Global Business Regulation
Abstract
Across an amazing sweep of the critical areas of business regulation - from contract, intellectual property and corporations law, to trade, telecommunications, labour standards, drugs, food, transport and environment - this book confronts the question of how the regulation of business has shifted from national to global institutions. Based on interviews with 500 international leaders in business and government, this book examines the role played by global institutions such as the WTO, the OECD, IMF, Moody’s and the World Bank, as well as various NGOs and significant individuals. The authors argue that effective and decent global regulation depends on the determination of individuals to engage with powerful agendas and decision-making bodies that would otherwise be dominated by concentrated economic interests. This book will become a standard reference for readers in business, law, politics and international relations.
... The rise of the for-profit business corporation (hereafter corporation, unless otherwise specified) has been described as one of the most fundamental global transformations of the past three centuries. 1,2 Corporations are entities that owe the legal basis for their mandate and powers to pursue private profits to a combination of state concessions granted upon incorporation (see Box 1). 3,4 In general, it is the combination of these concessions that give corporations considerable financial, economic, and political advantages over noncorporate business forms (eg, sole proprietorships) and nonbusiness corporate forms (eg, incorporated universities). 4 Dating back at least to the 16th century when European states began to attach a special set of rights and privileges to business entities in the pursuit of national, imperial or public interest objectives, 2,8 corporations have greatly impacted on the health of many populations. ...
... Since the harms of cigarette smoking were exposed in the 1940s and 1950s, for instance, public health stakeholders have led international efforts for stricter regulation of tobacco products and of various practices conducted by tobacco corporations. 1,[18][19][20][21][22] As another example, public health campaigns targeting pharmaceutical corporations that jeopardise efforts to make medicines (eg, antiretrovirals against the human immunodeficiency virus) and vaccines (eg, against SARS-CoV-2) accessible and affordable for all have made some inroads into improving health equity for various populations. 23,24 Industry-specific approaches to holding powerful corporations to account are important, and, in many cases, have played a substantial role in improving health outcomes. ...
... We identified a number of proposals relating to reforming existing international organisations and arrangements to shift decision-making power from powerful states and their corporations back to elected governments and civil societies. 1,169,[190][191][192][193] Chimni, for example, proposes a suite of measures, including assigning a greater role to national parliaments in the negotiation and ratification of WTO agreements to ensure that the consent of the representatives of citizens in the respective country, where relevant, is adequately sought. 190 To initiate such a measure, it was suggested that national parliaments could pass a law requiring consultation and consent as a precondition for ratification of any significant international agreement, including but not limited to those related to trade and investment. ...
Background: In many sectors of the economy, for-profit business corporations hold excessive power relative to some governments and civil society. These power imbalances have been recognised as important contributors to many pressing and complex societal challenges, including unhealthy diets, climate change, and widening socio-economic inequalities, and thus pose a major barrier to efforts to improve public health and health equity. In this paper, we reviewed potential actions for addressing excessive corporate power. Methods: We conducted a scoping review of diverse literature (using Scopus, Web of Science, HeinOnline, and EBSCO databases), along with expanded searches, to identify state and collective actions with the potential to address excessive corporate power. Actions were thematically classified into overarching strategic objectives, guided by Meagher’s ‘3Ds’ heuristic, which classifies actions to curb corporate power into three groups: dispersion, democratisation, and dissolution. Based on the actions identified, we proposed two additional strategic objectives: reform and democratise the global governance of corporations, and strengthen countervailing power structures. Results: We identified 178 documents that collectively cover a broad range of actions to address excessive corporate power. In total, 18 interrelated strategies were identified, along with several examples in which aspects of these strategies have been implemented. Conclusion: The proposed framework sheds light on how a diverse set of strategies and actions that seek to address excessive corporate power can work synergistically to change the regulatory context in which corporations operate, so that broader societal goals, including health and equity, are given much greater prominence and consideration vis-à-vis powerful corporate interests.
... Subsequently, other approaches have intended to grasp the complexity of the concept, to deepen the study and understanding of the capture phenomenon. This second generation of works has shown, in particular since the 2000s, that capture admits degrees and forms that go well beyond "entry-barrier capture," and has as well an ambivalent relationship with regulation and deregulation processes observed during the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century (Balleisen & Moss, 2010;Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Carpenter & Moss, 2014;Drahos, 2017;Jordana & Levi-Faur, 2003;Mattli & Woods, 2009). 13 To end with, these studies add to the idea of a passive predatory state. ...
... The industry may have lobbied to weaken laws, rules, standards, procedures, and mechanisms for serving its interests, to the detriment of the public interest. 34 Thus, deregulation and poor regulation may 34 The phenomenon is not new and specific to ODA as reported by Nik-Khah (2014), Carpenter (2010) or Braithwaite and Drahos (2000). Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the pharmaceutical industry had constantly worked to limit the scope of regulation in the pharmaceutical sector on key issues such as patent protection, product safety and efficacy, price control and consumer advertising. ...
... As a matter of fact, regulation is a social construction, in which a variety of stakeholders with different powers in time and space intervene (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Drahos, 2017;Mattli & Woods, 2009). Therefore, regulation may be more or less stringent, reinforced or relaxed depending on the interplay of stakeholders (Carpenter & Moss, 2014). ...
In the midst of a health crisis, a drug in development and candidate for COVID-19 contagious disease was granted orphan-drug designation (ODD). This decision by the US Food and Drug Administration was immediately denounced as an abuse of the Orphan Drug Act (ODA). This paper outlines how this decision may be considered as the result of a complex case of capture along the regulatory process. Therefore, a case study of the remdesivir episode is conducted, combining the definition of a framework for the analysis of capture and the identification of stylized facts marking the trajectory of a repositioned drug and candidate for COVID-19. In doing so, arguments are put forward to show to what extent this granting of ODD can be described as the result of a series of captures, a case of weak capture however that calls for an amendment of the ODA to preclude drugs for contagious and communicable epidemic diseases from obtaining orphan status in the first place.
... The second thread of scholarship on BAIs asserts that these are less credible forms of private regulation compared to MSIs (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Vogel, 2008). According to this view, the objective of BAIs is to enable corporations to deflect pressures from activists and safeguard commercial interests, rather than implement meaningful changes (Mena & Palazzo, 2012). ...
... As stated above, a key conclusion in the literature that does exist has been that BAIs are a less effective, legitimate and credible form of private regulation compared to MSIs (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Vogel, 2008) and that they can be understood as attempts to divert government regulation (King & Lenox, 2000;Lyon, 2013). However, these inferences are based on studies of a very limited number of organizations with a surprising amount remaining unstudied. ...
... Alongside their claimed capacity to make precise data-driven forecasts, companies also exert data power through standard-setting behaviours. While the standard setting is often associated with governments, private actors also play a key role in setting and enforcing standards (see Braithwaite and Drahos 2000). At their most basic, standards can be understood as the ways that things are done (see Bowker and Star 2000). ...
... Private actors have a long history of exerting power through standard setting (see especially Scott 2010;Peters et al. 2009;Cutler et al. 1999;Braithwaite and Drahos 2000). Standard setting, as regulatory scholars John Braithwaite and Peter Drahos argue in their groundbreaking book Global Business Regulation (2000), is a means by which multinational corporate actors can exert power to further their commercial interests by enrolling national and international organizations to meet their regulatory goals. ...
From the global geopolitical arena to the smart city, control over knowledge—particularly over data and intellectual property—has become a key battleground for the exercise of economic and political power. For companies and governments alike, control over knowledge—what scholar Susan Strange calls the knowledge structure—has become a goal unto itself.
The rising dominance of the knowledge structure is leading to a massive redistribution of power, including from individuals to companies and states. Strong intellectual property rights have concentrated economic benefits in a smaller number of hands, while the “internet of things” is reshaping basic notions of property, ownership, and control. In the scramble to create and control data and intellectual property, governments and companies alike are engaging in ever-more surveillance.
The New Knowledge is a guide to and analysis of these changes, and of the emerging phenomenon of the knowledge-driven society. It highlights how the pursuit of the control over knowledge has become its own ideology, with its own set of experts drawn from those with the ability to collect and manipulate digital data. Haggart and Tusikov propose a workable path…
... While corporations have long played an important role in transnational governance, their influence has grown as multinational companies wield significant power over state and international politics (Ruggie 2007). Scholars have long examined the role of non-state actors such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in transnational lawmaking (see, for example, Braithwaite and Drahos 2000;Abbott and Snidal 2009;Halliday and Block-Leib 2017). The literature has also focused on corporate influence in the development of public and private international law (Danielsen 2005;Shaffer 2009;Alvarez 2011;Stephan 2011;Arato 2015;Durkee 2017). ...
