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Existential Poverty: Welfare Dependency, Learned Helplessness and Psychological Capital

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Abstract

Being in existential poverty means living in a state of, or near, persistent material poverty while also being socially excluded, marginalized, or disadvantaged. It is a life-disempowering experience, one that privileges both immediacy over the future, and welfare over work. This results in learned helplessness, manifesting as a lack of will to take control of life. The existentialist explanation is that those in this mental state do not have an authentic way of life. Positive Psychology, and its offshoot, Positive Organizational Behavior, provide the cognitive change strategies that focus on building in people their sense of self-efficacy, optimism, hope, resilience, and subjective well-being, as well as their emotional intelligence, all of which are mental attributes that have demonstrable positive impacts on human performance. This can enable people to pursue gainful, meaningful, and sustained self-actualizing vocation, so lifting them out of persistent material poverty. The public policy challenges are (1) to determine whether it is in the public interest to redress the negative agental consequences of welfare dependency; (2) to redesign the features of social assistance programs that exacerbate learned helplessness amongst beneficiaries; and (3) to determine how best to reduce the psychologically incapacitating effects of welfare dependency.

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Being in a state of material poverty can be a persistent or an episodic experience that can be life-threatening, life-restricting, or life-disempowering. When combined with being socially excluded, marginalized, or disadvantaged, it qualifies those in this dual state for membership of the underclass. They are seen, variously, as de-motivated free-riders, social deviants, disempowered victims, or human beings enduring the challenge of human existence in a life devoid of meaning. The contribution of existential humanism to the poverty discourse is, essentially, the proposition that everyone needs the existential freedom to search for self-identity, thus making it possible to achieve psychological potential. From this perspective, it is incumbent upon those who design and deliver public social welfare provision to concentrate on enhancing the existential human condition of long-term able-bodied welfare recipients. This can be achieved by building their capacity and motivation to begin, or further, the search for their authentic selves, and by encouraging and championing those who are willing and able to take responsibility for the direction their lives are taking.
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How do children and adolescents “make it“ when their development is threatened by poverty, neglect, maltreatment, war, violence, or exposure to oppression, racism, and discrimination? What protects them when their parents are disabled by substance abuse, mental illness, or serious physical illness? How do we explain the phenomenon of resilience-children succeeding in spite of serious challenges to their development-and put this knowledge to work for the benefit of all children and society? The scientific study of resilience emerged about 30 years ago when a group of pioneering researchers began to notice the phenomenon of positive adaptation among subgroups of children who were considered “at risk” for developing later psychopathology (Masten, 2001).
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Direct reports of subjective well-being may have a useful role in the measurement of consumer preferences and social welfare, if they can be done in a credible way. Can well-being be measured by a subjective survey, even approximately? In this paper, we discuss research on how individuals' responses to subjective well-being questions vary with their circumstances and other factors. We will argue that it is fruitful to distinguish among different conceptions of utility rather than presume to measure a single, unifying concept that motivates all human choices and registers all relevant feelings and experiences. While various measures of well being are useful for some purposes, it is important to recognize that subjective well-being measures features of individuals' perceptions of their experiences, not their utility as economists typically conceive of it. Those perceptions are a more accurate gauge of actual feelings if they are reported closer to the time of, and in direct reference to, the actual experience. We conclude by proposing the U- index, a misery index of sorts, which measures the proportion of time that people spend in an unpleasant state, and has the virtue of not requiring a cardinal conception of individuals' feelings.
The Underclass Self-efficacy Self-efficacy Mechanism in Human Agency
  • Auletta
  • Ken
Auletta, Ken. 1982. The Underclass. New York: Random House. Bandura, Albert. [1994] 1998, " Self-efficacy. " In Encyclopedia of Human Behavior ed. Vilanayur S. Ramachaudran. New York: Academic Press. 15 Dixon and Frolova: Existential Poverty Bandura, Albert. 1982, " Self-efficacy Mechanism in Human Agency. " American Psychologist 37: 122–147.