim identifiability increases helping only when there is one victim (termed the 'singularity effect'; Kogut & Ritov, 2005) vs. a group of victims (Lee & Feeley, 2016). Secondly, very little research has explored identifiability of animals (e.g., Butterfield et al., 2012;Kunst & Hohle, 2016). ...
... Unlike species, identifiability did not affect evaluations, disagreeing with our hypothesis H2 and indicating the IVE (Kogut & Ritov, 2005) is inapplicable to animal victims. Additionally, contradicting H3, there were no significant species x identifiability interactions on any perceptions. ...
Current animal victimology and speciesism research has predominantly focussed on anthropocentric speciesism (prejudice favouring humans over animals) and neglects pet speciesism (prejudice favouring pets over non-pets). Moreover, research rarely explores whether identifiability of animal victims affects perceptions of them in line with the identifiable ( human ) victim effect. Drawing on speciesism and dehumanization theories, the current experiment addressed these gaps in the literature by comparing 160 adult participants’ perceptions of a dog vs. pig victim of kidnapping. As predicted, a MANOVA confirmed that people feel more empathy for, and are more willing to help, dogs (vs. pigs). Conversely, people expressed greater victim derogation towards pigs (vs. dogs). Participants also displayed more second-hand forgiveness for perpetrators of crime against pig (vs. dog) victims. However, species had no effect on victim blaming and identifiability of the animal victim had no effect on perceptions of the animal, and there were no significant species x identifiability interactions. The current experiment uniquely extends our human-based knowledge to perceptions of dog vs. pig victims and further evidences the existence of pet speciesism. It also highlights that the identifiable ( human ) victim effect may not apply to animal victims, thus distinguishing animal victimology as a distinct area of investigation. Theoretical implications for animal victimology and pet speciesism literature, and practical implications for policy and public perceptions of animal victims, are discussed.
... Currently, there are rising levels of forced displacement of people globally and not enough funds or assistance to sufficiently aid in the humanitarian crisis, according to the global humanitarian assistance report in 2021. While scholars have researched the ways in which message framing can impact monetary donations [1][2][3][4][5][6][7], less research has investigated the ways to increase an alternate form of assistance: donating time. ...
... According to the compassion fade framework, a group of victims elicit weaker emotional reactions or feelings than a single victim [6]. Kogut and Ritov's study [2] indicated that the processing of information with regards to a group of victims might fundamentally differ from the processing of information associated with a single victim. Their research addressed that an individual is more likely to feel less compassion and distress when he/she considers a group of victims than a single victim, which leads to a weaker intention to help the victims. ...
... While the global humanitarian crisis continues to receive attention [34], research has asked how message framing can impact people's monetary donations [1][2][3][5][6][7], yet less research has asked how appeals can be adapted to garner volunteers to donate their time instead of their money. Volunteer tourism or "voluntourism" is the act of people traveling to other countries to donate their time to help the community. ...
This study investigated the relationship between the type of volunteer tourism (human vs. flora vs. fauna) and the type of message (individual with no statistic vs. individual with small statistic vs. individual with large statistic) and potential tourists’ attitudes towards volunteer tourism and their intention to donate their time. To do so, this study conducted a between-subject 3 × 3 factorial design online experiment, where the influences of compassion fade on attitudes and behavioral intention to donate time for volunteer tourism, along with the impacts of positive affect, emotional involvement, and credibility, were examined. The results of the current study revealed that type of volunteer tourism and type of message do not affect attitude towards volunteer tourism and attitude towards the ad. Further analysis indicated that, among all three mediating variables, only positive affect mediated the relationship between type of volunteer tourism and attitude towards volunteer tourism, and all other hypotheses were not statistically significant. Moreover, the results indicated that there is a positive relationship between perceived ad credibility and attitude towards the ad, and also between perceived ad credibility and attitude towards volunteer tourism. The implications of these results are discussed based on the empirical findings.
... The identified victim effect 1 refers to a heightened willingness to contribute to victims whose identities are clearer, with details such as their first name or a picture. Kogut and Ritov (2005a) investigated the boundary conditions and the mechanisms underlying the identified victim effect by examining varying group sizes and identifiability. They found that the identified victim effect was larger when the target of contribution was a single individual (compared to a group of victims). ...
... They found that the identified victim effect was larger when the target of contribution was a single individual (compared to a group of victims). Additionally, Kogut and Ritov (2005a) found that the participants felt more distressed when the identified victim was a single individual, leading to a greater willingness to help. As a result, the helping behavior was unlikely to maximize social benefits as resources were allocated more to a single identified victim than to the greater population of people in need. ...
... We sought to revisit this classic finding and reexamine the conditions which encourage or discourage helping intention. We report an independent close replication of the identified single victim effect demonstrated in Kogut and Ritov (2005a) Study 2 along with two extensions, testing the effect of group belonging and examining perceived responsibility. ...
The identified victim effect is the phenomenon that people tend to contribute more to identified victims than to unidentified victims. Kogut and Ritov (2005a) found that the identified victim effect was limited to a single victim and driven by empathic emotions. In a pre-registered experiment with an online U.S. American Amazon MTurk sample (N = 2003), we conducted a replication and extension of Experiment 2 from Kogut and Ritov (2005a). The replication findings failed to provide empirical support for the identifiable single victim effect hypothesis since we found no support for differences between willingness to contribute for a single identified and for a single unidentified victim (η2p = .001, 90% CI [0, 0.003]). Extending the replication, we investigated a boundary of the effect - group belonging. We found support for an ingroup bias in helping behaviors and indications for empathic emotions and perceived responsibility contributing to this effect. Materials, data, and code were made available on: https://osf.io/9qcpj/
... We use the term bias to refer to decisions that are incompatible with the normative model or that deviate from the decision maker's own preferences (e.g., Rieskamp et al., 2006). For example, single identifiable victims stimulate stronger feelings of empathy and distress, therefore eliciting more donations than unidentified victims (e.g., Kogut & Ritov, 2005a, 2005b. Attractive victims recruit more help than less attractive-albeit more needy-victims (Cryder et al., 2017). ...
... When focused on a single task, people often fail to perceive highly relevant and clear information that is presented to them, a phenomenon known as inattentional blindness (Simons & Chabris, 1999). Similarly, when making helping decisions, people often fail to acknowledge highly relevant attributes, such as the number of lives that could be saved or the actual neediness of the recipients, instead focusing their attention on less relevant attributes, such as physical appearance or the identifiability of the victim (e.g., Cryder et al., 2017;Kogut & Ritov, 2005a;Small et al., 2007). Building on work by Huber (2010), we present a thinking paradigm, namely, structured analysis of personal criteria, that helps people focus their attention on the most relevant attributes of the decision, which in the case of humanitarian causes-is saving lives. ...
Helping decisions are susceptible to many biases—partly due to the helpers’ spontaneous emotional reactions to the appeal diverting their attention from the need to maximize the impact of their help. Attempts to overcome these biases by prompting deliberative thinking—namely, by asking participants to think deeply—have often been unsuccessful. Here, we propose a way of directing people’s attention to the most important aspects of their decisions, by asking them to rate the extent to which such attributes should be considered. In two experiments involving real-world crises, participants who underwent such structured analysis of their personal criteria were more likely to make decisions that maximized the number of lives saved. Moreover, their decisions were more in line with their personal values. We conclude that this method is a simple, efficient way of improving the quality of helping decisions in life-and-death situations.
... The notions above lead us to the next persuasive technique, which is the presentation of the single victim. (Small et al, 2005) which motivates distress and compassion (Kogut & Ritov, 2005). Studies indicate that people donate more when asked to give money for an individual whom they have been given some personal carrying 'disgust-induced' associations to these readers (Rozin and Fallon, 1987). ...
The Diary of a Wimpy Kid (DOWK) graphic novel hybrid is compelling to children yet criticised by parents. This study aims to make a noteworthy contribution to the relatively young field of research into children’s literature with a model of investigating DOWK for the link between language, ideology, and appropriacy. I explore the controversy answering the questions: How do taboo, negative, and persuasive linguistic features work to build DOWK’s worldview? How do they express ideas which children find appropriate while parents find inappropriate? In what way do they differ in DOWK from other literature? Using a combined methodology of Corpus Linguistics (CL), Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDA), and the CommonSenseMedia overall ‘appropriacy’ framework, I investigate DOWK for the relationship between ideology and its use of verbal and visual text. I draw on data from child-readers’ and parents’ online commentary, and use my 466,000-word-sized corpus, BCB. Analysis reveals DOWK is persuasive of a cynical worldview and promotes negative attitude and behaviour. DOWK shares potty humour with BCB but differs in its conversational, taboo and negative language amusing and befriending the child-reader. My study also discusses how to obtain more accurate results and conclusions, and it suggests further research.
