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Mindless Eating: The 200 Daily Food Decisions We Overlook



How aware are people of food-related decisions they make and how the environment influences these decisions? Study 1 shows that 139 people underestimated the number of food-related decisions they made-by an average of more than 221 decisions. Study 2 examined 192 people who overserved and overate 31% more food as a result of having been given an exaggerated environmental cue (Such as a large bowl). Of those studied, 21% denied having eaten more, 75% attributed it to other reasons (such as hunger), and only 4% attributed it to the cue. These studies underscore two key points: First, we are aware of only a fraction of the food decisions we make. Second, we are either unaware of how our environment influences these decisions or we are unwilling to acknowledge it.
Environmental Persuaders and the 200 Daily Food Decisions
Brian Wansink, Ph.D.
Cornell University
Jeffery Sobal, Ph.D.
Cornell University
May 3, 2006
Corresponding Author: Brian Wansink, 110 Warren Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca,
NY 14853-7801. Tel: 217-244-0208 & 607-255-5024. E-mail:
Key words: Mindless eating, Food-related decisions, estimation, Obesity, Meal Cessation
Word count (excluding tables):
The published version of this working paper is:
“Wansink, Brian and Jeffery Sobal (2007), “Mindless Eating: The 200 Daily Food
Decisions We Overlook,” Environment and Behavior, 39:1 (January), 106-23
Environmental Persuaders and the 200 Daily Food Decisions
How aware are people of the number of food-related decisions they make in a day
and how the environment influences these decisions? Study 1 surveyed 139 people
showed they grossly underestimated the number of food-related decisions they made – by
an averaged of over 220 decisions – particularly in initiation and cessation of eating.
Study 2 content analyzed 749 debriefing comments of controlled field studies. Although
the people in these studies overserved and overate 31% more food as a result of having
been given an exaggerated environmental cue (large bowl, large spoon, etc.), 52% denied
having eaten more, and 45% attributed it to other reasons (such as hunger). These studies
underscore two key points: First, we are aware of only a fraction of the food decisions
we make. Second, we are either unaware of how our environment influences these
decisions or we are unwilling to acknowledge it.
Environmental Persuaders and Today’s 200 Food Decisions
Many food-related decisions occur in distracting environments and may lead to
relatively “mindless eating.” This would explain why people often cannot really explain
why they ate six chocolates from the office candy dish, ate two bites of chicken for every
one bite of cole-slaw at lunch, or why they consumed three helpings of potatoes for
dinner (Wansink 2004).
Food choice decisions often focus on what is eaten, while food consumption
decisions are a subset of food choice which focuses more specifically on volume
decisions. The former determine what we eat (soup or salad); the latter determine how
much we eat (half of the bowl or all of it). Yet environmental factors (such as package
size, plate shape, lighting, variety, or the presence of others – Stroebele and de Castro
2004) can increase food consumption volume far more than many people realize.
Here we investigate one of the ironies of food consumption research. Whereas people
will acknowledge that environmental factors influence others, they often wrongly believe
they themselves are unaffected. This suggests environmental influences occur at a basic
level at which people are not aware or do not monitor. Understanding these influences on
consumption volume has immediate implications for research, nutrition education, and
consumer welfare. This article examines two of the reasons environmental factors may
influence consumption intake and why they do so.
Environmental Influences of Overserving and Overeating
Environmental drivers of food consumption can be categorized as relating to the eating
environment and the food environment (see Figure 1). The eating environment refers to
the ambient factors that are independent of food, such as atmosphere, the effort of
obtaining food, the time of day, the social interactions that occur, and the distractions that
may be taking place, and others. In contrast, the food environment refers to the food itself
and to factors that directly relate to the way food is provided or presented, such as its
salience, structure, package or portion size, whether it is stockpiled, and how it is served.
An academic distinction has often been made between overserving and overeating.
While the size of a serving bowl might offer a visual trick that influences how much a
person serves oneself, a food-regulation perspective would argue that it has no influence
on the actual amount consumed. That is, if one overserves himself, he will stop eating
when full. In practice, there is a strong link between how much one serves and how
much one eats. One study showed there is a 92% corrleation between the two behaviors
(Wansink and Cheney 2005).