... Businesses shape transnational lawmaking through multiple mechanisms, including lobbying legislators for policy changes, exerting influence over administrative rule making, and using litigation to affect the interpretation of laws over time (Shaffer 2009). Corporations are also engaged in the transnational diffusion of law through the exportation of industry codes of conduct and other private standards, which has influenced the development of domestic and international regulations (Braithwaite and Drahos 2000). Scholarship has examined the role of business entities in the making of international rules governing such areas as trade, investment, antitrust, intellectual property, and telecommunications (Alvarez 2011). ...
This article examines the role of industry in implementing and interpreting the international legal norm of human rights due diligence. Our study focuses on a multi-industry association called the Responsible Minerals Initiative (RMI), which has assumed a leading role in implementing conflict minerals legislation and interpreting the norm of human rights due diligence in mineral supply chains. Drawing on interviews with RMI staff, corporate representatives, and independent members of the RMI’s governance committees, we analyze the RMI’s risk assessment tools that facilitate corporate compliance with global mineral supply chain regulations. We demonstrate that these technocratic tools mask the underlying corporate interests that control how human rights due diligence is being interpreted and implemented on the ground. We then argue that global supply chains are being “governed at a distance” through these technical practices whereby companies divest themselves of responsibility to their suppliers. Supply chain governance at a distance is therefore transforming the norm of human rights due diligence from an instrument of corporate accountability to a tool of corporate legitimacy.
... It seems that, as the reality behind the rigorous meaning of "neoliberalism" is slipping away, the word is increasingly used in a more vague and meaningless manner. The main counternarrative to "neoliberalism" is provided by the idea of "regulatory capitalism" (Braithwaite, 2005(Braithwaite, , 2008Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Jordana & Levi-Faur, 2004;Jordana et al., 2011;Levi-Faur, 2003. While the neoliberalism narrative claims there has been a general trend toward smaller government, both in terms of the size of government and in terms of deregulation, the regulatory capitalism narrative claims that there has been a shift in the nature of state intervention, a shift from the state being an active participant and provider of goods and services to the state as regulator. ...
... Similarly, studying telecoms and electricity in 32 countries, Levi-Faur (2003) noted that privatization was almost always accompanied by the creation of more or less independent regulatory bodies to control the new markets: "While it might be argued that privatization is intimately connected to a retreat (selling, shrinking) of the state, the creation of IRAs [independent regulatory agencies] might well serve as an indicator of restructure whichparadoxically-reinforces state control over the economy." The same dual phenomenon of privatization and regulation occurred in other industries as well (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Gilardi, 2004;Levi-Faur, 2006;Lutz, 2004;Vogel, 1996). ...
Over the last 50 years, economic freedom in modern capitalist democracies has increased although the regulatory state has expanded considerably, resulting in the paradox of “freer markets, more rules” (Vogel, 1996). We provide a hierarchical cluster analysis of the policy trajectories of OECD countries over the last 50 years, as well as a theoretical framework that builds on Stigler’s (1971) theory of economic regulation. Our findings suggest that these developments are not the result of ideological narratives such as “neoliberalism,” but instead we confirm some claims from the “varieties of capitalism” and “regulatory capitalism” literatures using independent methods. Our approach is better able to explain the diversity of regulatory regimes across countries than existing approaches that focus on either national patterns or policy sectors, and we also provide a fuller account of government crowding-out and crowding-in effects across the entire structure of production.
... These conditions undermined the then prevailing economic mindset that regulated international trade, paving the way for adopting more liberal approaches to increase competition in world markets. In the 1980s, the largest industrialized nations lobbied to introduce stronger trade regulations to protect IPR, especially those from multinational companies (MNCs) in the pharmaceutical sector (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Correa, 2000;Gopakumar, 2010). The negotiations were derived into the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 and the corresponding intention of WTO founding members to sign the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) (Nguyen, 2010). ...
... To some extent, the growing incursion of many MNCs on LDC markets was prompted by their interest in capitalizing their competitive advantages in knowledge-intensive sectors such as pharmaceuticals, electronics, and automobiles (Angeli, 2014; Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Ivus et al., 2017). This condition was possible thanks to MNCs' strong technological capabilities (Correa, 2003). ...
Inequalities are pervasive in social life and seem to be the main reasons for po�larization. As Østby (2008, p. 143) points out, “[r]obust results from panel and cross-section analyses show that social polarization and horizontal social inequal�ity are positively related to conflict outbreak”. Understanding their dynamics is therefore a central task for the social sciences.
Inequality and polarization are at the heart of the most pressing concerns in con�temporary economics and politics. Inequality in particular is an issue today that
political parties in all parts of the ideological spectrum cannot dismiss. This is
partly due to the work of authors such as Anthony Atkinson, Branko Milanovic,
Thomas Piketty, and Joseph E. Stiglitz. The books written by these authors have
re-drawn attention to issues of economic distribution and fueled a public move�ment that has put pressure on governments to tackle inequality.
According to the Kuznets Curve suggested by Simon Kuznets in the 1950s, mar�ket forces first increase as the economy develops and then reduce economic ine�quality. This hypothesis has clearly become invalid in the industrialized world in the last few decades. Statistically sound studies on measuring income distribu�tion show that in almost all countries the gap between the income of rich and poor people has widened over the past four decades. Therefore, the trend of in�equality is observable both in developed and in developing economies. As Do�breva (2019, p. 8) points out, “even though factors that impede economic devel�opment are more attributable to developing economies, their overreaching effect is affecting developed economies as well and creates general burdens to the global economic development”.
... There are many ways to characterize global institutional governance regimes (Amann et al., 2007;Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Djelic & Sahlin-Andersson, 2006;Levy & Newell, 2006;Levy & Prakash, 2003;Steger, 2003;Windsor, 2007), but we choose to focus on two dimensions identified by Levy & Newell (2006) and many others. First, "some governance regimes…are truly global" while others are "regional in scope." ...
... Just as multilateral negotiations have gradually encompassed an increasing number of policy issues, the new generation of RTAs and bilateral agreements includes areas of heretofore purely domestic policy that affect trade and investment, such as industrial and regulatory policies and rules governing provision of professional services (Curran & Eckhardt, 2018:135;Woll & Artigas, 2007). We are thus in a global institutional governance environment with many governance levels arrayed across an increasing number of issues, many of which were previously addressed primarily at the national and sub-national level, making an understanding of how these levels relate to each other all the more critical (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000;Catá Backer, 2012). ...
Scholars of international relations and international political economy have long documented international business diplomacy (IBD) as a practice of multinational enterprises (MNEs), although the specific practices involved have not been consistently established in international business scholarship. We apply "practice theory" to position IBD within the realm of MNEs’ global non-market strategy (NMS), arguing that IBD constitutes a set of practices in the implementation of global NMS, and that the most appropriate practices depend upon two key dimensions of the global institutional governance regime faced by the MNEs: the governance level and the degree of rule formality.
... Governing through networks of actors is integral to the concept of governance (Rhodes 2007). In their seminal study of 13 business domains, Braithwaite and Drahos (2000) find that power is best understood as exercised through "webs of influence," and that webs of dialogue are usually preferred to webs of coercion. In webs of dialogue, actors develop their interests and practices through formal and informal deliberative interaction. ...
... To sum up, nodal governance focuses on the role of nodes in the process of tying together networks to concentrate power and capacity to govern (Drahos 2004). Strong nodes can tie together networks by enrolling other nodes into the network (Latour 1984;Braithwaite & Drahos 2000), where even weak interpersonal ties can be important for building a diverse network (Granovetter 1973). In a network, the capacity to govern is thus concentrated through the mobilization of several nodes' tools and resources. ...
Climate action has until recently been slow in the shipping industry. The sector is notoriously difficult to regulate by individual states, and international governance is moving slowly. In such a context, networks of actors can potentially contribute to a sustainability transition. In Norway, which is widely considered a leader in maritime environmental innovations, two networks have become prominent. This article studies how the cluster organization Norwegian Centre of Expertise Maritime CleanTech and the public–private partnership named the Green Shipping Programme have developed, gained influence in policymaking, and are now taking part in governing a transition toward low‐ and zero‐emission shipping. I argue that these governance networks gained governance capacity because of how network organization allow for utilization of the resources of individual members. The resources of individual network members are “mixed and matched” through network activities. In particular, the combination of technical expertise, lobbying expertise, and relational capital is important when a network seeks to influence policy in sustainability transitions.
