No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
Measuring discrimination facing ethnic minority job applicants: An Irish experiment
Abstract
The role of employer discrimination in labour market matching is often acknowledged but challenging to quantify. What part of the 'ethnic penalty' in the labour market is due to recruitment discrimination? This experiment, the first of its kind in Ireland, explicitly measured this by sending out nearly 500 equivalent CVs from Irish and minority candidates in response to advertised vacancies in the greater Dublin area. We find that candidates with Irish names are over twice as likely to be called to interview as are candidates with an African, Asian or German name. This discrimination rate is high by international standards, and does not vary between minority groups. We develop the discussion of the role of prejudice and stereotypes in discrimination in this article, arguing that our findings may be linked to the fact that Ireland is a 'new immigration' country, with no established minority groups and a cohesive national identity.
... In the European context, several field experiments provide contradictory evidence on hiring discrimination against local minorities. Some studies found discrimination (Blommaert et al., 2014;Derous et al., , 2016 also against second-PR generation immigrants (Midtbøen, 2016), while other studies employing less stereotyped minority groups found smaller (McGinnity and Lunn, 2011) or no hiring differences (Alecu, 2019;Derous et al., 2009). However, Zschirnt and Ruedin's (2016) meta-analysis found discrimination even towards non-local candidates who were schooled locally (i.e. ...
... Interaction effects. In testing the SCM in Europe, Cuddy et al. (2009) found several country stereotypes based on competence and warm differences, while some other studies found that national origin has a negative impact only in certain contexts (McGinnity and Lunn, 2011;Alecu, 2019;Derous et al., 2009), and for less prestigious ingroup members (Lewis and Sherman, 2003) and minorities (Ford and Mellon, 2020). This means that ingroup favouritism and outgroup discrimination can vary, and ingroup derogation and outgroup favouritism can be observed. ...
... These results are consistent with previous findings (Alecu, 2019;Derous et al., 2009), specifically, the studies which use less distant minority groups (e.g. McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). Overall, the results revealed (1) a preference for female candidates to perform an accounting clerk job; (2) a preference for the HE, who looked more "ingroup-like" even among the less qualified raters; and (3) no significant differences pertaining the national origin of the candidates. ...
Purpose
Numerous studies have shown that minority workers are disadvantaged in the labour market due to stereotypes and discrimination. However, published research on résumé screening has overlooked the effects of multiple social categorisations pertaining to candidates' gender, education and origin. This study addresses this gap and examines whether the gender, the level of education and the national origin cues mentioned in the résumé affect the perceived employability of candidates.
Design/methodology/approach
This study employs an experimental between-subjects factorial design in that 12 résumés varying in gender, education and national origin were rated by 373 Portuguese working adults.
Findings
The results documented a gender premium as women were favoured in interpersonal and job skills but not in job suitability, and an education premium, since higher educated candidates were preferred despite their gender and origin. No meaningful interactions for gender × education × national origin were observed, which suggests that ingroup favouritism and outgroup discrimination in résumé screening can be averted.
Originality/value
The findings endorse a multidimensional view of perceived employability by investigating candidates' skills and job suitability from the viewpoint of the decision-makers, which extends our understanding of résumé-screening discrimination. This is critical to prevent hiring discrimination at an earlier career stage, which can increase youth employment and enhance the integration in the labour market of local minorities such as women, inexperienced workers and second-generation immigrants.
... Net discrimination is calculated by measuring the cases in which only the cultural majority applicant received a positive response minus the cases in which only the cultural minority applicant received a response. On the one hand, several studies reported a discrimination rate of around 50% (e.g., Allasino, Reyneri, Venturini, & Zincone, 2006;Drydakis & Vlassis, 2010;McGinnity & Lunn, 2011). On the other hand, several others reported a low net discriminate rate of around 10% (e.g., Kass & Manger, 2011). ...
... Nevertheless, there are differences in the net discrimination. The highest net discrimination rates that were reported were around 50% against people with Moroccan names in Italy (Allasino, Reyneri, Venturini, & Zincone, 2006), people with Albanian names in Greece (Drydakis & Vlassis, 2010), and people with African and German names in Ireland (McGinnity & Lunn, 2011). Other studies reported a slightly lower but still high net discrimination rate, specifically, 41.8% for African-Americans in the United States (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004), 35% for people with Asian names in Ireland (McGinnity & Lunn, 2011), 28.9% for people with Middle Eastern names in Sweden (Carlsson & Rooth, 2007), 28% for people with Turkish names in Belgium (Baert, Cockx, Gheyle, & Vandamme, 2015). ...
... Previous resume study research is characterized by large differences in terms of ethnic discrimination in recruitment. While few studies reported no existing discrimination (Bendick et al., 1991;Decker et al., 2015) or only a small degree of ethnic discrimination (Kass & Manger, 2011), other studies have reported discrimination rates as high as 50% (Allasino et al., 2006;Drydakis & Vlassis, 2010;McGinnity & Lunn, 2011). To explain when ethnic discrimination in recruitment is more or less likely to occur, we have discussed how ethnic discrimination depends on the characteristics of the applicant, job, recruiter, organization, country, and ethnic group. ...
Cultural minorities often suffer from ethnic discrimination in recruitment. To measure ethnic discrimination accurately, researchers have shifted from interviews, survey studies, and statistical salary comparisons to resume studies. To conduct a resume study, researchers send out similar, paired resumes in response to job advertisements and vary the names to indicate a membership to different ethnic groups. Previous resume studies have found that ethnic discrimination in recruitment is a common problem across different countries. However, previous research reported large discrimination differences across studies. Not much is known about boundary conditions and moderators of ethnic discrimination in recruitment. To create the theoretical basis for future research, we expand on previous research and reviews by elucidating when ethnic discrimination is likely to occur and how it can be reduced. We also provide insight into how resume study research can contribute to identifying the causes and mechanisms of ethnic discrimination. For this purpose, we develop a contingency perspective based on a literature review and explain how ethnic discrimination depends on the characteristics of the: 1) applicant, 2) job, 3) recruiter, 4) hiring organization, 5) country, and 6) ethnic group. Further, we explain that ethnic discrimination can be reduced by using anonymous resumes, adding information on job applicants, “whitening” resumes, including volunteer work in resumes, and conducting intervention studies. Lastly, we provide a rich agenda, and present thought-provoking topics for future research.
... A large-scale study conducted in the United States discovered that resumes from minority candidates resulted in lower response rates from potential employers than identical resumes sent by non-minority candidates (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004). These findings were confirmed in similar studies conducted in job markets in other countries (Andriessen et al., 2012;Carlsson & Rooth, 2007;McGinnity & Lunn, 2011;Oreopoulos, 2009;Pager et al., 2009;Riach & Rich, 2002). ...
... In recent years, many researchers have examined the responses of potential employers during the first stages of a job search. Most of these studies were conducted using field experiments involving sending out resumes in response to job postings in newspapers and websites (see, among others: McGinnity & Lunn, 2011;Riach & Rich, 2002). While this method has many advantages, it covers only the first step of the job search and thus provides limited insight into the later stages of this process. ...
... Non-UO respondents were 1.47 times more likely to be called back for an interview after submitting their resumes. Studies carried out in other countries indicate that the time penalty in finding a job for being a minority member ranges between 1.12 and 2, averaging somewhere in the middle (McGinnity & Lunn, 2011). A study conducted in the US by Bertrand and Mullainathan (2004) found a penalty of about 1.5 for African Americans, compared to white Americans. ...
In this study we examine employment discrimination against ultra-Orthodox Jewish (Haredi) academic graduates in Israel. During the last decade, attitudes towards higher education and employment within ultra-Orthodox communities in Israel have shifted dramatically, with a growing number of graduates seeking to integrate into the general workforce. During the years 2002-2012, the number of ultra-Orthodox students grew by 1000% and this growth trend is still ongoing. Using questionnaires and interviews, we followed the entire job search process of 492 graduates of the same college, half of them belonging to the ultra-Orthodox community and the other half belonging to the general group. We found that although ultra-Orthodox candidates took longer to find a job, received fewer responses from potential employers, and received fewer invitations for job interviews, they experienced a similar level of job acceptance after being interviewed. We argue that personal interaction between employers and candidates can overcome initial negative biases. Policies encouraging direct communication between minorities/immigrants and the general population may thus have positive influence on the job search process. The conclusions of this study may be applied to other minority groups who share the same language with the general population such as second generation immigrants or other ethnic minorities.
... Nevertheless, other professions that also face the same conundrum receive much less attention. Discrimination is prejudice-based (McGinnity & Lunn, 2011). The prejudice against non-native speakers is not limited to the English teaching industry, but rather, all professions and industries involving using English as a medium of communication are more or less influenced by this bias. ...
... Since previous scholarship investigated the way in which stereotypes could be overturned (Fiske, 1998), it is important to emphasize that appropriate measures (e.g. employment norms of equity, non-discriminatory training, profit incentive and organizational features; McGinnity & Lunn, 2011) are able to assist employers in altering their ingrained stereotypes of native and non-native speakers, enabling them to perceive and evaluate candidates in a novel, fluid and equitable way. Additionally, Selvi (2009) stated that social advocacy, people's awareness and activism played key roles in fighting against native-speakerism. ...