[Insert Figure 1]
Both the eating and food categories of environments contribute directly to
consumption volume. Additionally, they can also contribute indirectly because they
suggest consumption norms and inhibit consumption monitoring. For instance, dining
with a friend can have a direct impact on consumption because of the longer duration of
the meal (Strobele and de Castro 2004; French, Story, Jeffrey 2001; de Castro 1994;
2000; de Castro and Brewer 1992). Communal eating can also have an indirect impact
on consumption volume because of the intake norms set by the friend---who cleans his
plate and orders a dessert---and because the enjoyment of his or her company distracts
one away from accurately monitoring consumption.
Although research has effectively identified many of the environmental factors that
influence consumption (e.g., Stroeble and de Castro 2004; Wansink 2004), it has less
effectively explained why they do so. Two promising starting points involve consumption
norms and consumption monitoring. While consumption norms and consumption
monitoring have been generally posited as mediating consumption intake (Wansink
2004), they have not been examined in detail to identify the extent to which they operate.
Are We Aware of How Many Food-related Decisions We Make?
The ability to monitor consumption can help reduce discrepancies between perceived
and actual consumption levels (see Figure 1). The influence of environmental factors on
consumption is magnified because they can bias or confuse estimates of how much
someone has eaten, or even the number of times someone thinks they are actively making
decisions about starting or stoping an eating episode.
Not surprisingly, a major determinant of how much one eats is often whether the
person deliberately paid attention to (or attempted to monitor) how much he or she ate
(Arkes 1991; Polivy et al 1986; Polivy and Herman 2002). In lieu of monitoring how
much one is eating, people can use cues or rules-of-thumb (such as eating until a bowl is
empty) to gauge how much they will eat (Wansink, Painter, and North 2005).
Unfortunately, using such cues and rules-of-thumb can yield inaccurate estimates and
surprises. In one study, unknowing diners were served tomato soup in bowls that were
refilled through concealed tubing that ran through the table and into the bottom of the
bowls. People eating from these “bottomless” bowls consumed 76% more soup than
those eating from normal bowls, but estimated that they ate only 4.8 calories more
(Wansink, Painter, and North 2005).
Are We Aware of the Consumption Norms that Have Lead Us to Overeat?
People can be very impressionable when it comes to how much they will eat. There is
a flexible range in how much food an individual can eat (Herman and Polivy 1984), and
someone can often “make room for more” (Berry, Beatty, and Klesges 1985) and be
influenced by consumption norms around them (see Figure 1).
For many individuals, determining how much to eat or drink is a mundane and
relatively low-involvement behavior that is a nuisance to monitor continually and
accurately, so they instead rely on consumption norms to help them determine how much
they should consume. Consumption can be further influenced by other norms or cues that
are present in the environment. Many seemingly isolated influences of consumption---
such as package size, variety, plate size, or the presence of others---may involve or
suggest a perceptual consumption norm that influences how much individuals will eat or
drink (Wansink 2004). The use of consumption norms, as with normative benchmarks in
other situations, may be relatively automatic and may often occur outside of conscious
awareness (Schwarz 1996; 1998).
The trouble with the impact of consumption norms is that they occur at such a low-
level of consciousness that people may be unaware of how much influence they have.
For this reason, we are likely to be less vigalent when consumption norms are being
communicated. Even when consumption norms do influence us, there is anecdotale
evidence that people are generally either unware of their influence or they are unwilling
to acknowledge it (Wansink, Painter, and North 2005).
Past evidence of the presence or the absence of this awareness has sometimes
been suggested in the context of lab experiments (Vartanian and Herman 2005; Wansink
and Cheney 2005). The problem with trying to generalize from such artificial contexts is
that people are generally aware that some manipulation has occurred, and their
willingness to accurately acknowledge their duplicity may lead them to deny any
influence, simply out of reactance (Meiselman 1992). This phenomenon can best be
observed in the context of controlled field studies conducted in natural environments.
Building upon Figure 1, two studies investigated the two mediating factors of
consumption monitoring and consumption norms. In addressing our ability to effectively
monitor our consumption, Study 1 provides preliminary evidence about whether we are
aware of how many food-related decisions we make. To address our awareness of the
influence of consumption norms, Study 2 content analyzes debriefing data from seven
studies of environmental cues.
Study 1.
Are We Aware of How Many Food-related Decisions We Make?
The purpose of this study was to provide an initial examination of how many
food-related decisions a person makes in contrast to how many they believe they make.