... They are effective in problem-solving, developing new ideas and solutions, and in building consensus (DSGC, 2012;ERT, 1983). Therefore, industry-led VIs are far from being "unimportant" for the transition, as they play a significant role in the mobilization of businesses towards improved performance, as it is also shown in the studies of Braithwaite and Drahos (2000) and Schiavi and Solomon (2006). ...
Recent studies claim that national policies fall short of the ambitious goal to limit global temperature increase to well below 2◦C, preferably 1.5◦C, revealing an ambition gap between current commitments and those needed to reach climate neutrality. To bridge this gap, commitments must increase more than five-fold to achieve the necessary reduction in GHG emissions. Voluntary initiatives (VIs), gaining interest as an approach to support the
Paris Agreement’s ambition, have the potential to bridge the commitment gap and limit the expected temperature increase to 2◦C if all their voluntary commitments to climate neutrality are fulfilled. While decarbonizing the manufacturing sector is crucial for climate targets, no prior study has explored the theoretical potential of industry-related VIs to bridge the gap for industrial decarbonization. This paper addresses this gap by examining
the potential contribution of these VIs, analyzing criteria related to arena and agenda creation, operationalization, and accountability. By applying the transition management framework innovatively, the study investigates eighty-three industry-related VIs led by both state and non-state actors. The research process, involving the development of an analytical framework, VIs selection, data collection and validation, categorization, and analysis, provides insights into how the design affects VIs’ potential for industrial decarbonization. The main findings highlight, firstly, the need for clearly defined and measurable targets, enhanced commitments, and robust accountability mechanisms, especially for non-state actor-led initiatives. Secondly, increased participation from energy-intensive sector companies due to their pivotal role for GHG emission reduction. Lastly, collaboration between state and non-state actors is critical for bridging the decarbonization gap in manufacturing industries. Additionally, the similarity between VIs and voluntary agreement programs (VAPs) is highlighted, with
VAPs been overseen by governmental bodies with administrative authority. Given the urgency of addressing climate change, an unanswered question remains: Will future policies transition away from voluntariness towards more mandatory administrative character?
... Наукові труди багатьох вчених присвячені вивченню аспектів формування та еволюції глобального бізнесу. Наприклад, у колективних дослідженнях, які згадуються авторами [2], детально розглядаються питання стосовно регулювання глобального бізнесу та його переходу до форм, що виходять за межі національних границь. Вчений А. Добровольська, в рамках свого наукового внеску [3], акцентує увагу на процесах глобалізації економічних відносин. ...
Дана наукова стаття присвячена ретельному аналізу впливу глобальної нестабільності на сучасний бізнес у турбулентних умовах. Здійснення такого дослідження дозволяє визначити ключові фактори та виклики, що виникають в контексті нестабільності, та відокремити можливості для бізнес-організацій. Особлива увага надається розробці стратегій, спрямованих на формування антикрихкого підходу в умовах глобальних невизначеностей. Дослідження підтверджує, що бізнес-організації, які інтегрують антикрихкі принципи, стають більш придатними до адаптації та виживання в змінних умовах. Це може слугувати основою для подальших розвитків у сфері стратегічного управління та підвищити стійкість бізнес-систем у сучасному непередбачуваному світі. Висновки статті сприятимуть подальшому розумінню та розвитку концепцій антикрихкості в сучасному бізнесі. У цілому, дана наукова стаття відкриває нові перспективи та надає практичні рекомендації, які можуть служити орієнтиром для бізнес-лідерів, науковців та стратегічних планувальників, щоб ефективно протистояти викликам глобальної нестабільності та створити стійкі та динамічні організації.
... Conceptual framework.Source: Author's adoption fromBraithwaite and Drahos (2000), World Bank(2005); and OECD(2007). The research framework, showing the relationship and intersection of globalisation, knowledge economy, competition states and international education. ...
This article examines post-study work rights (PSWR) policy in three major international higher education destinations – Australia, Germany and Canada – through a comparative case study approach. The study found that PSWR policies typically have several objectives: to attract more international students; fill labour shortages; internationalise higher education, retain highly skilled migrants, and to improve outcomes for international graduates. Although some of these objectives appear to have been realised in each of the three countries, it remains unclear whether such policies have improved outcomes for international graduates.
... A fundamental problem for steering societal processes is that those who are in charge of the steering wheel are at the same time part of systems they wish to steer. Dialogic webs, which have become an important governance mechanism since the 1980s, have been shown to be preferred by most economic actors across sectors, as they open opportunities for businesses to exercise ideational and persuasive power (Braithwaite and Drahos 2000). At the same time, such dialogic webs also 6 provide potentially untapped opportunities for less powerful actors to work towards shifts both in dominant conceptualizations of problems and societal values and norms more broadly, if they succeed in the creation of "shared meanings and collective identities" (Fligstein and McAdam 2012, p. 46). ...
The Transformation Flower Approach (TFA) introduced in this paper attends to multiple value creation and institutional change as a dual design challenge. By integrating social scientific theories and models relevant for transformative change (in particular focusing on pathways, leverage points, governance, power, and values) and practical insights from an ongoing societal transformation (concerning the Dutch food system), the TFA provides a holistic, transdisciplinary and practically relevant approach that aims to support new social contract formation. This distinguishes the TFA from other transformative change approaches. Based on the notion of pathways, the TFA offers a toolbox that aids in working towards desirable futures, involving both incumbents and challengers in an effort to harness untapped yet proximal potentials in a forward-looking way. By embracing an innovation approach, it not only promises to circumvent a substantial amount of resistance to change, but also serves as a step-by-step approach to identify options for multiple value creation and effective cooperation. We demonstrate the analytical and practical value of the TFA by discussing action perspectives at various levels and scales in the context of the Dutch food system transition, including (1) area-oriented approaches, (2) acceleration agendas for specific transformation pathways, and (3) actor-specific transformation flowers. In developing these, we emphasize the importance of interdependencies between leverage points. Our approach helps to identify opportunities to link transformative options (the what), actors (the who) and levers (the how) in dynamic interaction to embark on transformative pathways.
... These agreements are frequently influenced by commercial actors to promote free market ideas and rules to liberalise or deregulate. 59 As a result, such agreements favour private sector interests, often at the expense of health. [60][61][62][63] Some successes in trade policy governance provide useful counter examples. ...
This paper is about the future role of the commercial sector in global health and health equity. The discussion is not about the overthrow of capitalism nor a full-throated embrace of corporate partnerships. No single solution can eradicate the harms from the commercial determinants of health-the business models, practices, and products of market actors that damage health equity and human and planetary health and wellbeing. But evidence shows that progressive economic models, international frameworks, government regulation, compliance mechanisms for commercial entities, regenerative business types and models that incorporate health, social, and environmental goals, and strategic civil society mobilisation together offer possibilities of systemic, transformative change, reduce those harms arising from commercial forces, and foster human and planetary wellbeing. In our view, the most basic public health question is not whether the world has the resources or will to take such actions, but whether humanity can survive if society fails to make this effort.
... Accounting and financial scandals of immense proportions have recently erupted worldwide. Both Detomasi (2006) and Woolcock et al. (2001) ...
This paper attempts to investigate the practice of corporate governance in Japan since it has largely contributed to the country’s financial management. That, in turn, led to the unprecedented economic boom of Japan. The practice and objective of corporate governance have got a different momentum in Japan despite its origin from the firm’s Anglo-American theories, particularly ‘Agency theory.’ The convergence and divergence in corporate governance due to innovation and customisation of practices fitting in with the national culture have made Japan’s practice different. The model Japan has evolved is now being attempted to be replicated by many developed economies. Issues like a stockexchange scam, business organisations functioning as pressure groups, and electronic robbery in the Central Bank of Bangladesh have shown us that as a growing economy in South Asia, Bangladesh requires a model to adapt and learn from the existing practices of corporate governance to ensure the acceleration of economic development. This paper is a qualitative review study based on the existing literature—journal articles, book chapters, newspaper articles, interviews of experts, and periodicals. The paper attempts to identify the practice of corporate governance in Japan and prescribe a possible model for Bangladesh to contribute to the economic growth of this developing economy.
... civil society -'regulate' one another (Black 2002;Braithwaite and Drahos 2000;Eberlein et al. 2014;Scott 2001;Steurer 2013). Yet in practice, regulatory spaces are often influenced by economic and political interests, and tend to amplify the loudest voices in political and public spheres, such as transnational UPF corporations, and sideline others, like workers, animals and environments . ...