... The emphasis on anxiety and urgency in task descriptions tends to make potential participants feel that employers are likely to pick winners from earlier submissions as quickly as possible rather than carefully evaluating all submissions, thus reducing the employer's credibility (Parhankangas & Renko, 2017). Moreover, expressing negative emotions may also trigger a bad mood and negative impressions, undermining cooperative social communication (Dickert et al., 2011;Dickert & Slovic, 2009;Kogut & Ritov, 2005). Thus, we assume the following: ...
Many companies gain external expertise, lower their costs and generate publicity by using crowdsourcing platforms to complete tasks by leveraging the power of the crowd. However, the number of solvers attracted by crowdsourcing tasks varies widely. Although some well‐known crowdsourcing contests have attracted large numbers of participants, many tasks still suffer from low participation rates. Prior research aimed at solving this problem has focused on factors such as task rewards and durations while overlooking whether a well‐written description might motivate solvers to choose a task. Based on signalling theory, this study investigates the effect of task descriptions on solvers' participation by focusing on informational and affective linguistic signals. Our model is validated by analysing 13 929 descriptions posted in single‐winner tasks on epwk.com , a Chinese competitive crowdsourcing platform. For informational linguistic signals, the results reveal that there are inverted U‐shaped relationships between both concreteness and specificity and solver participation, whereas linguistic accuracy has a positive effect on solver participation. For affective linguistic signals, positive emotional words have a positive relationship with solver participation, whereas negative emotional words have the opposite effect. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
... The 2 assessments within a project resemble a joint evaluation mode since there is more comparative information that is relevant to use in the decision process. In contrast, making assessments for different projects resembles a separate evaluation mode, which decreases scope sensitivity (e.g., Erlandsson, 2021;Kogut & Ritov, 2005b). ...
This article revisits and further investigates the extent to which scope insensitivity in helping contexts can be reduced by the unit asking (UA) method. UA is an intervention that first asks people to help one unit and then asks for willingness to help multiple units. In 3 studies ( N = 3,442), participants took on the role of policymakers to allocate help (motivation to help and willingness to pay) to local aid projects. They underwent either UA or a control condition (in which they stated their willingness to help only to the multiple units). Against expectations, the first 2 studies found a reversed UA effect for helping motivation, such that help decreased when participants were in the UA condition. However, the third study found a UA effect for helping motivation when participants made the sequential assessments within one project (when the individual unit belonged to the multiple units-group), rather than between projects (when the individual unit belonged to another group). Thus, our results suggest that the 2 assessments critical for the UA method should be done within the same project rather than between 2 projects to successfully reduce scope insensitivity. Further, the age of the unit (child or adult), the number of the unit(s), the composition of the group (homogeneous or heterogeneous), and the size of the group did not substantially reduce scope insensitivity with UA.
... As a mobilisation strategy, highlighting the personal narrative of the life and death of a wellknown figure such as Munir is an attractive option for human rights groups. As Kogut and Ritov (2005) have demonstrated, focusing on the plight of a single, 'identified' victim not only elicits a greater emotional response from the wider community but also tends to garner greater financial contributions than campaigns that mobilise support for nameless, 'statistical' victims (p. 157). ...
A surprising, yet important, figure exists in the development of democracy in Indonesia, as it emerges from its authoritarian past. This figure is the botoh , who plays a significant role in democratic transition. Its popularity is inseparable from its expertise in mobilizing the masses in local and national political contestations through a system of cultural support networks. The term botoh comes from the Javanese language and carries the meaning of a “gambler” (Diknas, 2002). In earlier times, the term referred to gamblers in cockfighting rings. Over time, botoh has migrated from these traditional gambling arenas into the overtly political arena of village head elections. It began soon after the issuance of new regulations concerning the direct election of village chiefs (Law No. 5 of 1974).
... As a mobilisation strategy, highlighting the personal narrative of the life and death of a wellknown figure such as Munir is an attractive option for human rights groups. As Kogut and Ritov (2005) have demonstrated, focusing on the plight of a single, 'identified' victim not only elicits a greater emotional response from the wider community but also tends to garner greater financial contributions than campaigns that mobilise support for nameless, 'statistical' victims (p. 157). ...
The concepts of pahlawan (hero) and korban (victim) are central to the contest over history in post-Suharto Indonesia. The first of these concepts, pahlawan , is derived from the Persian term pahlavan meaning ‘champion’. While neither the Indonesian nor the Persian term is exclusively limited to use in the context of military action, the associated connotations of strength and bravery tend to foreground a militaristic conception of heroism at the expense of contributions in other fields. In Indonesia, the state has historically been one of the key promoters of this militaristic conception of heroism. Indeed, by establishing days of commemoration such as Hari Pahlawan (Heroes Day) and official titles such as Pahlawan Nasional (National Hero), the state has ensured that the concept of the hero who defends Indonesia from internal or external threats to its security has remained a conspicuous feature of official discourse about the nation’s past.
... As a mobilisation strategy, highlighting the personal narrative of the life and death of a wellknown figure such as Munir is an attractive option for human rights groups. As Kogut and Ritov (2005) have demonstrated, focusing on the plight of a single, 'identified' victim not only elicits a greater emotional response from the wider community but also tends to garner greater financial contributions than campaigns that mobilise support for nameless, 'statistical' victims (p. 157). ...
After the Reformasi movement in 1998, Indonesia has undergone rapid democratization to replace the New Order centralistic and authoritarian government. Horizontal contestation over national issues, including heated discussion regarding national ideology: pro-Khilafah or Islamic state, and in opposition to that, “NKRI harga mati” (United Indonesia without compromise), emerged due to the widening freedom of expression. Concern regarding national ideology is heated. Thus, the government started to form policies to re-entrench state ideology, which is Pancasila (or the Five Principles), especially for the younger generation, through formal education. However, people often forget that the use of educational institutions as ideological state apparatus is relatively old. The effort of the state to control the student population has previously occurred, and students acted as agents of change considering their Indonesian history. In contrast to current Indonesia, this chapter will examine a period when democracy was no longer in the hands of the people but “under the guidance” of the state, particularly by then-President Soekarno. This phenomenon occurred when the parliamentary system was changed to a presidential system. The discussion will focus on the effect of the aforementioned shift on state policy concerning students.
... As a mobilisation strategy, highlighting the personal narrative of the life and death of a wellknown figure such as Munir is an attractive option for human rights groups. As Kogut and Ritov (2005) have demonstrated, focusing on the plight of a single, 'identified' victim not only elicits a greater emotional response from the wider community but also tends to garner greater financial contributions than campaigns that mobilise support for nameless, 'statistical' victims (p. 157). ...
The labor of memory presented in this volume involves marking out and following different, multiple trajectories that we cluster along four broad themes. The first part, the “Politics of Collective Memory,” covers competing or evolving representations of particular events, customs or traditions, and historical personae in official and popular expression as they are shaped by economic, political, and cultural forces. The second part deals with memories of war and peace, examining the transnational conflict and collaboration, the role of political elites and state projects in dealing with the aftermath of military aggression, and most of all the impact and responses of civilians. The third part focuses on the framing of various historical actors and figures by the state and civil societies, which transcend the dichotomy of heroes and victims. The fourth part, “Curating Memory,” looks at the way Indonesian museums and museology after 1998 serve as the sites where new kinds of memory work occur.
... As cognitive psychologists have long warned, when human beings make decisions in the absence of constraints, we overly rely on anecdotal information and discount true probability information (e.g., Kogut & Ritov, 2005 & Tversky, 1972;Kunda & Nisbett, 1986;Tajfel & Wilkes, 1963;Tversky & Kahneman, 1973). In light of this well-studied fact, actuarial risk assessment is no more problematic-indeed, it is less problematic-than traditional risk assessment. ...
Philosophers and neuroscientists address central issues in both fields, including morality, action, mental illness, consciousness, perception, and memory.