Method. One hundred and fifty adults who had been involved in earlier studies were
contacted through email and were asked a series of questions related to food-related
decisions. They were initially asked to estimate how many total decisions about foods
and beverages they make in one day. They were then asked six questions about snacks,
six questions about meals, and six questions about beverages. The numbers from these 18
different questions were aggregated, and self-reported questions about height and weight
were asked and used to calculate a relative weight as Body Mass Index (BMI) for each
participant. Following the guidelines of the Center for Disease Control and the World
Health Organization (WHO 1998), participants were classified as normal weight if their
BMI was below 25 kg/m,² as overweight if their BMI was higher than 25 kg/m², and
obese if it exceeded 30 kg/m².
Results. Of the 150 participants recruited, 139 (93%) completed the study. The
average participant initially estimated they made 14.76 food and beverage-related
decisions in the day (see Table 1). Upon aggregating the total number of decisions they
made upon greater reflection, it was found that they instead made 219.0 decisions, which
is significantly higher (t=178, p<.001) than their initial global estimate.
While the typical person estimated they made around 15 food and beverage
decisions in a day, the average that was calculated from subsequent questioning was 219,
approximately 200 more. Part of these inconsistencies are due to a tendency for people to
consider only food choice decisions as actual food decisions. For example, a snack
deliberation in front of a vending machine would not be counted as a food-related
decision by many people unless it resulted in an actual purchase. In general, most of the
food decisions people neglect to consider as decisions are those involving initiation and
[Insert Table 1]
Interestingly, these calculation estimates vary between BMI categories. There was
a significant a J-shaped relationship between weight and food-related thoughts. A spline
regression indicated that both the legs of this J-shaped relationship were significant at the
p<.05 level.
[Insert Figure 2]
Discussion. Given that people so dramatically underestimate the number of meal-
related decisions they make in a day, perhaps it is not unfair to say we often engage in
mindless eating. Each of these small decision points is a point where a person can be
unknowingly influenced by environmental cues. Given the interest in better controlling
our food intake, people need to be more aware of the number of decisions that influence
what they eat as well as when they start and when they stop eating.
In addition, the possibility of a J-shaped relationship between weight and food-
related thoughts merits more investigation. Although not significant, it still suggests that
obese people (BMI>30) may be qualitatively different than those who are simply
overweight (BMI 25-30). When grouped together for analysis, which is often the case,
aggregation of overweight and obese people could obscure important differences. For
instance if the estimates of the two groups were collapsed, they would look almost
identical to that of the normal weight people.
At the core of mindless eating is the idea that we make many more food-related
decisions than we are aware of having made. While some decisions focus on the choice
of particular foods, many more decisions involve the initiation and cessation of eating
(Rozin et al 2003). If people were more conscious of the number of food-related
decisions they make in a day, they could be more vigilant of how their environment is
influencing them (French, Story, Jeffrey 2001).
Study 2.
Are We Aware of the Consumption Norms that Have Lead Us to Overeat?
Study 1 suggeted that we make a much larger number of food-related decisions than
most of us realize. Each of these decisions that we are not consciously aware of provides
an opportunity for being unknowingly influenced by environmental cues. In Study 2 we
investigate whether people 1) are aware of overconsuming, or 2) aware of being impacted
by these cues after the cues and their general impact is made salient.
Method. Study 2 involved a content-analysis of seven controlled field studies
which investigated how environmental factors such as bowl size, spoon size, and glass
shapes influenced how much people consumed in natural environments when randomly
assigned to an exaggerated treatment condition. To assess the awareness of these factors,
the qualitative data collected during the post-experiment debriefings was coded using
content analysis procedures (Webber 1989; Neuendorf 2002). Across all of these studies,
the same two questions were asked of those in the exaggerated (big bowl, big spoon, etc.)
treatment conditions:
1. “How much did you eat compared to what is typical for you?”
2. “In this study, you were in a group that was given [a larger bowl]. Those
people in your group ate an average of 20-50% more than the others. Why do you think
you might have eaten more?”
The answers to the first question about amount eaten were coded as either “less
than,” “about the same,” or “more than.” The second question about explanations for
overeating was coded as to 1) .they denied eating more, 2) they attributed it to hunger, 3)
they attributed it to the intervention, or 4) an other explanation (being in an exciting
situation, etc.).