Many are calling for transformative food systems changes to promote population and planetary health. Yet there is a lack of research that considers whether current food policy frameworks and regulatory approaches are suited to tackle whole of food systems challenges. One such challenge is responding to the rise of ultra-processed foods (UPF) in human diets, and the related harms to population and planetary health. This paper presents a narrative review and synthesis of academic articles and international reports to critically examine whether current food policy frameworks and regulatory approaches are sufficiently equipped to drive the transformative food systems changes needed to halt the rise of UPFs, reduce consumption and minimise harm. We draw on systems science approaches to conceptualise the UPF problem as an emergent property of complex adaptive food systems shaped by capitalist values and logics. Our findings reveal that current food policy frameworks often adjust or reform isolated aspects of food systems (e.g., prices, labels, food composition), but under-emphasise the deeper paradigms, goals and structures that underlie the rise of UPFs as a systems phenomenon, and its socio-ecological implications. We propose that a ‘leverage points’ framework illuminates where to intervene in food systems to generate multi-level changes, while the theory of ecological regulation highlights how to respond to complex multi-factorial problems, like the rise of UPFs, in diverse ways that respect planetary boundaries. More research is needed to better understand the transformative potential of ecological regulation to advance food systems transformation and attenuate whole of food systems challenges.
... 14 This substantial loss is overshadowed by the moral deadweight loss of millions suffering and even dying due to the unaffordability of important pharmaceuticals that, after having been developed, tested, and approved, could be mass-produced at very low cost. The fate of these people is a foreseen effect of our chosen method for incentivizing innovation, a method that originated in the most affluent states and was then foisted upon the rest of the world through the WTO founding treaty [28] (esp. chs. ...
Globalized in 1995 through the TRIPs Agreement, humanity’s dominant mechanism for encouraging innovations involves 20-year product patents, whose monopoly features enable innovators to reap large markups or licensing fees from early users. Exclusive reliance on this reward mechanism in the pharmaceutical sector is morally problematic for two main reasons. First, it imposes a great burden on poor people who cannot afford to buy patented treatments at monopoly prices and whose specific health problems are therefore neglected by pharmacological research. Second, it discourages pharmaceutical firms from fighting diseases at the population level with the aim of slashing their incidence. These problems can be alleviated by establishing a supplementary alternative reward mechanism that would enable pharmaceutical innovators to exchange their monopoly privileges on a patented product for impact rewards based on the actual health gains achieved with this product. As such, an international Health Impact Fund (HIF) would create powerful new incentives to rapidly develop remedies against diseases concentrated among the poor, provide such remedies with ample care at very low prices, and deploy them strategically to contain, suppress, and ideally eradicate the target disease. By promoting innovations and their diffusion together, the HIF would greatly enlarge the benefits, and thereby also the cost-effectiveness, of the pharmaceutical sector, especially in favor of the world’s poor.
... This alliance has called for fair wages and safe working space and they have become key actors and stakeholders in the business arena. The economists Braithwaite and Drahos, for example, argue that effective and decent global regulation in collaboration with private business and CSOs are setting an influential agenda and pressuring decision-making bodies beyond state authorities to respond or withdraw (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2008). ...
Climate change, digitalization, and urbanization are key global challenges that can only be dealt with glocally, namely by finding individual and community-based solutions and apply internationally and globally agreed norms, for example agreed reduction of emission to lower global heating. The user, citizen, and consumer are the main stakeholder and problem solver in respect to glocal challenges. The challenges is how we transform the state-based International Human Rights Regime, Democracy and Rule of Law into a glocal one, beyond national and territorial and administrative powers and the classical concept of statehood. Principles of good governance, universal jurisdiction, and customary international human rights law are principle and practices that help to glocalize governance in all aspects of life.
... This alliance has called for fair wages and safe working space and they have become key actors and stakeholders in the business arena. The economists Braithwaite and Drahos, for example, argue that effective and decent global regulation in collaboration with private business and CSOs are setting an influential agenda and pressuring decision-making bodies beyond state authorities to respond or withdraw (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2008). ...
The concept of glocal governance started in the early 1990s after the end of the old Cold War. With new democracies emerging across the world and the rise of economic globalization on the one side, and the emergence of local civil society organizations, activist, and public–private partnerships on the other side, glocal governance was seen as a possible form of governance altogether. Think global, act locally! has since become the slogan of the glocalization process and practice, meaning that local actors adhere to universal norms and implement them. Glocal modes of governance can be found in business and the public sectors alike, such as in the education, health, and even security sectors alike.
... This alliance has called for fair wages and safe working space and they have become key actors and stakeholders in the business arena. The economists Braithwaite and Drahos, for example, argue that effective and decent global regulation in collaboration with private business and CSOs are setting an influential agenda and pressuring decision-making bodies beyond state authorities to respond or withdraw (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2008). ...
... This alliance has called for fair wages and safe working space and they have become key actors and stakeholders in the business arena. The economists Braithwaite and Drahos, for example, argue that effective and decent global regulation in collaboration with private business and CSOs are setting an influential agenda and pressuring decision-making bodies beyond state authorities to respond or withdraw (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2008). ...
The glocal is a mixed concept of globally shared norms, attitudes, behavior, and actions, that allow individuals as well as groups and organizations to take decisions and resolve issues locally. Glocalizations is the process of norm diffusion and habits from the local to the global level, through IT and other means of communication, and from the global and international level to the local. Glocalism is the state of the art and the situation by which actors respond and act according to global norms. Moreover, glocality is a theoretical notion that explains how and by which mode local actors such as city majors solve urban problems in response to universally agreed human rights or labor norms. Glocality is also bridgebuilder and an act of connectivity between the Western way of life that is often seen as a lead in glocalization, and the non-western world.
... A l'inverse, d'autres, tels que « Arrow Chartering » ou le français « Barry Rogliano Salles » (BRS), prennent part à plusieurs panels. Nous sommes ici dans une situation classique de la normalisation au sein de consortiums, fonctionnant sur la base du « Pay to Play », à la différence que, contrairement à ce qui a pu être observé en matière informatique(Vion et al. 2013), les joueurs ne suivent pas de stratégies de changement d'arènes pour optimiser leurs gains, au sens du « forum shifting » observé par JohnBraithwaite et Peter Drahos (2000). De ce point de vue, la situation de monopole du consortium Baltic, à l'égard de la production de son index, rend le jeu extrêmement prévisible.Malgré la modulation des droits, le système est purement orienté à destination des grandes entreprises multinationales, dans la mesure où elles seules peuvent garantir une participation constante aux panels et aux multiples consultations opérées pour négocier les ajustements, en fonction des évolutions de tailles de navires, de bases de calcul ou de la prise en compte de risques maritimes particuliers (météorologiques, sécuritaires, etc.). ...
Aux croisements de la sociologie économique, de la sociologie des professions et des outils de gestion, cette thèse vise à élucider les conditions de pérennisation d’un marché de niche dont l’existence apparaît faîtière pour l’organisation des échanges maritimes dans la mondialisation. L’analyse se focalise sur un moment clé du transport, une transaction pivot, le basculement des marchandises de la sphère terrestre à la sphère maritime. Alors que traditionnellement, ce point nodal est étudié au sein des complexes portuaires, notre étude empirique déplace le curseur sur une profession méconnue qui a, pourtant, un rôle décisif dans l’affrètement de navires : les courtiers d’affrètement maritime. Ces intermédiaires facilitateurs, permettent, depuis leur bureau, la connexion entre deux niveaux de la chaîne de valeur du transport maritime, la marchandise d’une part, le navire pour la transporter d’autre part. Sur la base d’une soixantaine d’entretiens auprès d’une diversité d’acteurs de la chaîne de valeur et de quatre périodes d’observations directes, dans des cabinets de courtage, nous répondrons à la question de recherche suivante : comment s’organise le courtage dans l’affrètement maritime au voyage et quels sont les facteurs explicatifs de la pérennité de cette activité ?Dans la mesure où l’écosystème du fret maritime repose sur des fondements historiques séculaires, le premier chapitre propose une démarche de typologie historique. Cet exercice méthodologique nous permet d’introduire la notion de régime d’affrètement maritime et de mettre en lumière une distinction entre régime d’affrètement et contrat d’affrètement maritime. Le second chapitre se concentre, plus spécifiquement, sur le métier de courtier de vrac dans le régime d’affrètement actuel. Le recours à l’historicisation de la profession met en exergue les fondements structurels et symboliques qui ont permis au courtier de se rendre indispensable dans l’affrètement au voyage. Le caractère prudentiel de leur activité réduit les incertitudes et leur assure un marché de niche. Dans ce prolongement, le troisième chapitre va décrire finement le processus de négociation des clauses de la charte-partie au voyage. Le courtier est au coeur d’un agencement organisationnel qui l’amène à dépasser le cadre formel de sa relation de services entre l’affréteur qui charge et le fréteur qui achemine. Le temps particulier de cette négociation ne saurait faire oublier que le prix du transport, dans lequel cette prestation se situe, est très largement encadré et normalisé par des outils financiers et de gestion. Ainsi le quatrième et dernier chapitre met en lumière que les courtiers de vrac se trouvent dans une situation de tarification de leur activité en partie hétéronome, qui les place au coeur d’un champ de forces du capitalisme globalisé : au coeur de l’organisation du Baltic Dry index. Bien que facteurs de pressions, ces rapports asymétriques ne font, pourtant, pas disparaître l’activité dont le caractère prudentiel apparaît difficilement substituable et ainsi, pourrait-on dire « too small to fail ».