Philosophers and neuroscientists grapple with the same profound questions involving consciousness, perception, behavior, and moral judgment, but only recently have the two disciplines begun to work together. This volume offers fourteen original chapters that address these issues, each written by a team that includes at least one philosopher and one neuroscientist, who integrate disciplinary perspectives and reflect the latest research in both fields. Topics include morality, empathy, agency, the self, mental illness, neuroprediction, optogenetics, pain, vision, consciousness, memory, concepts, mind wandering, and the neural basis of psychological categories.
The chapters first address basic issues about our social and moral lives: how we decide to act and ought to act toward each other, how we understand each other's mental states and selves, and how we deal with pressing social problems regarding crime and mental or brain health. The following chapters consider basic issues about our mental lives: how we classify and recall what we experience, how we see and feel objects in the world, how we ponder plans and alternatives, and how our brains make us conscious and create specific mental states.
Contributors
Sara Abdulla, Eyal Aharoni, Corey H. Allen, Sara Aronowitz, Jenny Blumenthal-Barby, Ned Block, Allison J. Brager, Antonio Cataldo, Tony Cheng, Felipe De Brigard, Rachel N. Denison, Jim A. C. Everett, Gidon Felsen, Julia Haas, Hyemin Han, Zac Irving, Kristina Krasich, Enoch Lambert, Cristina Leon, Anna Leshinskaya, Jordan L. Livingston, Brian Maniscalco, Joshua May, Joseph McCaffrey, Jorge Morales, Samuel Murray, Thomas Nadelhoffer, Laura Niemi, Brian Odegaard, Hannah Read, Robyn Repko Waller, Sarah Robins, Jason Samaha, Walter Sinnott-Armstrong, Joshua August Skorburg, Shannon Spaulding, Arjen Stolk, Rita Svetlova, Natalia Washington, Clifford Workman, Jessey Wright
... Причина 1: идентифицируемая жертва. Как показали многочисленные исследования Kogut, Ritov 2005a;Kogut, Ritov 2005b;, человек испытывает гораздо больше эмпатии, если может конкретно идентифицировать того, кто находится в бедственном положении. Образ человека, находящегося в тяжелом положении, влияет на наши эмоции. ...
One of the newest and most influential ethical, political and philosophical theory of the XXI century is “effective altruism”. Its basic ideas firstly appeared in the second half of the XX century in the works of the famous utilitarian philosopher Peter Singer, but the real influence the conception obtained in the second decade of the XXI century. The popularity of the concept is ensured by a combination of a humanistic philosophy, on the one hand, and a concentration on its realistic and effective implementation, on the other. The emergence of the effective altruism is connected with the growing disbalances in the globalizing world. At the turn of the XX and XXI centuries, the quality of people’s lives in the most developed countries reached the highest level in history, while the problems of hunger and child mortality in less developed countries of Africa and Asia remained sharp. Effective altruists wonder how is it possible in the modern world. How, from the point of view of morality, one can explain the existence of easily remedied disasters and injustices on our planet? What needs to be done to solve these problems? One of the main problems identified by representatives of effective altruism is the specificity of moral intuitions inherent both in humankind and in each individual. These intuitions may block the moral intentions toward a person in a distance, while promote them toward people who are close. Effective altruists criticize such situation and try to find a solution. The article observes the main stages of the evolution of the concept of the effective altruism. The philosophical foundations of the concept are explored based on the works of the most famous representative of the movement – Peter Singer. The philosophical critique of effective altruism from both deontological and virtue ethical theories is considered.
... There are good reasons to believe that the bias is driven by negative affect and emphatic pain. In one of the aforementioned studies, it was shown that the greater generosity towards an identified victim has its basis in a stronger emotional reaction, and the participants reported a greater compassion towards identified victims (Kogut and Ritov 2005b). We also know that negative affect evoked by emphatic pain leads to greater donations and increases prosocial behaviours (Small and Verrochi 2009;Hein et al. 2010;Masten et al. 2011). ...
For a long time, experimental moral philosophers have been interested
in mental processes underlying decisions to harm. Psychological mechanisms behind decisions to help received far less attention. This paper makes use of psychological research on identifiability effect to assess
how justified different kinds of helping decisions are. The effect can
be explained using the motivational readiness theory, which states that
willingness to act is determined by an interaction of two components:
Want and Expectancy. The former refers to desire of some sort and is
the main driver of motivational readiness. The latter refers to subjective probability of attaining the object of Want. The ‘argument from
what our intuitions track’ claims that whether a given moral belief is
justified is affected by whether it responds to morally relevant factors.
Research has shown that, in the case of helping decisions, only Want,
but not Expectancy is predicted by negative affect, which in turn is
predicted by the identifiability of the victim. Both components predict the decision to help identified victims, but only Want predicts the
decision on the size of help. However, only Expectancy is a significant
predictor of the decision to help statistical victims. I use two versions
of the argument from what our intuitions track to make two claims:
First, that our decisions to help statistical individuals are more justified than our decisions to help identified individuals; and, second, that
our decisions on the size of help are less justified than our decisions
whether to help at all.
... Whether refugees are represented in large groups, medium-sized groups, small groups, or as isolated individuals play a substantial role in building relationships of emotional proximity or distance between viewers and subjects (Šarić, 2019;Wilmott, 2017). Socialpsychological research has shown that technical decisions (camera distance, for instance) and number of subjects in visuals play a significant role in building relationships of proximity between viewers and subjects (Jenni & Loewenstein, 1997;Kogut & Ritov, 2005;Slovic, 2007;Small & Loewenstein, 2003). Absence of an identifiable victim in images has an important consequence: "We see no faces, no real people. ...
In this social semiotic analysis, we examined visuals of Rohingya refugees in two U.S. newspapers: The New York Times and The Washington Post. We identified prominent tropes and themes exemplifying those tropes. Visuals connoted refugee vulnerability and subscribed to gender stereotypes. Media also leaned on familiar themes to translate “distant suffering.” Our study has addressed the urgent need to bridge academic/critical work on journalism and journalistic practice in the field. Our hope is that media practitioners will take steps to delink refugees from negative connotations.
... The audience, in fact, cannot escape from the media messages' influence and is considered a sitting duck that is very easy to shoot or attack it by the implicit idea, and they cannot do anything for those refugees or change anything in this never-ending suffering. As compassion shown towards needy people fades as the number of people in need of aid increases (Kogut and Ritov 2005). Such a fading of compassion has the potential to significantly hamper individual and collective levels in many aspects, such as political responses to crises, genocide or mass starvation (Kahneman and Tversky 1979). ...
Negative, tragic, traumatic and suffering representations continue to dominate the discussions and content on social media in the stories and content related to Syrian refugees. The public, while browsing social media, finds that this representation is the dominant one that dominates the image of refugees. Thus, there is a potential risk that the public’s compassion will be negatively affected after repeated exposure to the dominant representation in light of the inability to put an end to that situation. This study discusses the perspectives of Syrian refugees living in Jordan and Turkey on whether they feel such repeated negative and tragic content about their stories and news on social media could affect the empathy of the audience in hosting communities with them, especially since social media is an open-source platform that all people at any time and from any place can post, re-share, comment and create content by adding texts, photos and videos, not like traditional media, which are controlled more than social media platforms for open participatory content. This study aims to explore how a vulnerable population, such as Syrian refugees in Istanbul and Amman, sees the effect of negative representation on themselves and their image in the hosting communities and does not aim to examine or offer any conclusion as to whether the public in Jordan and Turkey have experienced compassion fatigue. This study provides and extracts some useful insights, but proves no hypotheses or conclusive evidence regarding the occurrence of compassion fatigue in the public; thus, the study opens the door for the debate on the role that social media plays as a source of compassion fatigue among citizens towards refugees, mainly when they are repeatedly exposed to such negative stories and content, as well as calls for an in-depth and extensive study on the topic from the point of view of the public and citizens in the hosting countries, after examining, understanding and analyzing the opinions and their dimensions of the sample of refugees in this study.
... However, it may be that the relationship between 353 moral expansiveness and this specific donation task is weak. In the current task the recipient 354 of aid is unidentified (Kogut & Ritov, 2005) Future avenues for moral concern research 362 Examining how well the circles paradigm maps onto other moral constructs will be an 363 important extension for future work. Although well established in adults (Crimston et al., 364 2016), this remains unexplored in children. ...