Native-speakerism denotes a prevailing belief within English language teaching (ELT) that native speakers are perfect linguistic exemplars and practitioners of a better pedagogical approach. Despite unrelenting efforts made to discontinue the biased employment behavior in ELT, other professions facing the same conundrum receive much less attention. This study, therefore, intends to fill this gap by applying document analysis to examine 249 online recruiting advertisements for non-English teaching positions in China and using thematic analysis to interpret interviews with employers. Findings indicate neither traces of discriminatory practices in terms of the language of job adverts nor favorable attitudes to native speaker status. Regarding English language certification, both international and domestic language certificates are accepted, although certificates developed by English-dominated countries are more persuasive concerning oral proficiency. Nevertheless, an unreasonable preference for overseas experiences that add nativeness to candidates’ professional and educational background is easily noticed. This economy-based prejudice of equating native background with working ability echos precious scholarship focusing on ELT. Thus, this study advocates that enhancing awareness across all sectors of society about this unfair recruiting ideology is not only paramount in the ELT field, but also needed in all walks of life.
... In this paper we focus on name-based heuristics, which we define as cognitive shortcuts that managers take based on names associated with a decision-making situation (e.g., country names, manager names). Name-based heuristics have been shown to influence a range of financial decisions such as food purchase, hiring, and stock investments (e.g., Bertrand and Mullainathan, 2004;Bursell, 2014;Fryer Jr and Levitt, 2004;Irmak et al., 2011;Itzkowitz et al., 2016;McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). Despite the influence of name-based heuristics on financial decisions, to our knowledge, they have not been considered in the study of financial resources allocation to entrepreneurial initiatives in subsidiaries of multinational corporations (Guercini and Milanesi, 2020). ...
... An important type of universal and automatic heuristics which has received considerable attention regarding its influence on financial decisions are name-based heuristics (e.g., Bertrand and Mullainathan, 2004;Bursell, 2014;Fryer Jr and Levitt, 2004;McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). Name-based heuristics are cognitive shortcuts based on names associated with a decision-making situation. ...
The allocation of financial resources to entrepreneurial initiatives in subsidiaries of multinational corporations is crucial to their realization. When allocating resources to these initiatives, senior headquarters managers face uncertainty that they attempt to address using various heuristics, which may bias allocation. Name‐based heuristics—cognitive shortcuts based on names associated with a decision‐making situation—have been shown to influence financial decisions ranging from food purchase to stock investment. Yet little is known about name‐based heuristics in the allocation of financial resources to entrepreneurial initiatives. We analyze 1308 resource allocation decisions made by 109 senior managers in an experiment in which we vary subsidiary country and subsidiary manager names. We find that psychic distance to the subsidiary country is negatively related to resource allocation when subsidiary managers’ names express a potential expatriate status. In contrast, this relationship is positive when subsidiary managers’ names express a potential local status. We contextualize our results by interviewing senior managers and discuss how reliance on name‐based heuristics to infer the context of an initiative or the interests and competences of subsidiary managers can lead to biased decisions.
... In most Western countries where experiments have been conducted, discrimination against White immigrants is significantly lower than discrimination against non-White groups (Quillian et al., 2019). In Ireland , there has only been one field experiment of discrimination in the Irish labour market McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). 46 In their experiment in 2008, McGinnity et al. ...
... Goldin and Rouse (2000) observed that blind auditions for symphony orchestras have a significant impact on gender composition. In their field experiment in Ireland, McGinnity and Lunn (2011) found that candidates with Irish names are twice as likely to be called to interview than those whose name signals a minority background, even though these candidates had equivalent educational qualifications and job experience. 107 This suggests that firstly, there was substantial discrimination at the first stage of hiring in Ireland for the jobs tested (in 2008) and, secondly, that removing names from CVs should considerably reduce this. ...
How effective are measures to reduce racial discrimination and promote diversity in the labour market? This report reviews international evidence to inform the work of the Anti-Racism Committee in Ireland. It considers a wide range of proactive approaches to racial discrimination including affirmative action and equal opportunities policies, the formalisation of recruitment procedures, diversity training, and the use of new technologies. The review finds that changing recruitment and workplace practices may be more effective at promoting diversity than measures which target attitudes towards minority groups. The effectiveness of state financial incentives to promote workplace diversity are discussed and prove to be convincing. The findings support the use of formalised recruitment as informal hiring practices can disadvantage minority groups. In this respect, outreach campaigns and mentoring strategies can also prove successful
... Some of these studies included immigrant groups from high-income European countries such as Germany or Italy (e.g., Booth et al., 2012;Busetta, Campolo, & Panarello, 2018;Zschirnt, 2020). However, the Irish study by McGinnity and Lunn (2011), for example, found no evidence of ethnic hierarchies during the hiring process between German, Asian, and African applicants. This evidence illustrates the importance of considering differences in experimental designs (e.g., the ethnic groups considered) and the study context (Quillian et al., 2019). ...
... For example, Switzerland similarly has a high proportion of immigrants from (high-income) European countries such as France and Germany, as well as Portugal (e.g., Auer et al., 2019;Zschirnt, 2020). So far, only a small set of experimental studies compare high-skilled immigrant groups to traditional labour migrants in the respective host countries (e.g., Busetta et al., 2018;McGinnity & Lunn, 2011). Although the discrimination level against this group of immigrants might relatively low on average, ethnic homophily might still play a role also for these groups. ...
A bulk of experimental research has pointed to ethnic hiring discrimination as a key driver of social inequalities in multi-ethnic labour markets. However, the role of recruiter nationality as possible moderators of ethnic hiring discrimination has been widely neglected. Against this background, this study examines the role of recruiter nationality in hiring discrimination involving foreign applicants. I used data from a recent factorial survey experiment conducted with real recruiters in Luxembourg ( N= 677 from 113 recruiters). Respondents rated six experimentally manipulated profiles of fictitious applicants for jobs in different occupational fields. Luxembourg is a relevant case due to its multi-ethnic workforce at various levels of the vertical strata of labour market positions, which allows to test the role of ethnic homophily in hiring decisions. The results suggested that foreign recruiters discriminate less against foreign applicants than native recruiters do. Furthermore, the effect of being a foreign applicant was more negative if the applicant’s nationality matched the recruiter’s nationality. However, none of the observed differences in effects were statistically significant. Elucidating how both native and non-native recruiters make hiring decisions based on applicants’ nationality contributes to a better understanding of how social inequalities emerge and intensify in multi-ethnic labour markets.
... While the overall rates of discrimination experienced by minority groups declined between 2004 and 2010 in Ireland, the high level of discrimination reported by Black Africans remained persistent (O'Connell, 2019). Workers identifying as Black were 3 times more likely to experience discrimination in the workplace (McGinnity et al 2017), as well as at recruitment stage (McGinnity and Lunn, 2011), which in the context of a wider examination of the Irish labour market suggests a 'racial hierarchy' at work (Joseph, 2018). ...
This chapter considers the contemporary political and policy context of immigration and citizenship in post-austerity Ireland, and the recent experiences of Ireland’s immigrants as understood through the lenses of integration, discrimination, and racisms which delineate the broad direction of change in this area. Two decades since immigration first became a well-established feature of Irish life, we review the shape of integration policy, public attitudes, and key challenges (and successes) for immigrants across a wide range of social fields in Ireland today. Notable features of the Irish immigration landscape, such as the international protection process and Direct Provision, and the peculiar nature of Irish citizenship, are discussed in some detail.
... Results of the experiment reveal the 2 presence of ethnic discrimination as applicants with Irish names are significantly more likely to be invited to view an apartment than applicants with non-Irish names (Gusciute, et al., 2020). The results are in line with similar experiments carried out in the US and other European countries (Flage, 2018) but also with an Irish experiment in the labour market (McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). However, while the labour market experiment did not find a statistically significant difference in the discrimination rate between ethnic minorities, in the housing market (McGinnity and Lunn, 2011), we found evidence of a hierarchy of acceptance. ...
In this special issue, Lucy Michael turns to the issue of policing to pose the question of whether concerns about racist policing illuminated by the Black Lives Matter movement in the US and globally warrant significant attention here in Ireland. She explores the issues of concern to young people of African descent and their families in respect of Irish policing, noting the particular impact of Covid-19 on the increasing securitisation of public spaces and young people’s presence in them, and the lengthy fight to reform Irish policing to guard against racialising violence within.
... Education obtained in less developed countries is often less valued in western countries, which can harm integration, especially for educated migrants 4 (Duleep & Regets, 1999). Further, an Irish field experiment found that with identical CVs, Irish job applicants were twice as likely to be called for interview as applicants of non-Irish ethnicity (McGinnity & Lunn, 2011). ...
We use Census microdata for 2016 to investigate migrants' labor market outcomes in Ireland, a 'new' country of immigration. EEA migrants can live and work in Ireland without restriction: for non-EEA migrants, immigration is strictly managed. EEA East European men and women have low unemployment rates but very low rates of professional/managerial employment. Non-EEA migrants tend to have higher unemployment rates but also high rates of work in professional/managerial occupations. Migrants from countries with high asylum flows are especially disadvantaged in the labor market, particularly men. Black respondents have poorer labor market outcomes than Whites, regardless of origin country or migration motive, but not Asians. We reflect how policies governing migration and asylum in Ireland affect who comes to Ireland and their labor market outcomes.