Results. In total, 749 people were involved in these field studies with roughly
half of them being in the exaggerated environmental cue conditions. Among this
treatment group, although the average increase in consumption over the control was 31%.
However, an average of 73% of the participants believed they ate as much as they
normally ate. Of those remaining, an average of twice as many believed they had eaten
less compared to those thinking they might have eaten more (19% vs. 8%). For the 8%
of people to have eaten enough to fully account for this 31% increase (excluding those
who claimed to have eaten less), each would have had to eat 387% more than the average
member in the control group.
[Insert Table 2]
When told of their treatment groups’ bias, and when asked why they might have
eaten more, an average of 52% claimed they did not eat more, and 31% said that if they
did eat more, it was because they were hungry. An average of only 2% of the participants
believed they had eaten more because of the environmental cue that had been specifically
named. Fifteen percent claimed they ate more for miscellaneous reasons, such as because
it was a special occasion (the Super Bowl, or a celebratory ice cream social) or because it
was “free.”
Discussion. Although the typical study in this sample lead the average participant
to consume 31% more when presented with an exaggerated environmental cue, only 2%
believed they had been personally influenced by this cue. Furthermore, only 9% of the
participants believed they had eaten more than they normally would have eaten in that
situation. Even when confronted with how much their group had overeaten, over half of
the participants denied that they had been influenced. Of those remaining 48% of
participants who did believe it conceivable that they had possibly overeaten, and 96% of
these believed it must have been because they were hungry or for another reason
unrelated to the actual environmental cue itself.
Lab studies have often found that people either do not believe they were
influenced by external cues or to not want to admit this was the case (Vartanian and
Herman 2005). While such studies have not been systematically evaluated, their
anecdotal evidence has often been discounted because of their demand effects. Using
field studies, we show here that people claim to be unaware of these factors increasing
their consumption. Even when confronted with empirical findings, most participants in
environmental manipulations continue to disavow the findings or to look for alternative
explanations. Although these results do not fully disentangle unawareness from denial,
the consistency of the findings across studies point to a strong systematic influence that
goes beyond what people either know or will confess to.
General Discussion
The environment influences food-related decisions consistently through the day.
There are two problems with this. First, we are not aware of how many decisions we
make that are being influenced. Second, we are not aware or unwilling to acknowledge
that the environment has any impact on us at all.
These findings show that people tended to not acknowledge their own
susceptibility to manipulations of the food environment. This is consistent with other
psychological work that shows that people tend to have flawed self-assessments, be
overconfident, and overestimate their own capabilities (Dunning 2005). Thus broader
tendencies to be self-confident and competent reveal themselves in food intake decisions,
which may lead to overconsumption and overweight.
These data suggest that many people engage in mindless eating where they are not
consciously aware of the effects of the environment on how much food or beverage they
consume. Other food research has found that people make “automatic” food choices
where they unconsciously eat without considering what or how much food they select
and consume (Furst et al 1996). Automaticity is an important part of everyday behavior
(Uleman & Bargh 1989), and appears to be involved in food consumption as well.
Increasing mindfulness (Langer 1990) may facilitate healthier food choices.
Useful future research could characterize social and psychological characteristics
that predict peoples’ perceptions of eating decisions and that acknowledge environmental
influences. This type of investigation could help identify audiences and mechanisms that
could be used to make eating more salient and make people more mindful of influences
of the built environment on how much food and drink they actually consume.
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Figure 1.
Environmental Influences on Overserving and Overeating
Environmental Influences on
Food Intake
The Food Environment
-- Salience of food
-- Structure and variety of food
-- Size of food packages and
-- Stockpiling of food
-- Serving containers
The Eating Environment
-- Eating atmosphere
-- Eating effort
-- Eating with others
-- Eating distractions
Unawareness of How
Many Food-related
Decisions We Make
Unwillingness to
Believe Consumption
Norms Influence Us
Figure 2.
The Calculated Number of Daily Food- and Beverage-related Decisions
Number of
Table 1.
All People Underestimate How Many Food-related Decisions They Make
Body Mass Index (BMI)
(n = 71)
(n = 38)
“How many total food- and
beverage-related decisions do
you make in one day?”
0.13 (.877)
Actual (calculated) number of
snack-related decisions
0.59 (.554)
Actual (calculated) number of
meal-related decisions
2.65 (.075)
Actual (calculated) number of
beverage-related decisions
0.99 (.372)
Total (calculated) number of
food- and beverage-related
2.16 (.120)
Table 2.