In industrialized societies, adults exhibit stable preferences for the types of people, animals, and entities they feel moral concern for (Crimston et al., 2016). Only one published study to date has utilized the moral circles paradigm to examine these preferences in children, finding that as children age, their preferences shift to become more similar to adults' (Neldner et al., 2018). However, it is currently unclear whether children's conceptualization of moral concern differs from that of other related social constructs. The aim of the current study was twofold: first, to test the moral circles paradigm in a new sample of children to see whether published patterns of moral concern could be replicated and, second, to investigate whether children distinguish moral concern from the related constructs of liking and familiarity. Australian children aged 4 to 10 years old (N = 281; 143 boys, 138 girls; predominantly middle class) placed 24 pictures of human, animal, and environmental entities on a stratified circle according to how much they cared, liked, or knew about the targets. We found similar patterns of moral prioritization to previous research (Neldner et al., 2018), replicating both stable preferences and age-related changes in children's moral concern for others. Crucially, we extend these findings by showing that children distinguish how much they care about entities from their levels of liking and knowing about them. This suggests children differentiate between moral concern and other social constructs early in development and display distinct patterns of prioritization when evaluating everyday entities according to these judgments. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
... Studies have found that people have different psychological and behavioral responses toward single and numerous people who need help (Slovic, 2010). Specifically, people had more emotional experiences with the individual in need and were inclined to help a single individual in need than group in need (Kogut and Ritov, 2005;Small et al., 2007). Given the difference between the individual and group in need, it is necessary to examine self-other decision-making from a group perspective. ...
Previous studies have examined the outcome evaluation related to the self and other, and recent research has explored the outcome evaluation of the self and other with pro-social implications. However, the evaluation processing of outcomes in the group in need remains unclear. This study has examined the neural mechanisms of evaluative processing by gambling for the self and charity, respectively. At the behavioral level, when participants make decisions for themselves, they made riskier decisions following the gain than loss in small outcomes and engage in more risky behaviors following the loss than gain in large outcomes. However, magnitude and valence did not affect the next risky behavior when participants made decisions for the charity. At the neurophysiological level, the results found that the FRN was larger for the charity outcome than for the self-outcome. For FRN, the valence difference of small outcomes was smaller than that of large outcomes. The P3 response was larger for the self-outcome than for the charity outcome. Meanwhile, compared with the small outcome, the self-charity discrepancies have a significant difference in large outcomes. In addition, the FRN amplitude for self in large outcomes was negatively correlated with the upcoming risky choices, regardless of outcome valence. The behavioral results suggest that people are more likely to optimize strategies for themselves than for the charity. The ERP findings indicated that people focus more on charity outcome than self-outcome in the early stage. In the middle and late stages, people turn attention to their outcomes, and the difference between self’s and charity’s outcome varies with the magnitude. Specifically, it is only in large outcomes that people engage more emotional attention or motivation in their outcomes, but self and charity outcomes had a similar emotional engagement in small outcomes.
... Another form of social norm intervention involves highlighting a specific individual who is affected by another individual's behavior. Research on the identifiable victim (or beneficiary) has long established that people are more willing to make sacrifices for identifiable individuals who are affected by the cause as opposed to those who are represented as groups or statistics (Kogut & Ritov, 2005;Small & Loewenstein, 2003;Small et al., 2007). The mechanism here is the norm of helping others, which works more effectively when people are able to identify a specific person who will be impacted by their actions, either to help or harm. ...
Successful responses to the coronavirus pandemic require those without COVID-19 and asymptomatic individuals to comply with a range of government guidelines. As nudges have been widely found to be effective at increasing compliance to prosocial behaviours in many contexts, how good are they for the COVID policy toolkit? In particular, is more of a reflective response–nudge plus— needed as well as classic nudges? In an online experiment with 1,500 people, we show that social norms and portrayal of the victim do not work on their own, but when the victim is combined with the more reflective task of carrying out a writing task to a relative there are impacts on intentions to comply with the guidelines. After two weeks, however, these intentions do not persist. There is much work to do when designing nudges in the context of COVID-19 and other public health pandemics to ensure persistence.
... The phenomenon of disproportional generosity provoked by identifiable in comparison to unidentifiable individuals appears to be supported by substantial empirical research (Bergh & Reinstein, 2019;Erlandsson, Björklund, & Bäckström, 2014;Caviola, Schubert, & Nemirow, 2020;Friedrich & McGuire, 2010;Lee & Feeley, 2016;Loewenstein, Small, & Strnad, 2006;Slovic, 2007. Kogut and Ritov (2005a) demonstrated that this effect was especially restricted to a single target with their name, age, or face displayed, such that more generosity would be elicited compared to a group of identified victims 1 . Other moderators were proposed to account for the identifiable victim effect, including the number of identified or unidentified victims, entitativity, cause of plight, perceived responsibility, emotions displayed by the victim and sense of belonging (Erlandsson, Björklund, & Bäckström, 2015; Ritov & Kogut, 2011;Small & Verrochi, 2009;Smith, Faro, & Burson, 2013). ...
The identifiable victim effect describes the stronger tendency to help a specific victim than to help unidentified victims. Our reanalysis of a meta-analysis on the effect by Lee and Freely (2016) using robust Bayesian meta-analysis suggested publication bias in the literature, and the need to revisit the phenomenon. We conducted a pre-registered far replication and extension of Studies 1 and 3 in Small et al. (2007), a seminal demonstration of the identifiable victim effect, examining intent to donate. We examined the impact of deliberative thinking on the identifiable victim effect both by directly informing participants of the effect (Study 1) and by providing an identified victim with statistical information (Study 3). We found no empirical support for the identifiable victim effect (η_p^2= .000, 95% CI [.000, .003]) and subsequently no support for debiasing such a phenomenon (η_p^2= .001, 95% CI[.000, .012]). These findings suggest that the identifiable victim may be better framed in terms of ‘scope-insensitivity’. In other words, rather than providing more to a single identified victim, participants seem to be insensitive to the number of victims affected. However, our study involved only hypothetical donations rather than a real-effort real-donation paradigm as in Small et al. (2007). Therefore, we hope that our results spark motivation for future high-powered replications with real money donations, ideally carried out as registered reports and in collaboration with proponents of the original effect. . Materials, data, and code were made available on the OSF: https://osf.io/n4jkh/?view_only=d52771c7540a4a8f8051c8b430a6f15d .
... Bleiker et al. (2014) found viewers to be more attentive to the plight of refugees if the images contained fewer subjects. Camera distance combined with number of subjects in images play a significant role in crafting emotional distance between subject and viewers (Jenni & Loewenstein, 1997;Kogut & Ritov, 2005;Slovic, 2007;Small & Loewenstein, 2003). ...
Media depictions of refugees play a significant role in determining public attitudes toward policies and dispensation of aid. Given this centrality, the study analyzes prominent visual frames of the Rohingya refugee crisis in newspapers from Pakistan, Bangladesh, the United States, and Canada. We also examine the frames qualitatively. Findings show that overall coverage tended to focus on negative aspects by highlighting refugees’ vast numbers, vulnerability, gendered stereotypes, and dependence on Western benevolence. Results show cross-cultural appeal of frames such as “Exodus” and “mother and child,” both of which have roots in the Biblical tradition. Even though visuals came from different sources, there were not many differences among the newspapers. This suggests the role of standardized journalistic routines across multiple organizations.
People’s compassion responses often weaken with repeated exposure to suffering, a phenomenon known as compassion fatigue. Why is it so difficult to continue feeling compassion in response to others’ suffering? We propose that people’s limited-compassion mindsets—beliefs about compassion as a limited resource and a fatiguing experience—can result in a self-fulfilling prophecy that reinforces compassion fatigue. Across four studies of adults sampled from university students and online participant pools in the United States, we show that there is variability in people’s compassion mindsets, that these mindsets can be changed with convincing information, and that limited-compassion mindsets predict lower feelings of compassion, lower-quality social support, and more fatigue. This contributes to our understanding of factors that underlie compassion fatigue and supports the broader idea that people’s beliefs about the nature of emotions affect how emotions are experienced. Together, this research contributes to developing a strategy for increasing people’s capacity to feel compassion and their social support.