... While most resume studies have reported ethnic discrimination in recruitment, there are differences in discrimination findings (Adamovic, 2022a;Quillian et al., 2019). While many studies found a high degree of discrimination (e.g., Drydakis & Vlassis, 2010;McGinnity & Lunn, 2011), few studies did not report any discrimination (Bendick et al., 1991;Decker et al., 2015) or only a small degree (e.g., Kaas & Manger, 2012). To expand this research, we went beyond the measurement of discrimination to show when ethnic minorities are likely to receive a positive response for leadership positions. ...
We conducted a field experiment to analyze if there is a glass ceiling for ethnic minorities entering leadership positions in organizations. We submitted over 12,000 job applications, to over 4,000 job advertisements, to investigate hiring discrimination against six ethnic groups for leadership positions. Drawing on implicit leadership theory, we argue that ethnic discrimination is particularly pronounced in the recruitment of leadership positions. The results confirm this hypothesis. For leadership positions, applicants with English names received 26.8% of positive responses for their job applications, while applicants with non-English names received 11.3% of positive responses. This means ethnic minorities received 57.4% fewer positive responses than applicants with English names for leadership positions despite identical resumes. For non-leadership positions, applicants with English names received 21.2% of positive responses for their job applications, while applicants with non-English names received 11.6% of positive responses. This means ethnic minorities received 45.3% fewer positive responses for non-leadership positions despite identical resumes. Ethnic discrimination for leadership positions was even more pronounced when the advertised job required customer contact. In contrast, hiring discrimination for leadership positions was not significantly influenced by whether the job advertisement emphasized individualism or learning, creativity, and innovation. Our findings provide novel evidence of a glass ceiling for ethnic minorities to enter leadership positions.
... A study in Ireland sent out 500 equivalent CVs of fictitious applicants with different ethnic backgrounds in response to advertised vacancies. Candidates with Irish names were twice as likely to be invited for an interview than applicants with African, Asian, or German names (McGinnity & Lunn, 2011). Arabic names received a lower job suitability rating than white names in another Irish study (Derous et al., 2009(Derous et al., , 2012. ...
Purpose
Islamophobia is a growing social problem that leads to the discrimination of Muslims. Using Group Conflict Theory and the Integrated Threat Theory as the theoretical frameworks, this study aims to measure the presence of Islamophobia in the hiring practices of the most southern state of Switzerland.
Design/methodology/approach
An experimental formative research study was conducted with employees. Based on CVs for two positions, back-office and front-office, candidates were selected for interviews and reasons were provided. Two variables were manipulated to represent the “Muslim appearance” on the CVs: the picture and the name. A content analysis of reasons was conducted in addition to descriptive statistics of survey responses.
Findings
A negative perception of Muslim candidates emerged from the answers with a clear difference between the two scenarios: candidates perceived to be Muslim were not rejected from the back-office position, but they were from the front-office position.
Social implications
Results demonstrate that hiring practices in Ticino Switzerland are, in some cases, based on a prejudicial attitude. As long as Muslims were “not seen as Muslims to the customers,” they were judged as acceptable for the job. This has implications for social marketing research and practice aimed to change this discrimination behavior. A next step could be to understand if it is fear of Muslims or fear of what the public might think of Muslims that cause the selection difference between the two jobs. Systems-wide and macro level social marketing research is well suited to investigate such problems and test solutions, in a local context, following the methodology used in this study.
Originality/value
A disturbing escalation of the phenomenon of Islamophobia has emerged across the globe. This paper examines a fundamental issue in equity and prosperity, which is equal opportunity for employment. Using experimental design, the authors find that discrimination exists in hiring practices, which is a problem that social marketing is well equipped to address.
... Such field experiments have mostly been used to study ethnic discrimination (e.g. Ahmad, 2020;McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). In recent years, however, this method has been used to test for disability discrimination, resulting in a small but increasing number of correspondence studies that show the disadvantaging effect of disclosing a disability (Ameri et al., 2018;Baert, 2014;Baert et al., 2016;Bellemare et al., 2018;Bjørnshagen, 2021;Hipes et al., 2016). ...
Labour market stratification and discrimination of disabled people remains a less researched topic compared to other minorities despite being a notably disadvantaged group. This article explores the employer side of discrimination against disabled jobseekers by using a field experiment conducted in Norway as its point of departure. Through qualitative follow-up interviews, this article investigates employers’ assessments of equally qualified mobility-impaired candidates in a field experiment. The article employs the theoretical perspective of the ideal worker to shed light on how employers evaluate disabled jobseekers against an able-bodied ideal. Although previous literature on disability and the ideal worker has shown the imperative of asserting productivity, the findings in the current article reveal a stronger emphasis on social considerations as grounds for exclusion. The findings show how tacit constructions of the ideal worker not only relate to productivity but also to the creation of the socially integrated workplace.
... Oreopoulo (2011) examines the nationality of applicants to assess discrimination against foreign names in Canada, and notes that the level of discrimination faced by an applicant with a Chinese, Pakistani, or Indian name is almost as severe as that Bertrand and Mullainathan (2004) identify for black people. This kind of discrimination has also been identi ed in Ireland (McGinnity & Lunn, 2011), Sweden (Bursell, 2014;Carlsson & Rooth, 2007), and France (Jacquemet & Yannelis, 2019). In addition, appearance can cause discrimination in the labor market. ...
We apply a two-wave nationwide correspondence experiment to assess the effects of the two-child and three-child policies in China. Using 13,751 observations collected through this experiment, we find that the announcement of the two-child policy led to a 4.9% decrease in total interview callbacks overall, and decreases of 4.3%, 5.7%, and 5.6% for single women, those married with no children, and those married with one child, respectively. The implementation of the three-child policy led to a 10.4% decrease, but only for married women with two children. The discrimination broadly affected all women, whether they disclose marriage and fertility status information or not, as we find their callback rates decreased by 4.5% under the universal two-child policy and 6.6% after the three-child policy.
... At the same time, the disadvantage they faced is relatively modest, especially if compared with the treatment afforded to non-white ethnic minorities, and concentrated in non-graduate occupations such as cooks, admin and clerk jobs. Second, we broaden the geographical reach of field experiments on hiring discrimination that, with a few exceptions (Koopmans et al., 2019;Thijssen et al., 2019), have so far limited their focus to non-Western ethnic minorities or compared the latter to a single European group (Baert et al., 2017;McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). Third, our analysis reveals that only EU12 applicants benefitted from the cosmopolitanism of the Greater London Area, where they were treated on a par with the white British group. ...
The central question in this article is whether there was greater discrimination against European applicants in the labor market in those English regions where public opinion was more strongly in favor of Brexit. Using a field experiment conducted immediately after the Brexit Referendum, we provide causal evidence that applicants with EU backgrounds faced discrimination when applying for jobs in England. On average, applicants from EU12 countries and applicants from Eastern European member states were both less likely to receive a callback from employers than were white British applicants. Furthermore, in British regions where support for Brexit was stronger, employers were more likely to discriminate against EU12 applicants. This finding, though, is driven by the more favorable treatment reserved to EU12 applicants applying for jobs in the Greater London area. Eastern Europeans, on the other hand, did not benefit from this ‘London advantage’. Administrative and legal uncertainties over the settlement status of EU nationals cannot explain these findings, as European applicants, both EU12 and Eastern Europeans, faced the same legislative framework in all British regions, including London. Rather, London appears to exhibit a cultural milieu of ‘selective cosmopolitanism’. These findings add to the still limited literature on the relationship between public opinion on immigrants (here proxied by the referendum vote) and the levels of ethnic discrimination recorded in field experiments.
... Although these findings might equally relate to a selection problem, in the sense that a selective subset of persons with a migration background might have selected themselves for our sample, we put forward two potential explanations why employees with a migration background might fare better than others on these aspects. A first explanation is based on discrimination research that shows that, in jobs where interaction with colleagues and customers is prominent, ethnic minorities are more likely to be discriminated against in the selection process [68][69][70][71][72][73]. Under the assumption that telework, by definition, reduces physical, personal interaction [34], the negative effects of the perceived discrimination may be reduced. ...
While a considerable number of employees across the globe are being forced to work from home due to the COVID-19 crisis, it is a guessing game as to how they are experiencing this current surge in telework. Therefore, we examined employee perceptions of telework on various life and career aspects, distinguishing between typical and extended telework during the COVID-19 crisis. To this end, we conducted a state-of-the-art web survey among Flemish employees. Notwithstanding this exceptional time of sudden, obligatory and high-intensity telework, our respondents mainly attribute positive characteristics to telework, such as increased efficiency and a lower risk of burnout. The results also suggest that the overwhelming majority of the surveyed employees believe that telework (85%) and digital conferencing (81%) are here to stay. In contrast, some fear that telework diminishes their promotion opportunities and weakens ties with their colleagues and employer.
... 44. The majority-dominated inegalitarian hierarchy view H1 may be exemplied by the perceived hierarchy between the majority group and the African and German minorities in Ireland, where both minorities are signicantly and similarly discriminated against (see McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). The minority-dierentiating inegalitarian hierarchy H2 may correspond to the hierarchy between the dominant White Brazilian majority and Japanese minority, and the colored (Brown and Black) Brazilians, as while the Japanese minority enjoys a model minority" status, the colored Brazilians face sizable discrimination (see Tsuda, 2000 andArcand andD'hombres, 2004). ...