Participants in Seven Field Studies Deny the Influence Interventions Have on their Intake Behavior
Sample and
Context of Study
Intervention and
“How much did you eat
compared to what is typical for
“In this study, you were in a group that was given [a larger
container]. Those people in your group ate an average of 20-50%
more than the others. Why do you think you might have eaten
About the
“I didn’t eat
“I was
influenced me”
40 MBA students
at a Super Bowl
party in a bar
(Wansink &
Cheney 2005)
Those serving
themselves Chex
Mix from 4-liter
bowls served
53% more than
those serving
from 2-liter
83 nutrition
experts at an ice
cream social to
promotion of a
(Wansink, van
Ittersum, and
Painter 2006)
Those given 3 oz
ice cream spoons
served 14.5%
more ice cream
than those given
2 oz spoons.
161 teenagers at
a summer
nutrition camp
(Wansink & van
Ittersum 2003)
Those given wide
glasses poured
77% more juice
than those given
tall glasses
holding the same
86 Philadelphia
working at their
(Wansink &van
Ittersum 2005)
Those given 10
oz tumbers
poured 25%
more alcohol
than those give
10 oz highball
143 evening
moviegoers in
Feasterville, PA
(Wansink &Kim
Those given
large popcorn
buckets ate 45%
more than those
given medium
161 afternoon
moviegoers in
Mt. Prospect, IL
(Wansink &Park
Those given
large buckets ate
48% more than
those given
medium buckets
86 people in a
(Wansink 1996)
Those given
large bottles of
detergent used
32% more than
those given
medium bottles
Average across all studies
Answers are from those in the treatment group who received the intervention that resulted in greater consumption
The specific intervention in the study was noted at this point. Here, the example of larger bowls was used.
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Visual decision-making is a common action that recruits a complex set of cognitive processes. When first presented with an option set from which to choose, participants can rely on one of two distinct decision strategies, preferential and empirical. In a preferential choice, participants choose their most preferred option; there is frequently a so-called gaze bias effect in such choices, where the gaze directed at the chosen option is longer than the gaze at unchosen options. In empirical choices, participants select an objectively correct choice from a set of distractors; these decisions have been shown to produce similar or weaker effects of the gaze bias. Although both forms of decision-making are the subject of scientific investigation, there are no studies that directly compare and contrast the two types. My project is the first to investigate the two decision types using a within-participants experimental design. Participants chose between option pairs in a 2-alternate-forced-choice task with trials grouped into 2 blocks: empirical and preferential. In the empirical block, option pairs contained one correct and one incorrect choice whereas in the preferential condition, option pairs were equal in value (i.e., no correct or incorrect choice). Reaction times for each choice, the number of looks, and duration of gaze for each option were recorded using a computer and eye tracker. To test whether the gaze bias effect occurs equally across these two decision types, different decision stimuli (features, math expressions, and words related to social biases) were used. These experiments thus help to differentiate between preferential and empirical decision using a novel method. Further, by introducing social influences in the manipulations, this research also extends our understanding of social influences on decision-making.
... Türkiye'de Covid-19 pandemisi ile mücadele kapsamında alınan tedbirler kişileri kısıtlı hareket alanına yönlendirmektedir. Bu tedbirler her ne kadar Covid-19 hastalığı ile mücadele için planlanmış olsa da izolasyon sürecinin beraberinde gelen hareketsizlik için önlem alınmaması bir takım sağlık risklerini de beraberinde getirebilecektir.Yeme farkındalığı, açlık ve tokluğu etkileyen içsel ve dışsal etmenlerin farkında olarak yeme ve yeme sürecinin tamamen bilincinde olma olarak tanımlanmaktadır.4 Birey ve toplum düzeyindeki farkındalık uygulamaları bireysel sağlığın ve çevresel sağlığın korunmasına yardımcı olacaktır.5 ...