This study examines the development of children's self-assessment of their prosociality in normative social comparisons with an average peer, who was either a concrete individual, or an abstract one, at a school of average socioeconomic level in south Israel (N = 148, Age 6-12 years, 51% females; June 2021). Results show that older children exhibited the better-than-average (BTA) effect by perceiving themselves as more generous than their average peer. Conversely, younger children exhibited a worse-than-average effect, in that they assumed that their peers would act more generously than themselves ( η p 2 = .23 $$ {\eta}_{\mathrm{p}}^2=.23 $$ ). Only the older children (aged 8 years onward) were significantly affected by the concreteness of the target of comparison by exhibiting the BTA effect only when the average peer was abstract (not concrete).
This research explores the hypothesis that third‐party decision makers will be less likely to switch from a suboptimal default payoff to a more efficient alternative one when payoff receipts have been identified than when they have not, even when identification conveys no relevant information. While Studies 1 and 2 establish this identifiability effect by manipulating identifiability with real names (“S. Jones” / “R. Smith”) in realistic decision making vignettes, Studies 3 and 4 replicate the effect by manipulating identifiability with simple designations (“Participant A” / “Participant B”) in incentivized decision paradigms that involve real monetary payoffs. And while Studies 1 and 2 demonstrate the identifiability effect among third‐party decision makers choosing to switch from a default payoff to a more efficient alternative payoff, Study 3 instantiates the identifiability effect even when changing the status quo is mandatory. Finally, both Studies 3 and 4 probed for possible psychological mechanisms, finding that analytical processing mode, in particular, may play a role in these third‐party allocations.
The role of empathy in morality is a subject of ongoing scientific debate due to the lack of systematic reviews and meta-analyses on this topic. To address this gap, we conducted a PRISMA-based systematic quantitative review to investigate the role of empathy in moral judgements, decision-making, and inclinations using trolley problems and variants, which are popular types of moral dilemmas that explore utilitarianism and deontology. We searched for articles in four databases (PsycINFO, Pubmed, WorldWideScience, and Scopus) and performed citation searches. Out of 661 records, we selected 34 that studied the associations between empathy and moral judgements, moral decision-making, and/or moral inclinations. Six meta-analyses and systematic reviews of these records consistently showed small to moderate associations between affective empathy and these moral parameters, particularly in personal moral dilemmas involving intentional harm (although some approaches highlighted more complex associations between these parameters). Regarding other empathy domains, most studies found limited or insignificant links between cognitive empathy domains and moral judgements, decision-making, and inclinations. We discuss the nuances and implications of these results.
Recognizing the need for more evidence-based interventions and the potential of well-crafted messages in communicating the opioid epidemic, this study investigates the effectiveness of two messaging strategies (i.e., victim vividness and external attribution) that have the potential to mitigate stigmatization and influence a wide range of public policies concerning the opioid epidemic. Building upon the attribution theory of interpersonal behavior, an experiment with a 2 (victim vividness: high vs. low) × 2 (external attribution: present vs. absent) between-subjects factorial design was conducted among a national sample of U.S. adults (N = 995). The findings show that the messages with greater victim vividness reduced support for victim-oriented punitive policies, whereas the messages that mentioned external attribution increased support for perpetrator-oriented punitive policies. In addition, the two messaging strategies also worked indirectly through various emotions to influence policy support. Discussions on this study’s contributions to both theory and practice are provided.
After the popularization of #MeToo in 2017, the conversation around sexual violence was brought to global attention. The collapse of compassion theory is proposed to occur in situations where individuals no longer feel increased levels of empathy due to an increase in the number of victims. This theory was employed to attempt to understand negative responses to #MeToo. The current study used a mixed methods exploratory approach to understand how exposure to multiple versus single victim(s) (image(s) and vignette) of sexual violence may affect participants' perception of survivors of sexual violence. We hypothesized that individuals who were exposed to multiple victims would demonstrate less compassion, higher levels of distance, more diffusion of responsibility, lower perceived efficacy, and less belief of the victim's story compared to individuals who were exposed to a single victim. We hypothesized that individuals with higher levels of rape myth acceptance (RMA) would endorse greater rates of distance and diffusion, and lower rates of compassion, efficacy, and belief. Participants, recruited via MTurk, were randomized into a single-image group or an eight-image group accompanied by a vignette explaining that the woma(e)n were victim(s) of sexual violence and naming the #MeToo movement. Participants in the single-image group expressed more belief in the victim's story and endorsed higher levels of psychological distance than the eight-image group. Higher rates of RMA related to less belief and compassion for victims and increased distance. In the qualitative analysis, three content areas were identified: (a) comments on woman(en), (b) comments on #MeToo, and (c) comments on sexual violence. The majority of responses expressed support for the #MeToo movement, with a smaller percentage expressing highly critical views including questions on the inclusivity of #MeToo and sexualization of the woman(en) in the vignettes. Implications and integration of results are discussed.
Marketers often use appeals that emphasize the responsibility and the consequences of consumer decisions to help persons, animals, and nature in need, or they use appeals that evoke the predominantly negative emotion of compassion. We focus on another type of appeal that marketers might use: the promise of experiencing positive emotions. We use broaden-and-built theory to conclude that the promise of experiencing positive emotions when helping others increases consumers’ willingness to engage in prosocial behavior. We use emotional-appraisal theory to conclude that the promise of experiencing love is more effective than the promise of experiencing pride or hope. Our research is innovative in that we tested the promise of positive emotions. This kind of message can be used in an advertising environment. We created print advertisements of companies promoting products that promised the experience of love, pride, or hope and ad versions that included an appeal for compassion (supplemented with an emotion-absent condition). The ads promoted fair-trade products aimed at helping farmers in need, products that help endangered animal species, and products that addressed nature as a whole in need. We mostly found support for our hypotheses. However, the promise of experiencing love by taking care of nature by purchasing special products was not effective.
While much research examines the challenges facing labor empowerment efforts, less work considers the role marketing could play in the revitalization of labor movements. In this paper, we reframe the challenges faced by labor movements as marketing problems. We then draw from several theoretical perspectives to examine the barriers that affect public awareness of labor issues, and the public’s willingness to support policies and practices beneficial to workers. The paper concludes with a research agenda to guide scholars interested in this area of research, as well as nonprofits, government agencies, advocates, and social marketers looking to encourage public support for labor movements.
In the growing literature on the visual representations of refugees used by international organisations, only a few studies have examined the representations used specifically to portray the experiences of resettled refugees in the global North. This study’s objective is to address that gap by analysing the use of specific images by UNHCR Canada to illustrate the resettlement of Syrian refugees in that country, in the context of the government’s initiative to resettle 25000 Syrian refugees between 2015 and 2016. Through a content analysis of the visual representations used online by UNHCR Canada, this study aims to explore the specificities of these representations. Results show that preference seems to be given to certain types of representations of refugees, such as images picturing one individual or a small group of easily identifiable persons, images of women and girls taking care of their families, children and infants, and so on. These tendencies in terms of representations may have various effects, including in fostering specific reactions (compassion, generosity, etc.) in viewers. They also serve to present a particular solution over others for the refugees depicted. The analysis aims to explore those tendencies in representation detected in the selected images and their potential effects on viewers.
Healthcare has an impact on everyone, and healthcare funding decisions shape how and what healthcare is provided. In this book, Stephen Duckett outlines a Christian, biblically grounded, ethical basis for how decisions about healthcare funding and priority-setting ought to be made. Taking a cue from the parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:25-37), Duckett articulates three ethical principles drawn from the story: compassion as a motivator; inclusivity, or social justice as to benefits; and responsible stewardship of the resources required to achieve the goals of treatment and prevention. These are principles, he argues, that should underpin a Christian ethic of healthcare funding. Duckett's book is a must for healthcare professionals and theologians struggling with moral questions about rationing in healthcare. It is also relevant to economists interested in the strengths and weaknesses of the application of their discipline to health policy.
This research investigates whether charities can enhance fundraising effectiveness by increasing donors’ sense of agency. This article introduces two strategies that allow donors to target individual charitable projects, either via the choice options (targeting-via-options) or via the suggested donation amounts (targeting-via-amounts). A large-scale field experiment involving more than 40,000 prospective donors manipulates the ability to control the allocation of the charity’s resources and finds that enhancing donor agency boosts fundraising revenue by 42%. A causal forest analysis indicates significant donor heterogeneity with a subset of donors being three times more responsive to the opportunity to target their gift than the average donor. Inactive donors, clumpy donors (who exhibit uneven donation patterns) and donors who concentrate their gifts during the popular giving periods are less responsive to the interventions, while frequent, generous, and long-tenured donors are more responsive to them. Three experiments offer stronger internal validity regarding the manipulations and process evidence that agency and not emotion is responsible for the increased donation effects. An optimization analysis provides implications for how charities can leverage these insights to manage their fundraising campaigns to greater success.