... Сетевая парадигма современного мироустройства, сопряженная с концепцией устойчивого развития, порождает новые вызовы для права. В этой связи любопытны воззрения отдельных ученых, которые выделяют в качестве моделей регулирования современных отношений диалогические сети, выстраиваемые на фундаменте убеждения и согласования, и сети контроля, базирующиеся на балансе принуждения и поощрения 46 . Можно предположить, что ESG-практика представляет собой новый формат регулирования и управления деятельностью компаний, в том числе в сфере международного бизнеса и транзакций, аккумулируемый в нормативные массивы, которые в сетевом праве имеют характер реагентов, запускающих регулирование сверхновых общественных отношений или даже моделирующих будущее регулирование, модифицируя имеющееся 47 . ...
The concept of sustainable development has captured the world. It is altering society, generating new social patterns, reorganizing business and management models, testifying to the ultimate connectedness of the world and, as a result, encourages rethinking the legal superstructure, adapting supernova normative arrays to the current legal taxonomy, which is not always possible with taking into account the positivist approach to law. ESG principles have today become a kind of model for sustainable business development, due to which the goals of companies’ involvement in solving environmental, social and management problems are achieved. They have not only a vector effect, but also a regulatory, reputational; they have also an increasing impact on international business in a variety of industries. In addition, they are updating relatively new rating mechanisms that form the basis of investment, financial, credit, trade, corporate, management and other policies of companies. At the same time, ESG principles are segmented, fragmented and, as a rule, objectified externally in the form of norms of nonstate, often industry regulation. Without legally binding force, ESG principles are quite comparable with law in terms of the degree of impact on public relations and in terms of the resulting legal and economic consequences. Cross-border contracting practices are also changing, leading to the incorporation of “sustainability” clauses into contracts, as well as the emergence of the concept of a sustainable contract. The pre-contractual stage becomes more complicated, it requires human due diligence procedures, the formation and assessment of supply chains, the development of strategies for the disclosure of non-financial information, the study of legal risks taking into account the global law enforcement practice, as well as the establishment of methods and a jurisdictional forum for the resolution of disputes. International Commercial Arbitration claims to be attractive in resolving ESG disputes. These and other issues, taking into account their relevance, are studied in this paper.
... The scope indicated by "society" is not limited to one region or country. In other words, conflicts among frames are not limited to a single region and may develop into an international agenda, such as environmental issues [30] and international trade [31]. Therefore, the concept of frame has been applied by management scholars to analyze drastic changes in market structure (such as [32][33][34]). ...
The concept of the Internet of Things (IoT), which is an architecture in which devices supplied by various firms and services operated by distributed organizations exchange data, has been adopted in an increasing number of situations. While there are cases in which a small number of limited organizations collaborate on certain ecosystems based on proprietary specifications, the development of open standards is increasingly important for building scalable ecosystems because of the introduction of the concepts of Industry 4.0 and Society 5.0. Under these circumstances, there are two types of barriers to standardization. One barrier is the lack of shared frames for architectural design. The other barrier is the lack of awareness of the need for scalability. In this paper, we analyze the factors underlying these two barriers and discuss the path towards breakthroughs.
... Despite the importance of The Code referring to Codex to support its implementation, and to the protection of infant and young child nutrition, to date, few studies have investigated the politics of Codex standard-setting processes, with some exceptions. 33,40,46,47,54,55 This is an important gap in the literature, given the impact Codex standards have on global infant and young child feeding practices, nutrition, and child and maternal health. Addressing this gap is also key to understanding how industries exercise power in ways that may undermine public health, known as the commercial determinants of health. ...
Background:
Breastfeeding is important for the health and development of the child, and for maternal health, in all country contexts. However, global sales of breast-milk substitutes (BMS), including infant, follow-up and toddler formulas, have 'boomed' in recent decades. This raises the importance of international food standards established by the Codex Alimentarius Commission (Codex) on the safety, composition and labelling of BMS. Such standards appear to be strongly contested by governments, industry and civil society groups, yet few studies have investigated the politics of Codex standard-setting processes. The aim of this paper is to understand who participates in decision-making, and how actors frame and contest proposals to revise the Codex Standard on Follow-up Formula (FUF).
Methods:
We adopted a case study design involving two steps. First, we enumerated government, industry, civil society, and international organization stakeholders participating in standard-setting processes of the Codex Committee on Nutrition and Foods for Special Dietary Uses (CCNFSDU). Second, we conducted a framing analysis of stakeholder inputs during the FUF standard revision in CCNFSDU meetings. Publicly available online meeting reports (2015-2019) were retrieved, analyzed using a theoretical framework, and organized thematically.
Results:
High-income country (HIC) delegates greatly outnumbered those from other country income categories. Industry representation was higher compared with other observer categories. Member state delegations included more industry representation than civil society representation, and were occasionally the only member state delegates. Industry stakeholders framed arguments in terms of trade implications, science, and flexible standards. Civil society groups used public health, science, and pro-breastfeeding frames.
Conclusion:
Codex BMS standard-setting procedures are dominated by HICs and industry groups. Limited representation of civil society, and of low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), suggest actions are needed to substantially increase support for their involvement at Codex. Such representation may help to counteract power asymmetries and commercial influences on food standards for infants and young children.
... Relative to this line of thinking, our analysis reveals a diffuse distribution (Fransen, 2011;Mehrpouya, 2015) of regulatory interests that involves not only investors and the regulated but also (and more importantly) civil society pressures for appropriate corporate conduct within regulatory sites with capital marketoriented mandates (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2000). In the case of CbCR, however, the discourse of regulators not only suggests that CbCR does not meet the needs of capital market users but also that, alongside civil society, socially oriented ("responsible") investors are not recognized as appropriate users by accounting regulators (Pelger & Speib, 2017). ...
We examine responses to pressures to act on extractive firm country-by-country reporting (CbCR) by three regulators: the International Accounting Standards Board, the European Commission, and the Securities and Exchange Commission. Debates over CbCR of payments that extractive firms make to governments center on improvements to transparency, governance, and accountability and raise questions about the division of regulatory labor in terms of where and by whom global reporting issues are undertaken and why. Our comparative analysis suggests that while the three regulators resist or respond reluctantly to similar pressures to act on CbCR, each responds in distinct ways that reflect and impact regulatory mandates. Specifically, we show how the regulators’ responses constitute the purpose, problematize the objectives, and construct the perceived interests served by CbCR in relation to each regulator’s mandate. We highlight how these responses can be understood through modes of discursive ignorance (McGoey, 2019) and the uncomfortable knowledge (Rayner, 2012) that each regulator may engage with when pressures challenge how regulators make sense of the world. Our study highlights that regulatory responses are based partly on what regulators assume are their mandates, their legitimacy and ways of operating. It analyzes their self-understandings and defense mechanisms, thereby providing an elaboration of responses to pressures for action and offering a richer political economy of regulation that highlights sensemaking in these processes. We further elaborate on what these responses imply for the division of regulatory labor around pressures to act on global reporting issues, as well as broader implications for participation in and ignorance around accounting regulatory projects.
... On the other hand, interaction effects may invite a "race to the bottom", strategic exploitation of regulatory diversity to further an actor's self-interest [62,79]. Criminologists have often demonstrated how regulatory ambiguity creates opportunities for loophole seeking behavior, creative or strategic compliance, evading responsibility in complex global production chains, and denying or neutralizing damage [15,45,81]. For example, differences in excise duties imposed on cigarettes in different countries have been exploited by tobacco companies complicit with cigarette smuggling by local criminal networks [21]. ...