The share of ethno-cultural minorities is growing in world metropolises, thereby aecting inter-group relationships and altering ethno-cultural hierarchies. Some empirical studies have documented a positive impact of group size on group status, while some nd no eect and others a negative one (i.e. a cultural backlash"). In this paper, I propose a multi-group and multi-strategy evolutionary coordination game, which allows to explain the contrasted eects that an ethno-cultural minority's size may have on its social status, and on the status of other minorities, hinging on the interplay between several ethno-cultural minorities' interests. Additionally, this model (1) sheds new light on the sources of asymmetrical homophily" between ethno-cultural groups, (2) proposes an explanation for the phenomena of fragmentation and fusion between several minorities and (3) predicts that societies with small ethno-cultural minorities will tend to converge to inegalitarian hierarchy views, which empirical studies suggest to be economically under-ecient. The model's long-term equilibrium of ethno-cultural hierarchy views is corroborated by an exploratory empirical test based on the Ethnic Power Relations database. From the methodological point of view, this paper provides a directly applicable procedure for the theoretical resolution of parametric multi-group and multi-strategy evolutionary games, allowing for potentially very interesting applications in other socioeconomic contexts.
... Evidence of ethnic discrimination in sports aligns with traditional theories of social identity and in-group preferences (Byrne, 1971;Tajfel, 1982), and extends previous findings in the labor and housing markets of European countries, including Denmark (Duguet et al., 2010), Germany (Diehl et al., 2013;Kaas and Manger, 2012), Greece (Drydakis and Vlassis, 2010), Ireland (Gusciute et al., 2020;McGinnity and Lunn, 2011), the Netherlands (Andriessen et al., 2012), Norway (Midtbøen, 2016), Spain (Bosch et al., 2010, and Sweden (Bursell, 2014), among others. ...
Societies are increasingly multicultural and diverse, consisting of members who migrated from various other countries. However, immigrants and ethnic minorities often face discrimination in the form of fewer opportunities for labor and housing, as well as limitations on interactions in other social domains. Using mock email accounts with typical native-sounding and foreign-sounding names, we contacted 23,020 amateur football clubs in 22 European countries, asking to participate in a training session. Response rates differed across countries and were, on average, about 10% lower for foreign-sounding names. The present field experiment reveals discrimination against ethnic minority groups, uncovering organizational deficiencies in a system trusted to foster social interactions.
... between the majority group and the African and German minorities in Ireland (see McGinnity and Lunn, 2011). The minority-differentiating inegalitarian hierarchy H 2 may correspond to the hierarchy between the dominant White Brazilian majority and Japanese minority, and the colored (Brown and Black) Brazilians who have been shown to be discriminated against (see Tsuda, 2000;Arcand and D'hombres, 2004). ...
This dissertation consists in three essays with complementary approaches on the economics of social integration in an urban setting. The first essay analyzes the emergence of ethno-cultural hierarchies in a multi-cultural context, typical of nowadays large metropolises. This emergence is studied using an evolutionary game theory model according to which, in a society, a common hierarchy view emerges from a multitude of independent interactions between members of the different ethno-cultural groups. The originality of the model lies in the featuring of several minorities and hierarchical views (i.e. multi-group and multi-strategy model) and in the reciprocal effects that minorities may have on each others' social statuses. These effects allow to explain the non-linear relationship between a minority's size and its status suggested by the empirical literature, as well as the complex impacts of a new minority's arrival on the other minorities. The evolutionary process implies that the adopted ethno-cultural hierarchy is, in most cases, too inegalitarian and thus economically inefficient. The second essay presents an urban economics model adapted to the sub-Saharan African city context where land ownership is often informal and uncertain and where land transactions are often hampered by important information asymmetries between buyers and sellers. The model allows to theoretically study the impact of two institutions aimed at reducing transaction uncertainty. The first one consists in a formal land registration system administered by the government, the second is a traditional social trust norm that links specific social groups. This model is, to the best of our knowledge, the first one to study the effects of a social norm on the functioning of an urban housing market and the urban structure. It shows that the land registration system is more efficient than the traditional trust norm if registration costs are limited, but also that the two institutions are partly substitutable. The model predicts that, with the gradual decrease of registration costs, land registration will progressively replace social trust norms in the future.Eventually, the third essay consists in an econometric analysis of a large urban renewal program launched in France in 2003 for the renovation of 600 deprived neighborhoods (i.e. the « Programme National de Rénovation Urbaine », PNRU). In order to avoid possible biases linked with heterogeneities in the program's effects across neighborhoods and across time periods, we rely on the very novel DID_M estimator developed by De Chaisemartin and D'Haultfoeuille (forthcoming) and complement its results with a more traditional difference-in-differences estimation. Our results suggest that the program had non-significant and, in any case, very limited effects (i.e. smaller than 3.5%) on housing prices in renovated neighborhoods. The program's effects on transaction volumes are also non-significant. However, the program led to a sizable upward evolution in the socio-professional status of housing buyers as compared to sellers, suggesting some improvement in the attractivity of renovated neighborhoods.
How do race and foreign-born status shape labor market outcomes? Existing frameworks about discrimination against immigrants posit that the further people are racially and socioculturally from the “mainstream,” the more discrimination they will experience. To date, we lack a direct empirical test of how race and foreign-born status combine in a causal manner in hiring. To fill this empirical gap, I use insights from status aggregation theory and racial boundary formation to develop and test empirical predictions about how race and nativity status combine in hiring. I test these hypotheses using data from a large-scale field experiment in 18 U.S. metropolitan statistical areas in semi-skilled jobs. Results from the audit study show that employers discriminate based on nativity status and that these effects are similar for Hispanic and Eastern European immigrants. I discuss the implications of these findings for theories of immigrant incorporation and literature on employer hiring decisions.
In the hiring discrimination literature, employers are depicted primarily as majority members who strive to bolster their privileged group status by limiting immigrants’ employment opportunities. While minority employers are expected to be less discriminatory towards immigrant hiring than their majority counterparts, our argument contradicts this expectation. Building on the segmented assimilation and social identity literature, we analyse the disparities in organisational support for high-skilled immigrant hiring among Standard and Poor’s (S&P) 1500 firms (2009–2018) with a focus on organisations led by Asian CEOs. We find that firms with Asian CEOs tend to have a lower intent to hire high-skilled foreign workers compared to those with CEOs of other races, but such a negative effect improves significantly when the Asian CEOs received a prestigious college education. This article extends theoretical discussion on hiring discrimination by emphasising the importance of CEO minority status and education.
Este capítulo se ocupa de estudiar la discriminación racial en el acceso al empleo, un problema que afecta dramáticamente las oportunidades que tienen las personas racializadas (indígenas y afrocolombianos, entre otros) en el campo laboral. Este tipo de discriminación consiste en aplicar tratamientos diferenciales y negativos a los miembros de estos grupos durante los procesos de selección de personal. Como resultado, los empleadores suelen preferir a las personas blancas y mestizas1 sobre aquellas con otras características fenotípicas relacionadas principalmente con su color de piel2 , aunque igualmente cualificadas para el empleo. Aquí se recoge gran parte de la literatura relacionada con este tema; al hacerlo, da cuenta de la ubicuidad de su ocurrencia y de lo mal preparado que está nuestro sistema jurídico para evitar que la raza3 de un candidato al empleo sea un obstáculo.
This article compares the labor market outcomes of migrants in Russia to the non-migrant population. It considers human capital theory and integration theory while measuring differences between migrants and non-migrants in employment, work contracts, and wages. We rely on a rich source of longitudinal micro-data, the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey. Results show that migrants have high levels of employment but that certain groups are disproportionally likely to fall into unofficial employment when compared to non-migrants. Results further show that certain migrants report higher earnings than both non-migrants and internal migrants; suggesting that migrant workers seek a premium to come to Russia.
This report discovers extensive barriers for Black and Black Irish artists across the arts sector in Ireland. The report was commissioned in 2022 to explore high rates of applications to the Arts Council deemed ineligible.
There is heterogeneity in the Indian labour market, where employment opportunities vary across regions for individuals belonging to different castes and ethnicities. Given this heterogeneity, the study aims to find out whether regional concentration of socially marginalised population classified in terms of castes and ethnicity has any effect on regional variation in employment gap in non-elementary jobs, and looking for the potential factors behind regional variation. The contribution of this study lies in its effort to figure out the applicability of visibility discrimination hypothesis to Indian labour market that talks about a positive association between minority population concentration and inequalities and to find out the factors that could explain regional variation in caste- and ethnicity-based employment gap. Using the data provided by the Periodic Labour Force Survey 2019–2020, the study has estimated caste- and ethnicity-based employment gap in skilled jobs at regional level and found the regional concentration of marginalised groups to have no significant impact on the degree employment gap in skilled jobs. However, gap in years of schooling and industrial composition in terms of employment emerged as significant factors explaining regional variation in employment gap in skilled jobs.
Migrant labour market outcomes were more affected by the pandemic and associated public health restrictions than those of Irish-born. However, by early 2022, the migrant employment rate (77 per cent) was higher than that of the Irish-born (72 per cent) and exceeded the migrant employment rate at the start of 2020 (71 per cent), immediately prior to the COVID pandemic.
Overall, migrants were much less likely to own their home (43 per cent) than the Irish-born population (77 per cent). Migrants also faced more issues relating to housing affordability, with 29 per cent of migrants spending more than 30 per cent of their income on housing compared to 8 per cent of the Irish-born population.
The Monitoring Report on Integration 2022, published jointly by the ESRI and the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, is the latest in a series of reports that investigates how migrants in Ireland are faring. The report uses a range of indicators, based on the most recently available data, to compare the outcomes of the Irish- and foreign-born population in key life domains: employment, education, social inclusion and active citizenship.