Research questions in the prosocial behavior literature focus on the pro aspect of prosocial behavior—that is, how to motivate actions that benefit others. These questions typically employ simplified decision contexts that neglect the intersocial aspect of prosocial behavior—that is, people are embedded in social networks and impacted by interactivity among two or more persons, entities, or societies. These intersocial influences have increased with technology access. Consumers now face richer choice tradeoffs, can access more information on causes, observe others' actions, and choose to make their own choices public. To ask questions that address the nature of prosocial behavior itself rather than consider it merely as another decision context to motivate human behavior in, we call for researchers to conceptualize prosocial behavior as intersocial. This approach can help capture the more realistic decision tradeoffs consumers face, as well as illuminate new research opportunities arising from considering technology‐enabled giving and socially hyperconnected consumers.
An adverse event following immunization (AEFI) can have consequences for an individual’s future decision making and may contribute to vaccine hesitancy. AEFIs vary in severity and can be experienced directly (by an individual themselves) or indirectly (through witnessed or recounted events). We sought to measure the prevalence of specific AEFIs and understand which AEFIs have the greatest associations with reduced willingness to receive a vaccine and how injection anxiety may moderate the relationship.
We conducted a cross-sectional online survey with both qualitative and quantitative elements in a sample of adults aged 18 years and over in Australia. Nineteen percent of the 1050 respondents reported experiencing an AEFI that they found stressful. Those who experienced an AEFI reported significantly higher levels of injection anxiety than those who did not. Within the group who reported experiencing an AEFI, respondents were significantly less likely to be willing to receive a COVID-19 vaccine if they reported: indirect exposure to an uncommon/rare AEFI compared with other AEFIs (aOR:0.39; 95% CI: 0.18–0.87); indirect exposure to a scientifically unsupported AEFI compared with other AEFIs (aOR:0.18; 95% CI: 0.05–0.57). Direct exposure to an AEFI was not associated with willingness to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. For those who reported experiencing an AEFI, the odds of willingness to receive a COVID-19 vaccine decreased significantly with an increase in injection anxiety (aOR:0.94; 95% CI: 0.9–0.98).
Our results suggest that more is needed to mitigate the consequences of AEFIs on vaccine willingness. Empathically acknowledging at a community level, the experience of both real and perceived AEFIs and incorporating accounts of positive vaccination experiences in vaccine hesitancy interventions may be useful.
Despite its negative reputation, egoism – the excessive concern for one’s own welfare – can incite prosocial behavior. So far, however, egoism-based prosociality has received little attention. Here, we first provide an overview of the conditions under which egoism turns into a prosocial motive, review the benefits and limitations of egoism-based prosociality, and compare them with empathy-driven prosocial behavior. Second, we summarize studies investigating the neural processing of egoism-based prosocial decisions, studies investigating the neural processing of empathy-based prosocial decisions, and the small number of studies that compared the neural processing of prosocial decisions elicited by the different motives. We conclude that there is evidence for differential neural networks involved in egoism and empathy-based prosocial decisions. However, this evidence is not yet conclusive, because it is mainly based on the comparison of different experimental paradigms which may exaggerate or overshadow the effect of the different motivational states. Finally, we propose paradigms and research questions that should be tackled in future research that could help to specify how egoism can be used to enhance other prosocial behavior and motivation, and the how it could be tamed.
In a typical cause-related marketing (CRM) campaign, a company donates a percentage of product sales to a charity or nonprofit related to the chosen cause. This paper provides a comprehensive review of the literature on this subject, and briefly discusses common antecedents of CRM advertising effectiveness. The exploration of the CRM literature starts with advertising and reviews two factors: emotional appeal and execution style. We further discuss contextual elements such as cause factors, company factors, and factors related to CRM activities. This paper integrates research findings across studies to develop a coherent and comprehensive picture of the extant CRM research conducted in the advertising field. Practitioners can use these insights to communicate with their target markets and enhance acceptance of their CRM campaigns. The paper further shows the growth and evolution of the topics covered in marketing-related journals and in the International Journal of Advertising. Lastly, the paper discusses under-researched topics, and important upcoming trends and research avenues.
Nonprofit organizations often position their charitable efforts as fulfilling the immediate needs of those who are disadvantaged (termed immediate aid appeals). This manuscript explores an alternative positioning strategy focused on the use of autonomous aid appeals, which promote the use of donated funds to facilitate the eventual self-sufficiency of those in need. Seven studies show that individuals are more likely to donate to a charity that uses autonomous aid appeals over immediate aid appeals. This effect is generalized to various contexts and examined with actual donation behavior. Additionally, managerially relevant boundary conditions are explored and found to support a serial mediation model first through perceptions of impact followed by feelings of hope for the recipient’s future. The proposed framework is supported through mediation analyses and two process-by-moderation studies. Practical implications for charities and their promotional messaging are provided.
Charities that fundraise from the public can feel competing pressures to be as efficient as possible in their fundraising efforts and to accurately and ethically reflect their services and beneficiaries in their fundraising materials. At the same time, the number of donors giving to charity is in a long-term decline. These pressures may lead charitable managers to make trade-offs when designing and implementing their fundraising programs. In this case study, two direct mail solicitations using different types of beneficiaries from one Canadian charity are examined to see how those trade-offs affect fundraising results. When aggregated, the differences between an out-group beneficiary profile and an in-group beneficiary profile appear subordinate to larger market-level externalities when all else is held equal. When disaggregated, there appears to be a change in donor behavior at the lower end of donation amounts in some markets and community types. The results of this study suggest that fundraiser tactics that narrow in on the preferences of a small segment of donors may be contributing to declining numbers of donors.
Despite the proliferation of nudge research in the last few decades, very little published work aims to nudge the behavior of policymakers. Here we explore the impact of a well-established nudge on policymakers in the Northwest Territories of Canada. In a pre-registered randomized controlled trial, we emailed an invitation to policymakers ( N = 263) to attend an online briefing on gendered impacts of policy. In the treatment condition ( N = 133), the invitation contained personal stories of two women whose lives were disproportionally impacted by public policies more than men. In the control condition ( N = 130), the invitation did not contain such stories. After the briefing, we sent all participants in both conditions a link to a public pledge that they could sign. The pledge was to lead and advocate for equity-oriented policymaking. Contrary to our prediction, there was a small backfiring effect where policymakers in the treatment condition (3%) were less likely to attend the briefing than the control condition (8%). However, two policymakers (1.5%) in the treatment condition signed the public pledge compared to one (0.8%) in the control condition. The current findings reveal the limits of using personal stories as a nudge to influence policymakers. We discuss insights gained from this experiment and follow-up debriefings with policymakers on how to improve future behavioral interventions designed to nudge policymakers.
Empathy needs to be communicated. This chapter begins by exploring how this may take place in music therapy. Communicating empathy may be transformational in itself, fostering a sense of validation for the client. Through experiencing the therapist’s empathy, clients may grow in their ability to identify and differentiate their emotions, accept and take ownership of them, and express and shape their emotions more clearly. Empathic concern may also be a starting point, prompting additional compassionate action. The empathy-altruism hypothesis is mentioned in terms of the associations between empathy and prosocial action. The chapter explores how empathy may guide a music therapist’s clinical decision-making and compassionate action. As empathy is complex, this chapter also acknowledges how empathy may lead to inaction, distancing, or even harm (through, for example, pathological altruism or advocative exploitative empathy). It closes by discussing the importance of self-empathy and self-compassion.KeywordsInsightful empathyCommunicating empathyClinical decision-makingValidationEmpathic concernCompassionate actionSelf-empathyMusic therapy
This work explores how the design and situatedness of data representations affect people's compassion with a case study concerning harassment episodes in a public place. Results contribute to advancing the understanding of how visualizations can evoke emotions and their impact on prosocial behaviors, such as helping people in need. Recent literature examined the effect of different on‐screen data representations on emotion or prosociality, but little has been done concerning visualizations shown in a public place — especially a space contextually relevant to the data — or presented through unconventional media formats such as physical marks. We conducted two in‐the‐wild studies to investigate how different factors affect people's self‐reported compassion and intention to donate. We compared three ways of presenting data about the harassment cases: (1) communicating data only verbally; (2) using a printed poster with aggregated information; and (3) using a physicalization with detailed information about each story. We found that the physicalization influenced people to donate more than only hearing about the data, but it is unclear if the same applied to the poster visualization. Also, passers‐by reported a likely small increase in compassion when they saw the physicalization instead of the poster. We also examined the role of situatedness by showing the physicalization in a site that is not contextually relevant to the data. Our results suggest that people had a similar intention to donate and levels of compassion in both places. Those findings may indicate that using specific visualization designs to support campaigns about sensitive causes (e.g., sexual harassment) can increase the emotional response of passers‐by and may motivate them to help, independently of where the data representation is shown. Finally, this work also informs on the strengths and weaknesses of using research in the wild to evaluate data visualizations in public spaces.