Criminological literature has often pointed to the absence or weakness of existing international regulation as important explanatory factors of corporate crime in global markets. This paper addresses the presence of multiple parallel, nested and overlapping regulatory regimes, and explores how such international regime complexity creates pathways to corporate crime. We use the Volkswagen diesel fraud case as a plausibility probe to illustrate such pathways to corporate crime. Our tentative analysis suggests that Volkswagen’s fraud in the US cannot be seen as independent of the EU regulatory regime, which was more lenient and offered various opportunities for creative compliance. We conclude that a regime complexity perspective is a promising addition to existing explanations of corporate crime in international settings and suggest a research agenda for future in-depth analyses of the implications of parallel and conflicting regulatory regimes for corporate crime.
... Scholarship in political science, international relations, sociology and law upholds a difference between "government" and "governance", as two paradigms of regulation and public administration. 3 Government, in this sense, connotes efforts by the state to achieve its aims through hierarchy, the exercise of formal authority, and "command and control", for instance, via detailed legislative schemes backed by statutory enforcement agencies and powers (Braithwaite and Drahos 2000;Guy Peters 2011). ...
National Action Plans (NAPs) on business and human rights are a growing phenomenon. Since 2011, 42 such plans have been adopted or are in-development worldwide. By comparison, only 39 general human rights action plans were published between 1993 and 2021. In parallel, NAPs have attracted growing scholarly interest. While some studies highlight their potential to advance national compliance with international norms, others criticise NAPs as cosmetic devices that states use to deflect attention from persisting abuses and needed regulation. In response to wider critiques of international human rights norms, and their failure to exact universal state compliance, experimentalist governance theory highlights the dynamic, dialogic and iterative character of human rights implementation as well as the role of stakeholders. In this article, we apply experimentalist governance theory to evaluate the role and character of business and human rights NAPs. Rather than attempting to evaluate NAPs’ ultimate consequences for rights-holders, which appears premature, we focus on NAPs processes. Specifically, we analyse NAPs processes in twenty-five states against five experimentalist governance criteria relating to (i) stakeholder participation; (ii) agreement on a broad problem definition; (iii) local contextualisation; (iv) monitoring and peer review and (v) periodic revision and learning. According to our findings, NAPs on business and human rights in most states demonstrate resemblance to the traits of experimentalist governance. In particular, our analysis points to the emergence of relatively sophisticated and demanding institutional governance mechanisms within NAPs — including the institutionalisation of complex deliberative processes. Nevertheless, our paper also identifies some significant shortcomings in NAPs, related to the lack of inclusion of vulnerable groups and the lack of explicit indicators and targets.
... The still-nascent generation of practices and thoughts on these issues points us in useful, and sometimes contradictory, directions, with which theoretical and empirical scholarship is slowly grappling (Wood et al., 2019). Ideas and theories both outside (Wood et al., 2019;Braithwaite and Drahos, 2000;De Búrca, Keohane and Sabel, 2014 and inside criminological scholarship (Ericson and Carriere, 1994;O'Malley, 2018;Nel, Shearing and Reyers, 2011;Herbstein et al., 2013;South, 2015: 273;Hall and Farrall, 2013: 126-127) have begun to explain, understand and reform the role of private actors in governance global finance and insurance industry, and this edited book seeks to add to the endeavour. ...
... 'They draw from the lesson of other countries based on real world situation' (Rose, 1993). Learning, competition, mimicry and coercion are the four commonly identified mechnaisms for policy transfer (Braithwaite & Drahose, 2000;Jacoby, 2000;Legrand, 2007;Marsh & Sharman, 2009;Weyland, 2005). Fears and personal ideologies of the policymakers are also identified as the causal factors contributing in policy transfer (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2000). ...
Pakistan is a fragile democracy repeatedly facing problems in the design and implementation of police reforms. The scholarship on public policy highlights the role of non-state actors like NGOs in improving policies, especially through policy transfer and diffusion. In 2002, Pakistan designed a police reform, PO 2002, through collaborative methods, and implemented it nationwide for a short time. Using process tracing within case study and interviews with key informants, this article evaluates the role of domestic NGOs in the design, implementation and change of PO 2002, with special focus on policy transfer and policy diffusion. The evidence collected showed that in 2000, the nascent NGOs lacked expert knowledge to make any contribution to policy transfer. Later, their absence from the implementation phase and faulty methods blinded them from unveiling the critical policy lessons and impeded their ability to play any credible role in future policy diffusion.
In recent years, policymakers and researchers across various disciplines have focused on mapping the contours of the contemporary global value chain (GVC). This paper examines the value of networks and related concepts, such as network failures, as lenses through which the GVC can be better understood, particularly in addressing human rights and environmental issues. Modern legal frameworks find it challenging to integrate these globally extended, network-like business structures within the bounds of traditional legal paradigms. The resulting regulatory landscape has, therefore, evolved into a complex mosaic of public and private norms and standards, creating nebulous and uncertain legal risks and responsibilities across the GVC. This ongoing shift places the management of this complex, multi-dimensional legal risk and the compliance function within the firm at the core of contemporary business organization and operations. Developing a framework for thinking about how businesses navigate these new legal risks becomes crucial. In this context, we propose three concepts for such a framework: genuine compliance, simulated compliance, and second-order observed compliance.
This study aims to find evidence on trade secret disputes and settling trade secret disputes in Indonesia. This research was conducted because there are many trade secret disputes in Indonesia at this time, and trade secrets have an essential role in the field of intellectual property rights, then trade secrets have the same important position as copyrights, trademarks, and designs. Global economic competition requires trade secret protection to create a healthy and dynamic economic environment. This legal research is included in normative legal research, which means research aimed at finding and formulating legal arguments through analysis of the subject matter. This research is perspective and applied, which means that this research is written according to law according to facts or legal events from the research results. Legal materials in this writing use primary legal materials and secondary legal materials. The legal materials were collected through document studies, law, and case approaches and then analyzed using deduction techniques. It can be seen that for proof if it is related to a license or the transfer of ownership rights to a trade secret if at any time a dispute occurs, then there is no authentic evidence or an authentic deed in writing made before a public official who is authorized to make it so that it will be difficult to prove when faced with evidence in a confidential case trade, settlement of trade secret disputes can be carried out by way of litigation or non-litigation. However, the legal subject of trade secrets is still unclear, so when a dispute occurs, longer evidence is needed to prove who owns the trade secret.
Embora haja uma usual ênfase no papel do Poder Executivo na formulação da política externa de um Estado, outros atores são igualmente cruciais para formulá-la e avaliá-la. Com foco no papel dos parlamentos nacionais na construção e fiscalização da política externa, este texto analisa as reações dos poderes Legislativos da França, dos Países Baixos e do Reino Unido às políticas adotadas pelo Brasil para a floresta amazônica entre 2012 e 2021. Com uma abordagem qualitativa de fontes primárias, o artigo examina documentos emitidos por órgãos dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo desses três países europeus. É possível verificar que, apesar de a proteção internacional do meio ambiente ter surgido recentemente como um dos temas mais importantes em diversas esferas da comunidade internacional, seu crescente rigor na abordagem do tema parece não ter sido seguido pelas políticas externas dos países selecionados. Ao restringir sua atuação ao leque de opções tradicionalmente adotadas pelos regimes ambientais internacionais – diálogos bilaterais, name and shaming (exposição pública), assistência financeira, entre outros –, os parlamentos e poderes Executivos nacionais parecem não pretender adotar uma postura mais assertiva em relação ao Brasil e suas políticas ambientais para a Floresta Amazônica. Nesse sentido, parece que o discurso adotado pelos países europeus selecionados é direcionado principalmente a satisfazer as demandas domésticas e europeias relacionadas às suas próprias disputas internas pelo poder político.
The book studies emergence and consolidation of voluntary sustainability standards (VSS); private standards defining sustainability-related product features. The book takes stock of their success and their potential in mediating between economic and non-economic concerns of global production. Despite their private and voluntary nature, VSS generate profound consequences for the producers seeking certification, for the consumers purchasing certified products, and for others affected by their standards. VSS are used by public authorities in the EU as a functional complement to public measures regulating global value chains. At this juncture of market proliferation and public use of private regimes, this book studies how public authority can control, coordinate and review VSS. It studies how the regulation of VSS could unfold through substantive and procedural legal requirements in the domain of European Union law and World Trade Organisation law, as well as through the incentives offered by VSS employment in public measures.