This article examines migrant workers’ experiences of state-constructed vulnerability to labour exploitation, through the case study of non-European Economic Area (EEA) migrant fishers in Ireland. It draws on the findings of interviews with 24 migrant fishers, together with information obtained from public bodies and legal analysis. Building on the work of Mantouvalou, Zou, and others, we demonstrate that the Irish legal and policy framework – most importantly, immigration law – places migrant fishers in a position of ‘hyper-dependency’ and ‘hyper-precarity’ in their work relations. We outline how this state-constructed vulnerability to labour exploitation is experienced in practice through an in-depth account of the interviewees’ experiences of working conditions; immigration status; and racism and discrimination at work. In particular, the interviews reveal the work permit scheme for non-EEA fishers to be a powerful structure of exploitation, within which workers have little bargaining power and protective employment mechanisms are rendered ineffective.
We apply a two-wave nationwide correspondence experiment to assess the effects of the two-child and three-child policies on employment discrimination against women in China's labor market. Using 13,751 observations collected through this experiment, we find that the announcement of the two-child policy led to a 4.9% decrease in total interview callbacks overall, and decreases of 4.3%, 5.7%, and 5.6% for single women, those married with no children, and those married with one child, respectively. The implementation of the three-child policy led to a 10.4% decrease, but only for married women with two children. The callback rates of women who even didn't disclose marriage and fertility status information decreased by 4.5% under the universal two-child policy and 6.6% after the three-child policy. Our findings point to the importance of tailoring supplementary policy towards firms and women in specific group.
We apply a two-wave nationwide correspondence experiment to assess the effects of the two-child and three-child policies on employment discrimination against women in China's labor market. Using 13,751 observations collected through this experiment, we find that the announcement of the two-child policy led to a 4.9% decrease in total interview callbacks overall, and decreases of 4.3%, 5.7%, and 5.6% for single women, those married with no children, and those married with one child, respectively. The implementation of the three-child policy led to a 10.4% decrease, but only for married women with two children. The callback rates of women who even didn't disclose marriage and fertility status information decreased by 4.5% under the universal two-child policy and 6.6% after the three-child policy. Our findings point to the importance of tailoring supplementary policy towards firms and women in specific group.
Based on a correspondence experiment, this article examines if the size of population of foreign background in a city exerts any significant effect on the extent of labour‐market discrimination faced by job applicants of migrant origin. The study results find neither any statistically significant relationship between the two, nor do they lend support to the group threat and group contact conceptual frameworks. Rather, they appear to corroborate the pure discrimination model, as discrimination seems to be uniformly spread over all cities and all types of jobs with different characteristics. However, the findings of this study do not exclude the possibility that there could be a threshold value in the share of foreign population after which the picture of discrimination would become richer in nuances and some of the theories would gain more explanatory power. Basé sur une expérience de correspondance, cet article examine si la taille de la population d'origine étrangère dans une ville exerce un effet significatif sur l'ampleur de la discrimination sur le marché du travail à laquelle sont confrontés les candidats à l'emploi d'origine immigrée. Les résultats de l'étude ne révèlent aucune relation statistiquement significative entre les deux, et ne soutiennent pas non plus les cadres conceptuels de la menace de groupe et du contact de groupe. Ils semblent plutôt corroborer le modèle de discrimination pure, car la discrimination semble être uniformément répandue dans toutes les villes et dans tous les types d'emplois présentant des caractéristiques différentes. Toutefois, les résultats de cette étude n'excluent pas la possibilité qu'il puisse y avoir une valeur seuil dans la part de la population étrangère après laquelle le tableau de la discrimination deviendrait plus riche en nuances et certaines des théories gagneraient en pouvoir explicatif.
Foreign-born Latinos face hiring disadvantages in the US labor market compared to native-born Latinos, which may be due to differences in human capital, legal status, or employer bias. However, it is difficult to adjudicate between these explanations because most scholarship documenting hiring inequalities focuses on workers’ experiences and not on employers’ actions. This prevents understanding whether employer discrimination is a mechanism of nativity status inequalities in hiring, particularly among the growing share of Latinos with college degrees. I conduct a correspondence audit study of 1,364 jobs in eight metros to test whether employers screen out college-educated Latino men based on nativity vis-a-vis legal status. Employers were twice as likely to call back native-born as foreign-born Latinos. Paradoxically, however, employers called back documented, work-authorized Latinos at almost the same low rates as undocumented Latinos without the right to work. A national survey experiment of 468 human resources (HR) representatives and interviews with 23 HR representatives and immigration lawyers reveal that individual concerns about foreign-born Latinos’ English language ability, and organizational concerns about their deportability, may explain why HR staff are reluctant to hire foreign-born Latinos. The results highlight the power of both nativist attitudes and immigration laws for hampering the employment chances of even documented, college-educated Latinos.
Purpose
The purpose of this study is to investigate whether ethnic discrimination is present in the Russian labor market and whether it has a significant economic effect on the potential salaries of applicants.
Design/methodology/approach
Data were collected using a correspondence audit for four experimental male applicants with identical professional and personal characteristics while differing only in applicant name as a signal of applicants' ethnic background. Implied ethnicities include Russians, Armenians, Jews and North Caucasians. Résumés were sent out to 800 real unique vacancies on behalf of the experimental applicants with a geographic focus on the capital Moscow.
Findings
The results of the analysis suggest that there is a significant difference in treatment in both response rate and potential average salaries on ethnic grounds. Disadvantaged groups were found to be systematically pushed into jobs paying 15% less monthly wage.
Originality/value
The study investigates the existence of ethnic discrimination in the Russian labor market and furthermore economically quantifies the effects of discrimination.
To mitigate ethnic labour market discrimination, it is essential to understand its underlying mechanisms because different mechanisms call for different counteracting measures. To this end, we reviewed the recent literature that confronts the theories of taste-based and statistical discrimination against the empirical reality. Whereas the empirical evidence for both mechanisms is generally mixed, (field) experimental research, which predominantly focuses on hiring outcomes, appears to yield proportionately more evidence in favour of taste-based discrimination vis-à-vis statistical discrimination. This finding suggests that the taste-based mechanism may better explain ethnic discrimination in hiring. However, we also observe that the measurement operationalisations of the mechanisms vary substantially between studies and that alternative theoretical interpretations of some of the evidence are plausible. Taken together, additional research efforts, using clear measurement standards and appropriate synthesis methods, are required to solidify the review’s main finding.
A large scholarship documents discrimination against immigrants and ethnic minorities in institutional settings such as labour and housing markets in Europe. We know less, however, about discrimination in informal and unstructured everyday encounters. To address this gap, we report results from a large-scale field experiment examining the physical avoidance of immigrants as an unobtrusive yet important measure of everyday discrimination in a multiethnic European metropolis. In addition to varying confederates’ migration background and race, we also vary signals of status (business versus casual attire) in order to shed light on the mechanisms underlying discriminatory patterns. We find that natives are averse to contact with Nigerian confederates, but do not discriminate against Chinese confederates. Furthermore, manipulating confederates’ attire has little effect on natives’ behaviour. Overall, our results highlight the everyday burdens borne particularly by individuals of African descent in commonplace, ‘street-level’ encounters.
Does cultural dissimilarity explain discrimination against immigrant-origin minorities in the labour market? I conducted a factorial field experiment (N = 1350) to explore how explicit group cues trigger differential treatment and whether individuating information that counters cultural-based stereotypical representations mitigate discrimination. Employers were randomly assigned a job application with a putative female ethnic majority or immigrant-origin minority alias and CV photographs portraying the minority candidate with or without a headscarf—perhaps the quintessential marker of Muslim identity. Moreover, half the job applications conveyed information intended to reduce cultural distance by indicating a liberal lifestyle and civic participation. The results demonstrate that immigrant-origin women are significantly less likely to receive an invitation to a job interview, especially if they also wear a headscarf. Contrary to expectations, the differential treatment is not moderated by the individuating information in the applications. This indicates that the differential treatment is persistent and also targets immigrant-origin minorities who have acquired soft skills and signals cultural proximity.
Newcomers to Ireland confront a context of reception shaped by large-scale historical emigration and more recent immigration defined by an increasingly diverse set of origin contexts, both within and outside the European Union (EU). How has the Irish population responded to these groups, and how openly do Irish residents express their views toward different immigrant groups? We test this response using a survey experiment, which offered respondents an anonymous way to express any negative attitudes to immigrant groups they may have had. Results from the survey experiment show that Irish residents’ support for Black and Polish immigrations is overstated when expressed directly. In contrast, their sentiment toward Muslim immigrants is notably insensitive to the level of anonymity provided, indicating little difference between overt and covert expression of support (or antipathy). In other words, when race/ethnicity or EU origin is made salient, Irish respondents are more likely to mask negative sentiment. When Islam is emphasized, however, Irish antipathy is not masked. We find that in-group preferences, instead of determining support in an absolute sense, shape the reluctance with which opposition to immigrant groups is overtly expressed.