Observed ostracism refers to a form of exclusion in which one observes others' experience of exclusion while also feeling the experience of exclusion. Previous studies have shown that individuals who observe the situation of exclusion will tend to produce more compensatory behaviors toward the excluded. However, these studies did not reveal the psychological mechanism of the observer's compensatory behavior. Through the experimental method, from the dynamic theoretical model of empathy and the theoretical perspective of individual-environment interaction, this study constructs a moderated mediation model with observed ostracism as the independent variable, compensation behavior as the dependent variable, empathy as the mediating variable, and observer justice sensitivity as moderating variable. The results showed that: (1) Empathy played a partial mediating role between the observed ostracism and compensation behavior. (2) Observer justice sensitivity can not only be moderating the relationship between observed ostracism and compensation behavior, but also be moderating the relationship between observed ostracism and empathy. The results of this study supported the dynamic theoretical model of empathy and bring some enlightenment to the maintenance of social norms.
Sharing in the experiences of others often feels like a natural inclination, yet several groups have converged on the idea that empathy reflects motivated choices. Although sometimes criticized for being unreliable, many studies suggest that empathy depends on motivated emotion regulation: people appraise the costs and benefits of empathizing, and then regulate empathy based on their evaluations of its anticipated outcomes. In the current review, we begin by highlighting the importance of the motivated empathy question from a psychological and ethical perspective, and how early empathy avoidance experiments set the stage for the recent resurgence of interest in the topic. We discuss how experimental approaches to testing motivated empathy can provide alternative explanations of empathy failures such as compassion collapse and fatigue—turning a question of whether we can empathize with mass suffering into one of whether we will empathize. We furthermore highlight our free-choice approach to understanding empathic propensity that draws upon cognitive science and economics—the empathy selection task—and then outline four categories of extensions with this approach, including testing motivational interventions, extending to other social emotional processes (e.g., compassion, moral outrage), testing group differences in empathy, and understanding empathy choice strategies. Treating empathy as a choice opens new perspectives for evaluating the possibilities of understanding other minds.
A series of studies examines whether certain biases in probability assessments and perceptions of loss, previously found in experimental studies, affect consumers' decisions about insurance. Framing manipulations lead the consumers studied here to make hypothetical insurance-purchase choices that violate basic laws of probability and value. Subjects exhibit distortions in their perception of risk and framing effects in evaluating premiums and benefits. Illustrations from insurance markets suggest that the same effects occur when consumers make actual insurance purchases.
Virtually all current theories of choice under risk or uncertainty are cognitive and consequentialist. They assume that people assess the desirability and likelihood of possible outcomes of choice alternatives and integrate this information through some type of expectation-based calculus to arrive at a decision. The authors propose an alternative theoretical perspective, the risk-as-feelings hypothesis, that highlights the role of affect experienced at the moment of decision making. Drawing on research from clinical, physiological, and other subfields of psychology, they show that emotional reactions to risky situations often diverge from cognitive assessments of those risks. When such divergence occurs, emotional reactions often drive behavior. The risk-as-feelings hypothesis is shown to explain a wide range of phenomena that have resisted interpretation in cognitive-consequentialist terms.
This research examined whether people can accurately predict the risk preferences of others.Three experiments featuring different designs revealed a systematic bias: that participants predicted others to be more risk seeking than themselves in risky choices, regardless of whether the choices were between options with negative outcomes or with positive outcomes. This self-others discrepancy persisted even if a monetary incentive was offered for accurate prediction. However, this discrepancy occurred only if the target of prediction was abstract and vanished if the target was vivid. A risk-as-feelings hypothesis was introduced to explain these findings.
In this article the authors develop a descriptive theory of choice using anticipated emotions. People are assumed to anticipate how they will feel about the outcomes of decisions and use their predictions to guide choice. The authors measure the pleasure associated with monetary outcomes of gambles and offer an account of judged pleasure called decision affect theory. Then they propose a theory of choices between gambles based on anticipated pleasure. People are assumed to choose the option with greater subjective expected pleasure. Similarities and differences between subjective expected pleasure theory and subjective expected utility theory are discussed.
Cognitive-experiential self-theory integrates the cognitive and the psychodynamic unconscious by assuming the existence of two parallel, interacting modes of information processing: a rational system and an emotionally driven experiential system. Support for the theory is provided by the convergence of a wide variety of theoretical positions on two similar processing modes; by real-life phenomena--such as conflicts between the heart and the head; the appeal of concrete, imagistic, and narrative representations; superstitious thinking; and the ubiquity of religion throughout recorded history--and by laboratory research, including the prediction of new phenomena in heuristic reasoning.
Although it has been claimed that people care more about identifiable than statistical victims, demonstrating this "identifiable victim effect" has proven difficult because identification usually provides information about a victim, and people may respond to the information rather than to identification per se. We show that a very weak form of identifiability--determining the victim without providing any personalizing information--increases caring. In the first, laboratory study, subjects were more willing to compensate others who lost money when the losers had already been determined than when they were about to be. In the second, field study, people contributed more to a charity when their contributions would benefit a family that had already been selected from a list than when told that the family would be selected from the same list. Copyright 2003 by Kluwer Academic Publishers
It is widely believed that people are willing to expend greater resources to save the lives of identified victims than to save equal numbers of unidentified or statistical victims. There are many possible causes of this disparity which have not been enumerated previously or tested empirically. We discuss four possible causes of the "identifiable victim effect" and present the results of two studies which indicate that the most important cause of the disparity in treatment of identifiable and statistical lives is that, for identifiable victims, a high proportion of those at risk can be saved.
Copyright 1997 by Kluwer Academic Publishers
This article analyzes the similarities and differences in forming impressions of individuals and in developing conceptions of groups. In both cases, the perceiver develops a mental conception of the target (individual or group) on the basis of available information and uses that information to make judgments about that person or group. However, a review of existing evidence reveals differences in the outcomes of impressions formed of individual and group targets, even when those impressions are based on the very same behavioral information. A model is proposed to account for these differences. The model emphasizes the role of differing expectancies of unity and coherence in individual and group targets, which in turn engage different mechanisms for processing information and making judgments. Implications of the model are discussed.
Although often confused, imagining how another feels and imagining how you would feel are two distinct forms of perspective taking with different emotional consequences. The former evokes empathy; the latter, both empathy and distress. To test this claim, undergraduates listened to a (bogus) pilot radio interview with a young woman in serious need. One third were instructed to remain objective while listening; one third, to imagine how the young woman felt; and one third, to imagine how they would feel in her situation. The two imagine perspectives produced the predicted distinct pattern of emotions, suggesting different motivational consequences: Imagining how the other feels produced empathy, which has been found to evoke altruistic motivation; imagining how you would feel produced empathy, but it also produced personal distress, which has been found to evoke egoistic motivation.
Prosocial motivation is egoistic when the ultimate goal is to increase one's own welfare; it is altruistic when the ultimate goal is to increase another's welfare. The view that all prosocial behavior, regardless how noble in appearance, is motivated by some form of self-benefits may seem cynical. But it is the dominant view in contemporary psychology. Most contemporary psychologists who use the term have no intention of challenging the dominant view that all human behavior, including all prosocial behavior, is motivated by self-serving, egoistic desires. Contemporary pseudoaltruistic views can be classified into three types: altruism as prosocial behavior, not motivation, altruism as prosocial behavior seeking internal rewards, and altruism as prosocial behavior to reduce aversive arousal. If altruistic motivation exists, then one has to make some fundamental changes in the conception of human motivation and indeed of human nature. As yet, the evidence is not sufficiently clear to justify such changes. If the conceptual analysis and research outlined in the chapter have merit, then the threshold of an empirical answer to the question why one care for other will be reached.