Regulatory sandboxes have become the latest development in regulatory reform, starting first in financial regulation and now expanding to other sectors. While sandboxes offer notable potential benefits for managing emerging technologies, achieving desirable policy outcomes with this novel regulatory instrument also comes with technical and political challenges. This article offers a framework to characterize regulatory sandboxes in any sector, involving a blend of (1) approval regulation with broad‐based standards, (2) restricted discretion by the regulator for specific norms, (3) process‐oriented regulation, (4) an outcomes‐orientation, and (5) structured regulator–regulatee information sharing or dialogue. Using this model, the article outlines issues in compliance and legitimacy, including in trust and accountability, responsive enforcement, the politics of participation, and post‐sandbox oversight. The article concludes by calling for greater scrutiny when considering implementing a sandbox instrument, with attention to sector‐specific concerns, and offering directions for empirical evaluation of regulatory sandboxes.
While many have asked whether the law can keep up with new technologies, we may need to ask bigger questions, lest in ‘updating’ we redraw the circuits of inequitable power relations. The fundamental ideas of autonomy and sovereignty that sit at the heart of the circuitry of platform and technological regulation must be reconsidered. How can we rewire this system? Examining the ways that relational thinking has been employed normatively, particularly in areas of communications law, this article suggests that we can draw on relational thinking, understood through critical theories that deal with historical structural relations, for guidance on how to rewire our legal operating system. Critical theories can infuse a relational approach to understanding communication law, which can be drawn on to rewire our legal operating system.
Extraction or mining of geo-resources has created a much-complicated situation in terms of environmental, economic and social aspects. Currently, the depletion and the environmental damage done by this extraction have become core issues in Natural Resources Management. Regulation, thus, imposed to address the resource depletion and environmental damage has been widely considered as a main instrument to manage the Natural Resources. However, it (regulation) is frequently criticised stating that it has a little assistance in mitigating the damage done to the environment while distorting the market efficiency, affecting ultimately the overall economic growth. Yet, controversy between regulation and deregulation is highly debated over the decades. Consequently, with the objective of shedding insights on the effects of regulation and deregulation on natural resource management towards market efficiency, with special reference to aggregate (sand, gravel and metal) mining; this article offers a theoretical conceptualisation how effective it is. The article put forwards both the positive and negative aspects of regulation and deregulation, and via detailed discussion, concludes that regulation in mining of geo-resources is in favor of proper management of such, but detrimental to the efficiency of the resource market.
Keywords: geo resources, regulation, deregulation, natural resource management, market efficiency
As trade wars and protectionism again present severe challenges and obstructions to international economic regulatory organizations (IEROs), it is timely to ask how their predecessors survived the last deep deglobalization of the interwar years. This article presents a fresh neo‐Durkheimian institutional explanation. It highlights contrasting pathways to survival and bequest of IEROs in three fields of regulation – international infrastructure, capital and labor, and commodities. Our explanation shows that functional imperatives and short‐term market pressures in these different areas of regulation facilitated specific forms of social organization within IEROs (such as hierarchy or individualistic brokering). These contrasting forms of social organization cultivated distinct regulatory styles during deglobalization and cultivated capacities for contrasting survival and bequest strategies. Our approach is thus able to account for variation in pathways to survival in a way that other possible explanations, such as theories of regulatory capture or bureaucratic autonomy, cannot.
The United Nations Decade of Ecosystem Restoration is an opportunity for States to advance the development of substantive and qualitative international law obligations for conducting restoration activities. This will help countries move beyond the more quantitative target-driven approach that currently focuses international commitments on the percentage of degraded areas that have to be restored. In this paper we argue for two pathways for States to accelerate and pursue international obligations to undertake ecological restoration. Firstly, we advocate for the development of a new international legal principle on ecological restoration, adding to existing international environmental law principles such as the prevention principle, and aiming at achieving the highest level of recovery possible. Secondly, we advocate to utilize available mechanisms through the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity and create a new protocol that will spell out a high ambition level for ecological restoration and a legal basis for adopting generally accepted rules and standards for restoration. The voluntary SER Principles and Standards can play an important role in the development of the legal principle on ecological restoration and standards of best practice.
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ותר משלושים שנים נמשכים היחסים בין ישראל לתאילנד למטרות הבאת מהגרי עבודה לחקלאות, ובמהלכן חלו שינויים רבים בניצוחה של המדינה עליהם וברגולציה שקיימה על השחקנים השונים שניהלו שדה זה. במשך רוב השנים הללו, גיוס מהגרי העבודה לחקלאות ותיווך הגעתם לישראל נסמכו במידה רבה על שחקנים פרטיים – חברות כוח-אדם ותיווך, שגבו דמי תיווך מופרזים מן המהגרים. בשנת 2012 מומש לראשונה הסכם דו-צדדי בין ישראל לתאילנד, ובמסגרתו העבירה מדינת ישראל את הסמכות לגיוס ולתיווך מידיים פרטיות מונעות רווח אל שחקנים לא-ממשלתיים הפועלים ללא מטרות רווח, וכך פחתו דרמטית עלויות ההגירה בעבור העובד.
בכל שינוי דינמי שכזה של האצלת סמכות שונה לשחקן שונה מטעם המדינה, השתנה משמעותית תחום גיוס מהגרי העבודה לחקלאות. השתלשלות אירועים זו וההשלכות של השינויים הללו עומדים במוקד עבודה זו. מעניינו של המחקר הנוכחי הוא לחקור את סוגיית הגירת העבודה, ובפרט מסחורה, תוך התמקדות דפוסי פעולת הגיוס והתיווך של שחקנים מונעי רווח ושאינם מונעי רווח הפועלים במסגרת תוכניות זמניות להגירת עבודה בחסות המדינה.
קשר זה בין המדינה לשחקנים ומוסדות לא-מדינתיים המעורבים בשלבים השונים של תהליך ההגירה, וספציפית הדינמיקות של מיקור החוץ שהמדינה מבצעת לניהול ההגירה לשחקנים מצד שלישי, לא נחקר דיו עד היום ובמיוחד לא בהקשר של משטרי הגירה נוקשים ואתנו-לאומיים במדינות המזרח התיכון בכלל ובישראל בישראל. לפיכך, המחקר הנוכחי שם לו למטרה לבחון סוגיה מסועפת זו במגוון רמות ניתוח: מאקרו, מזו ומיקרו, כדי להבין מיהם השחקנים הדומיננטיים בשדה זה, מהם הקשרים ביניהם ומה ההשפעה שלהם על זרמי הגירה.
תקופת זמן זו של יותר משלושים שנים נבחנה במחקר הנוכחי דרך חלוקה לארבעה צמתים עיקריים המשרטטים כרונולוגית את התפתחות התופעה, ולפיהם מחולקים גם פרקי הממצאים. שאלת המחקר בפרק הממצאים הראשון [פרק 4] היא כיצד ניתן להסביר את צמיחתה של תעשיית הגיוס והתיווך? הפרק בוחן את צמיחת תעשיית הגיוס והתיווך לחקלאות בשנים 1983–1998 דרך סימון תאילנד כמדינת המוצא, קביעת מכסת הוויזות להגירת עבודה, ניצני המאבקים על מכסות בכניסה לישראל והניסיונות הראשונים של המדינה להקצות את הטיפול בהגירה זו ל"תנועת המושבים".
פרק הממצאים השני [פרק 5] עוסק בשגשוגה של תעשיית הגיוס והתיווך בשנים 1998–2012, במקביל לירידת במעמדה הריכוזי של תנועת המושבים. שאלת המחקר בפרק זה היא: מהם דפוסי הפעולה של תעשיית הגיוס והתיווך בתקופת שגשוגה? הפרק מראה כי בשלב זה המדינה החליטה לנסות להקצות את הסמכות והאחריות לעיסוק בתחום בידי שחקנים פרטיים מונעי-רווח – חברות כוח-אדם ותיווך, ודן במאבקיהן על הגדלת מכסת העובדים, הסחר שנוצר סביבם, הקשרים שנוצרו בינן לבין מקבילותיהן בתאילנד לשם ביסוס מעמדן, ודפוסי הגיוס להגירה לחקלאות שנוצרו דאז.