Notwithstanding the improved integration of various minority groups in the workforce, unequal treatment in hiring still hinders many individuals' access to the labour market. To tackle this inaccessibility, it is essential to know which and to what extent minority groups face hiring discrimination. This meta-analysis synthesises a quasi-exhaustive register of correspondence experiments on hiring discrimination published between 2005 and 2020. Using a random-effects model, we computed pooled discrimination ratios concerning ten discrimination grounds upon which unequal treatment in hiring is forbidden under United States federal or state law. Our meta-analysis shows that hiring discrimination against candidates with disabilities, older candidates, and less physically attractive candidates is at least equally severe as the unequal treatment of candidates with salient ethnic characteristics. Remarkably, hiring discrimination against older applicants is even more outspoken in Europe than in the United States. Furthermore, unequal treatment in hiring based on sexual orientation seems to be prompted mainly by signalling activism rather than same-sex orientation in itself. Last, aside from a significant decrease in ethnic hiring discrimination in Europe, we find no structural evidence of recent temporal changes in hiring discrimination based on the various other grounds within the scope of this review.
With the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement in 2020, the situation of Black people in many Western countries has come under closer scrutiny and ethnic discrimination has been brought to the forefront. Little is known about hiring discrimination against Blacks in many European countries. In a correspondence test in the Swiss labour market, we sent fictitious paired applications by candidates of Swiss (ostensibly White) and Cameroonian descent (ostensibly Black) in response to 354 adverts for sales assistants and electricians. We report significant discrimination against Black job seekers, who must send around 30 per cent more applications than White candidates in order to be invited to a job interview. The level of discrimination is substantively equivalent to results for applicants with a Kosovo-Albanian name that were included in previous correspondence tests in Switzerland. This suggests that in the Swiss case there is on average no additional penalty for skin colour. Explorations, however, reveal significant differences in discrimination rates between urban and rural settings, opening new avenues for understanding why ethnic and racial discrimination vary across geographical contexts.
This report considers decent work in Ireland in the context of international obligations about core minimum standards of work and non-discrimination. Following a review of international measurement frameworks and a broad consultation in Ireland, the authors develop a set of indicators and then provide baseline figures on access to work, adequate earnings, employee voice, occupational attainment, equality of opportunity and treatment, and health and safety across different groups in Ireland. The study is the ninth report published jointly by the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission and the ESRI as part of a research programme on Human Rights and Equality.
This chapter reviews the main theories developed to explain discrimination. Mirroring the historical development of the field, while reflecting a theoretically systematic approach, the chapter adopts an approach by analytical scales to present and discuss theories of discrimination. The first section presents theories seeking the cause of prejudice and discrimination at the individual level, the second section focuses on organizational mechanisms and the third on structural determinants. In conclusion, we emphasize that despite of these different levels of analysis, the various theories of discrimination reviewed share a common feature, namely the fact that discrimination maintains privileges of certain ascribed groups over others
This open access short reader provides a state of the art overview of the discrimination research field, with particular focus on discrimination against immigrants and their descendants. It covers the ways in which discrimination is defined and conceptualized, how it is measured, how it may be theorized and explained, and how it might be combated by legal and policy means. The book also presents empirical results from studies of discrimination across the world to show the magnitude of the problem and the difficulties of comparison across national borders. The concluding chapter engages in a critical discussion of the relationship between discrimination and integration as well as pointing out promising directions for future studies. As such this short reader is a valuable read to undergraduate students, as well as graduate students, scholars, policy makers and the general public.
This chapter gives an overview of some of the key concepts in the field of discrimination. It starts by distinguishing between direct and indirect discrimination in legal definitions. Next, we define the interrelated concepts of multiple discrimination and intersectionality, which increasingly are used in both legal studies and the social sciences, before giving an account of the interrelated concepts of organizational, institutional, and systemic discrimination. The chapter ends by reflecting on the complex relationship between discrimination and the endurance of categorical inequalities in societies where all members formally enjoy the principle of equality.
Discrimination and stigmatization are costly for the society by lowering economic growth, by reinforcing ethnic inequalities, by fueling political conflicts and by jeopardizing social cohesion. Moreover, victims of unfair treatment pay a high price as discrimination and stigmatization. Far from being passive victims, however, many members of minority groups develop and deploy individual and collective strategies to meet such challenges. This chapter focuses on the impact of discrimination – for economy and society, but mainly focusing on the consequences of discrimination for the targeted individuals and groups. The chapter also addresses responses to experiences of exclusion and disadvantage by reviewing recent research of how awareness of the repercussions of unfair treatment lead both individuals and groups to protect themselves and seek strategies for overcoming future barriers.
This chapter reviews the strengths and weaknesses of the most commonly used methods of measurement in the field of discrimination research. Taking as its point of departure how we can assess the extent to which discrimination occurs, the chapter reviews quantitative and qualitative analyses of experiences, attitudes, legal complaints, and residual gaps, as well as different forms of experimental designs. A key point in the chapter is to show that although all of these methods shed light on discrimination, they are useful for answering somewhat different questions. Consequently, careful consideration of the range of methods available is necessary for matching one’s research question with the appropriate research design.
Discrimination can take place in all spaces and places where people interact. However, both the forms of discrimination and how it can be measured vary across social domains, depending on whether the domain in question is based primarily on what we coin “systems of differentiation” or “systems of equality”. Social domains that involve some kind of market transaction are heavily dominated by processes of selection and differentiation. By contrast, social domains such as schools, health systems or public services should, in essence, provide all individuals with equal assistance. This chapter builds on the distinction between systems of differentiation and systems of equality, reviewing a selection of studies of discrimination in various social domains. This way of categorizing research demonstrates that there is an interesting interplay between social domains and their respective rationale (differentiation/equality), the types of methods employed and the forms of discrimination detected. The chapter concludes by a critical reflection on the ability of social science research to capture forms of discrimination that are less easy to spot.
This is a cross-national study of ethnic-minority disadvantage in the labour market. It focuses on the experiences of the second generation, that is, of the children of immigrants, in a range of affluent western countries (Western Europe, North America, Australia, Israel). Standard analyses, using the most authoritative available datasets for each country, enable the reader to make precise comparisons. The study reveals that most groups of non-European ancestry continue to experience substantial ethnic penalties in the second (and later) generations. But the magnitude of these penalties varies quite substantially between countries, with major implications for social policy. This account of minority groups in different countries provides important information for policy makers considering their own responses to ethnic-minority disadvantage.
Social psychologists engage with the prevalence and problems
of discrimination by studying the processes that underlie it.
Understanding when discrimination is likely to occur suggests
ways that we can overcome it. In this chapter, we begin by discussing
the ways in which social psychologists talk about discrimination
and discuss its prevalence. Second, we outline some
theories underlying the phenomenon. Third, we consider the
ways in which social psychological studies have measured discrimination, discussing findings from laboratory and field studies
with explicit and implicit measures. Fourth, we consider the
systemic consequences of discrimination and their implications
for intergroup relations, social mobility and personal wellbeing.
Finally, we provide a summary and some conclusions.
Against a backdrop of the recent, rapid rise in immigration of non-Irish nationals, concerns have been raised about discrimination in the Irish labour market. This study breaks new ground in Irish research by providing direct evidence of discrimination using an internationally recognised and accepted methodology. It involves a field experiment that investigates discrimination in recruitment on the basis of ethnic and national origin in Ireland.
The idea of this experiment is simple: two individuals who are identical on all relevant characteristics other than the potential basis of discrimination apply for the same jobs. Responses are carefully recorded, and discrimination or the lack thereof is then measured as the extent to which one applicant is invited to interview relative to the other applicant. In this experiment we test discrimination against three minority groups: Africans, Asians and Europeans (Germans), using distinctive names to signal ethnic or national origin, as is typical in experiments of this nature.
The experiment addresses three key research questions: First, are there any differences in responses to the minority candidates and the Irish candidates? Second, is there any variation in the extent of discrimination between the minority groups? Third, does discrimination vary across the labour market in Ireland?
Recent studies report significant cross-national variation in the conceptual distinctions or "symbolic boundaries" used by majority groups to construct notions of "us" and "them." Because this literature compares only a handful of countries, the macro-level forces by which certain symbolic boundaries become more salient than others remain poorly understood. This article provides the first panorama of these processes by comparing the relative salience or "configuration" of multiple symbolic boundaries in 21 European countries. I use fuzzy-set analyses of data from the 2003 European Social Survey to create a typology of symbolic boundary configurations. The results indicate that the symbolic boundaries deployed by the general public do not correspond to the official "philosophies of integration" emphasized in the literature. Moreover, the data suggest previous comparisons have focused too heavily on Western Europe, overlooking important variation in other regions of Europe where immigration began more recently. I generate hypotheses to explain this newfound variation using demographic, socioeconomic, institutional, and historical data from quantitative and qualitative sources. The article concludes with examples of how these hypotheses can be combined by future studies toward a theory of "boundary-work".
This study examined the impact of applicant ethnicity, job type, and prejudice on evaluation biases and intentions to interview in an experimental simulation. We suggest that bias and discrimination are more likely when foreign applicants who belong to disliked ethnic groups apply for jobs that require high interpersonal skills, and when raters are prejudiced against immigrants. Subjects were Swiss university students who evaluated Swiss, Spanish, and Kosovo Albanian fictitious applicants. Foreign applicants were second-generation immigrants, i.e., Swiss-born descendants of immigrants. Thus, all applicants had similar schooling and language proficiencies but differed with respect to ethnicity. As predicted, discrimination was only observed for members of the disliked ethnic group (Kosovo Albanian) and not for members of the well-accepted group (Spanish). Moreover, this discrimination was only apparent when applying for a job requiring high interpersonal skills and not when applying for a job requiring high technical skills. Symbolic prejudice towards second-generation immigrants interacted with applicant ethnicity and job type to affect evaluations of foreign applicants: Persons high in symbolic prejudice devalued foreign applicants belonging to the disliked group but only when applying for a job requiring high interpersonal skills. Overt prejudice was unrelated to evaluations and intentions to interview. These results suggest that discrimination against immigrants is highly specific, targeting only members of certain ethnic groups who apply for certain types of jobs. Moreover, evaluation biases may be more apparent in raters who are prejudiced. Thus, our results support the notion that discrimination for employment results from a complex interaction between characteristics of the applicant, the job, and the rater.