Campaigns to make people aware of their susceptibility to health and safety risks reflect the assumption that people's perception of susceptibility can be influenced by exposure to information about such risks. However, such attempts to encourage precautionary behavior are seldom effective in influencing people's personal risk judgments. Tyler and Cook's (1984) impersonal impact hypothesis and Weinstein's (1980) work on unrealistic optimism suggest that information campaigns can only exert influence on societal level judgments, but not on personal level judgments (people's beliefs about their personal lives). Based on the notion that direct experience of harm is often a powerful stimulus to action, the two studies reported in this article demonstrate that indirect experience may be as powerful as direct experience when it shares some of its properties. The results of these studies show that "vivid" and "self-relevant" information can influence both personal and societal level judgments. Implications for use of risk information in public service campaigns are discussed.
In each of two experiments, some participants chose between allocation of resources to the group as a whole or to themselves alone (egoism condition); some chose between allocation to a group or to a group member for whom they were induced to feel empathy (altruism condition); and some chose between allocation to a group or to a member for whom empathy was not induced (baseline condition). When the decision was private, allocation to the group was significantly - and similarly - lower in the egoism and altruism conditions compared to the baseline. When the decision was public, allocation to the group was significantly lower only in the altruism condition. These results indicated, first, that both egoism and altruism can be potent threats to the common good and, second, that anticipated social evaluation is a powerful inhibitor of the egoistic but not the altruistic threat.
[This book examines] empathy from the standpoint of contemporary social/personality psychology—emphasizing these disciplines' traditional subject matter (e.g., emotion, cognition, helping, aggression) and its research techniques (survey research, laboratory experiments).
[The author's] goal was to provide a thorough, readable . . . summary of contemporary empathy research [primarily for advanced undergraduate and graduate students]. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Results of 2 experiments supported the proposal that empathy-induced altruism can lead one to act in a way that violates the moral principle of justice. In each experiment, participants were asked to make an allocation decision that affected the welfare of other individuals. Participants who were not induced to feel empathy tended to act in accord with a principle of justice; participants who were induced to feel empathy were significantly more likely to violate this principle, allocating resources preferentially to the person for whom empathy was felt. High-empathy participants who showed partiality agreed with other participants in perceiving partiality to be less fair and less moral (Experiment 1). Overall, results suggested that empathy-induced altruism and the desire to uphold a moral principle of justice are independent prosocial motives that sometimes cooperate but sometimes conflict. Implications of this independence are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Subjects are reluctant to vaccinate a (hypothetical) child when the vaccination itself can cause death, even when this is much less likely than death from the disease prevented. This effect is even greater when there is a ‘risk group’ for death (with its overall probability held constant), even though the test for membership in the risk group is unavailable. This effect cannot be explained in terms of a tendency to assume that the child is in the risk group. A risk group for death from the disease has no effect on reluctance to vaccinate. The reluctance is an example of omission bias (Spranca, Minsk & Baron, in press), an overgeneralization of a distinction between commissions and omissions to a case in which it is irrelevant. Likewise, it would ordinarily be prudent to find out whether a child is in a risk group before acting, but in this case it is impossible, so knowledge of the existence of the risk group is irrelevant. The risk-group effect is consistent with Frisch & Baron's (1988) interpretation of ambiguity.
People’s greater willingness to help identified victims, relative to non-identified ones, was examined by eliciting real contributions to targets varying in singularity (a single individual vs. a group of several individuals), and the availability of individually identifying information (the main difference being the inclusion of a picture in the “identified” versions). Results of the first and second experiments support the proposal that for identified victims, contributions for a single victim exceed contributions for a group when these are judged separately, but preference reverses when one has to choose between contributing to the single individual and contributing to the group. In a third experiment, ratings of emotional response were elicited in addition to willingness to contribute judgments. Results suggest that the greater contribution to a single victim relative to the group stems from intensified emotions evoked by a single identified victim rather than from emotions evoked by identified victims in general.
Three experiments tested whether empathy evokes egoistic motivation to share vicariously in the victim's joy at improvement (the empathic-joy hypothesis) instead of altruistic motivation to increase the victim's welfare (the empathy-altruism hypothesis). In Experiment 1, Ss induced to feel either low or high empathy for a young woman in need were given a chance to help her. Some believed that if they helped they would receive feedback about her improvement; others did not. In Experiments 2 and 3, Ss induced to feel either low or high empathy were given a choice of getting update information about a needy person's condition. Before choosing, they were told the likelihood of the person's condition having improved--and of their experiencing empathic joy--was 20%, was 50%, or was 80%. Results of none of the experiments patterned as predicted by the empathic-joy hypothesis; instead, results of each were consistent with the empathy-altruism hypothesis.
Tension between health policy and medical practice exists in many situations. For example, regional variations in practice patterns persist despite extensive shared information,1 2 3 there are substantial deviations from accepted guidelines daily in the care of patients,4 5 6 7 and disproportionate amounts of care are given to selected individuals.8 9 10 These observations indicate that decisions in the clinical arena, which focus on the individual patient, may be at variance with general medical policies, which are based on wider considerations. Our study investigated this discrepancy. Imagine a patient presenting to a physician with a specific problem. Normally the physician treats each patient as a unique . . .
This article analyzes the similarities and differences in forming impressions of individuals and in developing conceptions of groups. In both cases, the perceiver develops a mental conception of the target (individual or group) on the basis of available information and uses that information to make judgments about that person or group. However, a review of existing evidence reveals differences in the outcomes of impressions formed of individual and group targets, even when those impressions are based on the very same behavioral information. A model is proposed to account for these differences. The model emphasizes the role of differing expectancies of unity and coherence in individual and group targets, which in turn engage different mechanisms for processing information and making judgments. Implications of the model are discussed.
Two experiments investigated differences in forming impressions of individual and group targets. Experiment 1 showed that when forming an impression of an individual, perceivers made more extreme trait judgments, made those judgments more quickly and with greater confidence, and recalled more information than when the impression target was a group. Experiment 2 showed that when participants were forming an impression of an individual, expectancy-inconsistent behaviors spontaneously triggered causal attributions to resolve the inconsistency; this was not the case when the impression target was a group. Results are interpreted as reflecting perceivers' a priori assumptions of unity and coherence in individual versus group targets.
Prospect theory's S-shaped weighting function is often said to reflect the psychophysics of chance. We propose an affective rather than psychophysical deconstruction of the weighting function resting on two assumptions. First, preferences depend on the affective reactions associated with potential outcomes of a risky choice. Second, even with monetary values controlled, some outcomes are relatively affect-rich and others relatively affect-poor. Although the psychophysical and affective approaches are complementary, the affective approach has one novel implication: Weighting functions will be more S-shaped for lotteries involving affect-rich than affect-poor outcomes. That is, people will be more sensitive to departures from impossibility and certainty but less sensitive to intermediate probability variations for affect-rich outcomes. We corroborated this prediction by observing probability-outcome interactions: An affect-poor prize was preferred over an affect-rich prize under certainty, but the direction of preference reversed under low probability. We suggest that the assumption of probability-outcome independence, adopted by both expected-utility and prospect theory, may hold across outcomes of different monetary values, but not different affective values.
Unethical behavior directed toward groups versus individuals: the role of target type in promoting misrepresentation
- A E Tenbrunsel
- K Diekmann
- C E Naquin
Tenbrunsel, A. E., Diekmann, K., & Naquin, C. E. (2003). Unethical behavior directed toward groups versus individuals: the role of target type in promoting misrepresentation. Manuscript.
The role of risk perception in risk management decisions: who's afraid of a poor old-age? Developments in decision-making under uncertainty: Implications for retirement plan design and plan sponsors
- E U Weber
Weber, E. U. (2004). The role of risk perception in risk management decisions: who's afraid of a poor old-age? In O. S.
Mitchell, & S. P. Utkus (Eds.), Developments in decision-making under uncertainty: Implications for retirement plan
design and plan sponsors. Philadelphia, PA: Pension Research Council.
- Cialdini
- Epstein