פרק הממצאים השלישי [פרק 6] עוסק בתקופת השינוי של תעשיית הגיוס והתיווך, בין השנים 2005–2013, ומשרטט את נקודת המפנה בה. באותה עת החליטה הממשלה, בעקבות ביקורת פנימית וחיצונית, כי לאור התנהלות כושלת של תנועת המושבים ושל חברות הגיוס בהתמודדות ראויה וחוקית עם זרם הגירה זה, יש לפנות להסדרתו ולוויסותו דרך הסכם דו-צדדי. שאלת המחקר בפרק זה היא: כיצד ניתן להסביר את שינוייה של תעשיית הגיוס והתיווך דרך הסכם דו צדדי? במקביל יתוארו המאבקים והתגובות מצד השחקנים השונים בשתי המדינות לשינוי זה, עד שהמדינה הצליחה להביא לשינוי בפועל דרך ההסכם הדו-צדדי שהגביל, ויסת והסדיר את תעשיית המסחור והגיוס ועיגן בהסכם את זכויותיהם של מהגרי העבודה.
פרק הממצאים הרביעי והאחרון [פרק 7] עוסק בשינויים שהתרחשו בתעשיית הגיוס והתיווך לחקלאות בישראל לאחר החתימה על ההסכם הדו-צדדי ויישומו משנת 2012 ועד מועד כתיבת עבודה זו (2019). בפרק נדונה השאלה מהן ההשלכות של ההסכם הדו-צדדי על עיצובה החדש של תעשיית הגיוס והתיווך, ומה משמעותן? לשם מענה על שאלה זו נדונים היבטים שונים כמו השינוי של תעשיית הגיוס והתיווך, שינוי שיטת הגיוס, השפעת ההסכם על תנאי הגיוס, עלויות הגיוס, תנאי ההעסקה וכדומה.
כדי לענות על שאלות אלו התבצע במחקר זה איסוף נתונים משולב – איכותני וכמותני, בין השנים 2010–2019. בסיס הנתונים מכיל 83 ראיונות עומק שנערכו בישראל, בתאילנד ובאירופה עם מגוון מרואיינים מהמגזר המדיני ומהמגזר האזרחי. כמו כן, נעשה שימוש בשאלונים חצי-מובנים שנאספו מ-180 מהגרי עבודה תאים לחקלאות בישראל. זאת ועוד, נערכו מספר תצפיות במהלך תקופת איסוף הנתונים בקרב ישיבות של חברות כוח-האדם והתיווך, הלובי החקלאי, סמינר אוריינטציה לפני טיסה לישראל, קבלת מהגרי העבודה לחקלאות בנמל תעופה בן-גוריון וכדומה. לבסוף, נעשה שימוש בניתוח תוכן של מאות קטעי עיתונות מישראל ומתאילנד, פרוטוקולים של כנסת ישראל, חומרים מדיונים משפטיים שונים שהתנהלו בישראל ועוד.
מכלול הממצאים חושף כי המדיניות המשתנה היא שעיצבה בכל פעם מחדש את הסדרי הגיוס לחקלאות בישראל. מדיניות זו לא הייתה מאורגנת, אלא נוצרה כטלאי על טלאי בהתאם לתנאים ולאילוצים השונים. בכל תקופת זמן שנבחנה, המדינה הייתה זו שהחליטה לאיזה סוג של שחקן להאציל סמכויות דרך מיקור חוץ וניהול הסדרי הגיוס. כאשר התברר שהאצלת סמכויות זו יצרה בכל פעם מורכבות אחרת בשדה ועוררה ביקורת פנימית ובינלאומית כלפי המדינה, היא ניסתה להאציל את אותה סמכות על גוף אחר. תחילה מדובר היה בתנועת המושבים, שאליה הואצלו סמכויות באופן פורמלי כשחקן ללא מטרות רווח לכאורה; לאחר מכן החליטה המדינה להאציל סמכות על שחקנים פרטיים מונעי רווח בדמות חברות כוח-אדם ותיווך, ויצרה בכך מורכבות רבה מדי תחת ניהולן; כאשר התעוררה ביקורת קשה כלפי הממשלה, היא החליטה לשנות את השיטה שוב באופן שישרת אותה באופן המיטבי, וקבעה הגבלות על הסקטור הפרטי בתהליך הגיוס והעברתו באופן פורמלי לשחקנים ללא מטרות רווח, כלומר לסוכנויות המדינה וארגוני זכויות אדם, שהפכו בכך גם הם לחלק ממערך הגיוס החדש לביצוע משילות מרחוק.
לטענתי, המדינה עשתה שימוש באותו ארגז כלים של הביקורת שהופנתה כלפיה. אם ביקרו אותה על כך שהיא מפרה זכויות אדם, היא פנתה בתגובה לארגוני זכויות אדם על מנת לשמור על האינטרסים שלה – דהיינו, שארגונים אלה ינהלו ויווסתו את תהליך ההגירה המורכב לחקלאות בישראל, ושבאמצעותם היא תוכל להשקיט את הביקורות הבינלאומיות והפנימיות כלפי מדיניותה. אך יהיו לכך הסיבות אשר יהיו, ממצאי מחקרי הראו כי הסדרת תנאי הגיוס היא פעולה מבורכת ברובה, ובעלת פוטנציאל חיובי לשפר את התנאים של מהגרי העבודה כאשר תנאי ההסכם מיושמים ונאכפים. עם זאת, כפי שעולה מפרק הממצאים האחרון, היישום והאכיפה של הגירת העבודה בחקלאות לישראל עודם חלקיים בלבד, ולפיכך יש להמשיך ולעמוד על המשמר.
How does membership in transnational multistakeholder institutions shape states' domestic governance? We complement traditional compliance‐based approaches by developing a process model, focusing on the independent effects of processes associated with institutional membership, but separate from commitments and compliance themselves. These effects can be driven by iterative and participatory institutional features, which are increasingly prevalent in global governance. We apply this model to the Open Government Partnership (OGP), a transnational multistakeholder initiative with nearly 80 member countries, featuring highly flexible commitments and weak enforcement. Although commitments and compliance have generally been limited, a compliance‐focused approach alone cannot account for myriad other consequences globally and domestically, driven by the iterative and participatory features associated with membership. We demonstrate these at work in a case study of Mexico's OGP membership, which contributed to the spread of new norms and policy models, new political resources and opportunities for reformers, and new linkages and coalitions.
Recent scholarship has emphasized the need to develop a polymorphic conceptualization of the regulatory state. This article contributes to this theory‐building project by outlining a research agenda for exploring the symbiotic interactions and tensions between the regulatory and carceral morphs of the state. Using the case study of cannabis legalization reforms in the United States, we argue that the legitimation deficits of the carceral state stimulate the proliferation of new regulatory frameworks for governing social problems that were traditionally handled by the criminal justice system. We demonstrate how the polymorphic approach illuminates the ways in which the regulatory and carceral morphs of the state compete for influence over shared policy domains, but also complement and reinforce one another. Thus, rather than precipitating the demise of the carceral state, cannabis legalization reforms sustain a bifurcated governance structure perpetuating long‐standing patterns of using drug law as a means for racialized social control.
This article studies the limitations of multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs) relating to Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs). It draws attention to three distinct ways in which power operates in and around MSIs: rules, structural positions, and discourses. Based on an analysis of two MSIs, it shows that these governance initiatives strengthen the perspectives of stakeholders that consider PMSCs as normal and legitimate security actors. Western governments and like-minded actors have used the Swiss Initiative and the International Code of Conduct for Security Service Providers to bypass the less privatization-friendly process in the United Nations. MSIs equally perform an important legitimizing function for PMSCs through their discourses and practices. Finally, participants of the MSIs have relegated critical voices, weakening their ability to partake in governing the PMSC industry. By studying the limitations of MSIs through a power-analytical lens, this article therefore points at an important but overlooked dimension.
For more than two decades, the European Commission has promoted the use of open source software (OSS) and open standards by public institutions on the European Union (EU) and member state levels. The creation of technical interoperability between the information and communications technologies (ICT) of different EU countries and institutions has been one important rationale for the promotion of OSS and open standards. More interoperability, the reasoning went, would speed up the creation of the digital single market and lead to more innovation and competition among different ICT providers, thereby fostering economic growth in the Union’s member states. The promotion of OSS and open standards is moreover a powerful geopolitical tool. A second important rationale for the EU’s policies therefore was to strengthen its position in global technology governance and support its domestic ICT industry by undermining (mostly) US-based proprietary software firms. Now, more than twenty years after the Commission began promoting OSS and open standards, it is time to take stock and assess whether the EU’s policies truly are fostering interoperability and making the Union a more powerful actor in global technology governance.
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