Examines why stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination are enduring phenomena. Social psychological research, reviewed here in 4 major sections, explains that stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination have (1) some apparently automatic aspects and (2) some socially pragmatic aspects, both of which tend to sustain them. But, as research also indicates, change is possible, for (3) stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination seem individually controllable, and consequently, (4) social structure influences their occurrence. Past and present theoretical approaches to these issues are also discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This article presents a multilevel analysis of I 363 male and female first- and second-generation immigrants' unemployment rates. In addition to individual characteristics, the effects of macro-characteristics of I 3 destination countries in the EU and of more than 100 origin countries of the immigrants are analysed. Immigrants are found to be more often unemployed in countries where natives have higher unemployment rates. Immigrants' unemployment rates are lower in countries with a larger segment of low-status jobs, with higher immigration rates and with a higher GDP per capita. Destination countries' integration policies and welfare state regimes do not affect the unemployment risk of immigrants. At the level of origin countries, immigrants from more politically stable and free, more developed and more wealthy societies are found to be less often unemployed. Immigrants coming from Islamic countries have higher rates of unemployment, while those originating from Western Europe are less likely to be unemployed.
Pairs of testers, one aged 57 and one aged 32, applied for 102 entry-level sales or management jobs in the Washington, DC, metropolitan area. Although their credentials described them as equally qualified, the older applicants received less favorable responses from employers 41.2% of the time. Three quarters of these differences occurred before older applicants could fully present their qualifications. The negative employer assumptions about older workers implied by these differences in outcome were seldom explicitly stated.
Despite some progress, there is still evidence of discrimination on the grounds of gender and ethnic or racial origins in OECD labour markets. Field experiments show pervasive ethnic discrimination in many countries. We show indirect cross-country/time-series evidence that, using product market regulation as an instrument, suggests that on average at least 8% of the gender employment gap and a larger proportion of the gender wage gap can be attributed to discrimination. Virtually all OECD countries have enacted anti-discrimination laws in recent decades, and evaluations as well as cross-country analysis suggest that, if well-designed, these laws can be effective in reducing disparities in labour market outcomes. However, enforcement of anti-discrimination legislation is essentially based on victims’ willingness to claim their rights. Thus, public awareness of legal rules and their expected consequences (notably, victims’ costs and benefits of lodging complaints) is a crucial element of an effective policy strategy to establish a culture of equal treatment. However, legal rules are likely to have more impact if the enforcement is not exclusively dependent on individuals. In this respect, specific agencies may play a key role.
This study examines the subjective experience of discrimination across the adult population in Ireland. The research is based on analysis of the special module on Equality, which was included in the Quarterly National Household Survey in 2004. The survey examines reported discrimination in work, job search, and in seven service domains (e.g. financial services, health services, shops/pubs and restaurants). The results of this study outline the scale and distribution of perceived discrimination in Ireland. It highlights particular social groups and particular social institutions/context in which levels of perceived discrimination are high. People with disabilities, non-Irish nationals and the unemployed reported high levels of work- related discrimination. Those at most risk of discrimination while accessing services were people with disabilities, non-Irish nationals and minority ethnic groups. Women are more likely to report discrimination on gender, marital and family status grounds, while age and nationality were more commonly cited by men as the grounds of discrimination. The majority of those who experienced discrimination took no action in response. In many case the groups most vulnerable to discrimination were least likely to take action. Given the changing nature of Irish society the report argues that it is extremely important that this information is collected on a regular basis so the level and distribution of discrimination can be tracked and changes monitored.
There is substantial racial and gender disparity in the American economy. As we will demonstrate, discriminatory treatment within the labor market is a major cause of this inequality. Yet, there appear to have been particular periods in which racial minorities, and then women, experienced substantial reductions in economic disparity and discrimination. Some questions remain: Why did the movement toward racial equality stagnate after the mid-1970s? What factors are most responsible for the remaining gender inequality? What is the role of the competitive process in elimination or reproduction of discrimination in employment? How successful has the passage of federal antidiscrimination legislation in the 1960s been in producing an equal opportunity environment where job applicants are now evaluated on their qualifications? To give away the answer at the outset, discrimination by race has diminished somewhat, and discrimination by gender has diminished substantially; neither employment discrimination by race or by gender is close to ending. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and subsequent related legislation has purged American society of the most overt forms of discrimination, while discriminatory practices have continued in more covert and subtle forms. Furthermore, racial discrimination is masked and rationalized by widely-held presumptions of black inferiority.
This volume contains revised versions of the papers presented in 1971 at the Princeton University Conference on Discrimination in Labor Markets, and the formal discussions of them. This paper is by Kenneth Arrow, winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics, who lays the theoretical foundations of the economic analysis of discrimination in labor markets. Finis Welch discusses the relationship between schooling and labor market discrimination. Orley Ashenfelter’s paper presents a method for estimating the effect of an important institution-trade unionism-on the wages of black workers relative to whites. Ronald Oaxaca provides a framework for measuring the extent of discrimination against women. Finally, Phyllis Wallace examines public policy on discrimination and suggests strategies for public policy in this area. Originally published in 1974. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Controlled experiments, using matched pairs of bogus transactors, to test for discrimination in the marketplace have been conducted for over 30 years, and have extended across 10 countries. Significant, persistent and pervasive levels of discrimination have been found against non- whites and women in labour, housing and product markets. Rates of employment discrimin- ation against non-whites, in excess of 25% have been measured in Australia, Europe and North America. A small number of experiments have also investigated employment discrimination against the disabled in Britain and the Netherlands, and against older applicants in the United
Field experiments in which bogus pairs of transactors test for discrimination by applying for employment or housing, or by trading in product markets, have been widely-published during the last decade. However, no detailed justification has been provided for the deception involved. The general lack of veracity in the market-place, the social harm inflicted by discrimination and the superior accuracy and transparency of this technique justify deceiving the subjects of experiments. Deception of testers, however, may do them harm, contravenes the ethical standards of psychologists and sociologists and is unnecessary, as alternative procedures are available to deal with ‘experimenter effects’.
Abstract This chapter reviews the extensive literature on bias in favor of in-groups at the expense of out-groups. We focus on five issues and identify areas for future research: (a) measurement and conceptual issues (especially in-group favoritism vs. out-group derogation, and explicit vs. implicit measures of bias); (b) modern theories of bias highlighting motivational explanations (social identity, optimal distinctiveness, uncertainty reduction, social dominance, terror management); (c) key moderators of bias, especially those that exacerbate bias (identification, group size, status and power, threat, positive-negative asymmetry, personality and individual differences); (d) reduction of bias (individual vs. intergroup approaches, especially models of social categorization); and (e) the link between intergroup bias and more corrosive forms of social hostility.
Recently Ireland experienced rapid economic growth and an inflow of immigrants into the labour force. Using census data this article examines the occupational distribution of immigrants by country of origin and whether immigrants displace native workers from jobs. In the period studied it seems that immigrant workers have relieved bottlenecks in the labour market and have been complementary rather than substitutes for native workers. Between 2002 and 2006 the proportion of immigrants employed in high-skill jobs decreased while the number in low-skill jobs increased substantially. Compared to Irish nationals the possession of education qualifications for immigrants, particularly those from the 10 new EU member states, does not appear to confer the same advantages. The evidence here indicates a significant degree of occupational downgrading and 'brain waste' among non-nationals.
Immigration controls are often presented by government as a means of ensuring 'British jobs for British workers' and protecting migrants from exploitation. However; in practice they can undermine labour protections. As well as a tap regulating the flow of labour; immigration controls function as a mould, helping to form types of labour with particular relations to employers and the labour market. In particular; the construction of institutionalised uncertainty together with less formalised migratory processes, help produce 'precarious workers' over whom employers and labour users have particular mechanisms of control.
We present evidence of ethnic discrimination in the recruitment process by sending fictitious applications to real job openings. Applications with identical skills were randomly assigned Middle Eastern- or Swedish-sounding names and applications with a Swedish name receive fifty percent more callbacks for an interview.We extend previous analyses by adding register and interview information on firms/recruiters to the experimental data. We find that male recruiters and workplaces with fewer than twenty employees less often call applications with a Middle Eastern name for an interview.
This is the first study providing empirical support for automatically activated associations inducing discriminatory behavior among recruiters in a real-life hiring situation. Two different field experiments on ethnic discrimination in hiring are combined with a measure of employers' automatic attitudes and performance stereotypes toward Arab-Muslim men relative to Swedish men using the Implicit Association Test. The results show that the probability to invite Arab-Muslim job applicants decreases by five percentage points when the recruiter has a one standard deviation stronger negative implicit association toward Arab-Muslim men. This suggests that automatic processes may exert a significant impact on employers' hiring decisions, offering new insights into labor market discrimination.
Persistent racial inequality in employment, housing, and a wide range of other social domains has renewed interest in the possible role of discrimination. And yet, unlike in the pre-civil rights era, when racial prejudice and discrimination were overt and widespread, today discrimination is less readily identifiable, posing problems for social scientific conceptualization and measurement. This article reviews the relevant literature on discrimination, with an emphasis on racial discrimination in employment, housing, credit markets, and consumer interactions. We begin by defining discrimination and discussing relevant methods of measurement. We then provide an overview of major findings from studies of discrimination in each of the four domains; and, finally, we turn to a discussion of the individual, organizational, and structural mechanisms that may underlie contemporary forms of discrimination. This discussion seeks to orient readers to some of the key debates in the study of discrimination and to provide a roadmap for those interested in building upon this long and important line of research.
We conduct a large-scale audit discrimination study to measure labor market discrimination across different minority groups in Australia - a country where one quarter of the population was born overseas. To denote ethnicity, we use distinctively Anglo-Saxon, Indigenous, Italian, Chinese, and Middle Eastern names, and our goal is a comparison across multiple ethnic groups rather than focusing on a single minority as in most other studies. In all cases, we applied for entry-level jobs and submitted a CV showing that the candidate had attended high school in Australia. We find economically and statistically significant differences in callback rates, suggesting that ethnic minority candidates would need to apply for more jobs in order to receive the same number of interviews. These differences vary systematically across groups, with Italians (a more established migrant group) suffering less discrimination than Chinese and Middle Easterners (who have typically arrived more recently). We also explore various explanations for our empirical findings.
Sociologists have consistently demonstrated that a rather strong association exists between an individual's social class origin and their social class destination, even after controlling for educational attainment. One explanation for this persisting association which is rarely addressed in research in social stratification and mobility is the extent to which class inequalities in access to advantaged class positions are due to discrimination by employers.
I set up a field experiment to test whether employers discriminate on the basis of class origin characteristics. I sent letters of job application for professional and managerial occupations to 2560 large UK companies, so as to compare the prospects of equally matched potential employees differing on a range of characteristics, some related to class of origin. The six treatment conditions in the experiment were: the name of the candidate, the type of school attended, the candidate's interests outside work, their sex, the university that they attended and their achieved degree class.
Results suggest that employers do pay attention to the class origin characteristics tested here, and that candidates with a name, school type and interests associated with the social elite are more likely to receive a reply to their application than candidates with the equivalent non-elite characteristics. However, the treatment conditions do not, on the whole, have significant effects on the employers' responses in and of themselves. Instead, employers appear to favour particular combinations of characteristics while penalising others.
This second edition of Gary S. Becker's The Economics of Discrimination has been expanded to include three further discussions of the problem and an entirely new introduction which considers the contributions made by others in recent years and some of the more important problems remaining. Mr. Becker's work confronts the economic effects of discrimination in the market place because of race, religion, sex, color, social class, personality, or other non-pecuniary considerations. He demonstrates that discrimination in the market place by any group reduces their own real incomes as well as those of the minority. The original edition of The Economics of Discrimination was warmly received by economists, sociologists, and psychologists alike for focusing the discerning eye of economic analysis upon a vital social problemâdiscrimination in the market place. "This is an unusual book; not only is it filled with ingenious theorizing but the implications of the theory are boldly confronted with facts. . . . The intimate relation of the theory and observation has resulted in a book of great vitality on a subject whose interest and importance are obvious."âM.W. Reder, American Economic Review "The author's solution to the problem of measuring the motive behind actual discrimination is something of a tour de force. . . . Sociologists in the field of race relations will wish to read this book."âKarl Schuessler, American Sociological Review
Survey research finds that mothers suffer a substantial wage penalty, although the causal mechanism producing it remains elusive. The authors employed a laboratory experiment to evaluate the hypothesis that status-based discrimination plays an important role and an audit study of actual employers to assess its real-world implications. In both studies, participants evaluated application materials for a pair of same-gender equally qualified job candidates who differed on parental status. The laboratory experiment found that mothers were penalized on a host of measures, including perceived competence and recommended starting salary. Men were not penalized for, and sometimes benefited from, being a parent. The audit study showed that actual employers discriminate against mothers, but not against fathers.
The purpose of this paper is twofold. We first produce a labour market profile of non- Irish immigrants who arrived in Ireland in the ten years to 2003. We then go on to use the labour market profile in estimating the impact of immigration (non-Irish) on the Irish labour market. Immigrants are shown to be a highly educated group. However, they are not all employed in occupations that fully reflect their education levels. The model of the labour market that we use to simulate the impact of immigration differentiates between low-skilled and high-skilled labour. This allows us to estimate the impact of immigrants (a) if they were employed at a level fitting their education and (b) if they were employed in occupations below their educational level. Our results show that under scenario (a) immigrants who arrived between 1993 and 2003 increased GNP by between 3.5 and 3.7 per cent, largely by lowering skilled wages by around 6 per cent and increasing Ireland’s competitiveness. Under scenario (b), the increase in GNP is reduced to 3 per cent because the impact on skilled wages is lower. If we assume that immigration is primarily unskilled, the impact on earnings inequality found under (a) and (b) is reversed.
We study race in the labor market by sending fictitious resumes to help-wanted ads in Boston and Chicago newspapers. To manipulate perceived race, resumes are randomly assigned African-American- or White-sounding names. White names receive 50 percent more callbacks for interviews. Callbacks are also more responsive to resume quality for White names than for African-American ones. The racial gap is uniform across occupation, industry, and employer size. We also find little evidence that employers are inferring social class from the names. Differential treatment by race still appears to still be prominent in the U. S. labor market.
Controlled experiments, using matched pairs of bogus transactors, to test for discrimination in the marketplace have been conducted for over 30 years, and have extended across 10 countries. Significant, persistent and pervasive levels of discrimination have been found against nonwhites and women in labour, housing and product markets. Rates of employment discrimination against non--whites, in excess of 25% have been measured in Australia, Europe and North America. A small number of experiments have also investigated employment discrimination against the disabled in Britain and the Netherlands, and against older applicants in the United States. Copyright Royal Economic Society 2002
Ireland's exceptional economic growth in recent years has led to an influx of immigrants. Given the favourable economic climate into which these immigrants are arriving, it is interesting to ask how their earnings and welfare dependence compare with the native population. Using data from a nationally representative sample drawn in 2004 immigrants are found to earn 18 per cent less than natives, controlling for education and years of work experience. However, this single figure hides differences across immigrants from English-speaking and non-English-speaking countries. On average, immigrants are half as likely to have been in receipt of social welfare payments in the previous 12 months relative to natives. Copyright 2007 The Authors. Journal compilation CEIS, Fondazione Giacomo Brodolini and Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2007.
Clear and Convincing Evidence: Measurement of Discrimination in America
- J Heckman
- P Siegelman
Heckman J and Siegelman P (1993) The Urban Institute audit studies: their methods and findings.
In: Fix M and Struyk R (eds) Clear and Convincing Evidence: Measurement of Discrimination
in America. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press, pp. 165-231.
Testing Discrimination in Natural Experiments. A Manual for International Comparative Research on Discrimination on the Grounds of 'Race' and Ethnic Origin
- F Bovenkerk
Bovenkerk F (1992) Testing Discrimination in Natural Experiments. A Manual for International Comparative Research on Discrimination on the Grounds of 'Race' and Ethnic Origin. Geneva: ILO.
Making Equality Count: Irish and International Research Measuring Equality and Discrimination
- Al Ramiah
- A Hewstone
- M Dovidio
- J F Penner
Al Ramiah A, Hewstone M, Dovidio JF and Penner LA (2010) The social psychology of discrimination: theory, measurement and consequences. In: Bond L et al. (eds) Making Equality Count: Irish and International Research Measuring Equality and Discrimination. Dublin:
Liffey Press, pp. 84-112.
The impact of migration Best of Times? The Social Impact of the Celtic Tiger
- G Hughes
- F Mcginnity
- O Connell
- P Quinn
Hughes G, McGinnity F, O'Connell P and Quinn E (2007) The impact of migration. In: Fahey T
et al. (eds) Best of Times? The Social Impact of the Celtic Tiger. Dublin: IPA, pp. 217–244.
Discrimination in Access to Employment on Grounds of Foreign Origin in France, ILO International Migration Paper 85E, International Labour Organization
- E Cediey
- F Foroni
Cediey E and Foroni F (2008) Discrimination in Access to Employment on Grounds of Foreign
Origin in France, ILO International Migration Paper 85E, International Labour Organization,
Geneva, Switzerland.
- M Hewstone
- Rubin R Willis
Hewstone M, Rubin R and Willis H (2002) Intergroup bias. Annual Review of Psychology 53:
575-60.
The impact of migration
- G Hughes
- F Mcginnity
- P O'connell
Hughes G, McGinnity F, O'Connell P and Quinn E (2007) The impact of migration. In: Fahey T
et al. (eds) Best of Times? The Social Impact of the Celtic Tiger. Dublin: IPA, pp. 217-244.
Immigrants at Work: Nationality and Ethnicity in the
- P J O'connell
- F Mcginnity
O'Connell PJ and McGinnity F (2008) Immigrants at Work: Nationality and Ethnicity in the Irish
Labour Market. Dublin: Equality Authority/ESRI.
The price of prejudice: labour market discrimination on the grounds of gender and ethnicity
- Oecd
OECD (2008) The price of prejudice: labour market discrimination on the grounds of gender and
ethnicity. In: OECD Employment Outlook 2008. Paris: OECD, pp. 139-202.