Amaç: Bu araştırmada Covid-19 pandemisi sürecinde sporcu üniversite öğrencilerinin yeme farkındalığı ve sosyal görünüş kaygısı düzeylerinin çeşitli değişkenler açısından etkisinin incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Gereç ve Yöntem: Araştırma evrenini Adıyaman Üniversitesi’nde öğrenim gören sporcu üniversite öğrencileri oluşturmaktadır. Araştırmanın örneklem grubu ise 2020-2021 eğitim öğretim yılında Adıyaman Üniversitesi’nin Beden Eğitimi ve Spor Yüksekokulunun farklı bölümlerinde öğrenim gören 165 kadın ve 212 erkek olmak üzere 377 sporcu üniversite öğrencisinden oluşmaktadır. Araştırmada veri toplama aracı olarak yeme davranışı farkındalık seviyesini ölçmek için Yeme Farkındalığı Ölçeği (YFÖ30) ile Sosyal Görünüş Kaygısı Ölçeği (SGKÖ) kullanılmıştır. Bulgular: Sporcu öğrencilerin yeme farkındalığı ölçeği toplam puanı ile sosyal görünüş kaygısı ölçeği toplam puanı arasında ortanın üstünde pozitif yönde güçlü bir ilişki tespit edilmiştir. Sonuç: Genç erişkin bireylerde sağlığın korunması ve geliştirilmesi amacıyla yürütülen eğitim programlarında yeme farkındalığı uygulamalarının da göz önünde bulundurularak farklı diyet yaklaşımlarını içeren eğitimlerin de verilmesi gerektiği düşünülmektedir.
... Besides the characteristics of the products, the specific features of consumers are important in driving finfish preferences. Especially in quick decision making, the consumer bases her/his judgment upon heuristics and rules-of-thumb which can entail a priority among the different features and characteristics of the products (Wansink & Sobal, 2007). Consumers can be easily classified according to their sociodemographic characteristics, such as: income, education, household size and living area. ...
Purpose Given food industry manufacturers and retailers' growing economic interest in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), this research aims to contribute to the understanding of consumer food decisions in this specific geographical area. Thus, the intention is to analyze whether there are significant differences in the appreciation of food values according to certain key demographics of consumers (related to the individual and the context) in one of the largest SSA economies: Nigeria. Design/methodology/approach The review of the relevant literature enabled us to propose a series of hypotheses regarding potential significant differences in the appreciation of a series of food values (in particular, price, safety, environmental impact, nutrition and weight and measures) according to variables related to the individual and the economic and social context. In order to test the hypotheses, a structured questionnaire was personally administered to 500 Lagos residents between June and July 2020. The questionnaire contained, as well as diverse questions related to the appreciation of food values selected for this study, a group of questions about the consumers' sociodemographic characteristics – at both the individual and context level. The database was analyzed using descriptive statistics and Kruskal–Wallis tests. Findings The results show that nutrition and weight and measurement values are the most and least appreciated food values, respectively. However, these values differ across segments determined by the chosen sociodemographic variables. Research limitations/implications The results of this study are preliminary and not a complete representation of the Lagos State population, and, consequently, of the Nigerian population. Additional studies in the same and other countries in SSA are needed to confirm the authors’ findings. The results, however, provide an insight into what the most likely outcomes are. A field survey was used as respondents tend not to answer online surveys spontaneously. Practical implications Food manufacturers and retailers should encourage consumer-operator feedback mechanisms to improve product characteristics and development. The variations found across each segment can be capitalized upon for advertising and branding food products. Originality/value Having selected a country in SSA for the study is an important contribution, given that few studies have focused on this geographical area.
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During the Covid-19 pandemic, the use of cell phones increased due to the confinement that implied more time at home and carrying out virtual activities, this modified some behaviors, among which eating behavior stands out. The objective of this study was to analyze the relationship between cell phone use patterns and their use during eating episodes. An online survey created on the Google forms platform was sent via email, which was based on the Mobile Phone Problematic Use Scale (MPPUS) and was answered anonymously. Regarding the use of cell phones during meals, 33.1 per cent of the total participants presented this behavior always or almost always and 30.7 per cent sometimes. Problematic cell phone use was higher in the group that was in confinement (5.6 vs 1.8 per cent), being more pronounced in women (p = 0.011). In the group of occasional cell phone users, 2.2 por ciento used it during meals and in the group with problematic use, 80.8 per cent (p < 0.000). People from 29 to 59 years old were the ones who most reported using it at all times of food (65.1 per cent) followed by young people (34.9 per cent).
This paper focuses on the impact of marketing-related sensory factors on consumers’ healthy food consumption and reviews relevant studies published in top marketing journals after 2000. We found that the association between sensory factors and healthy food consumption has been of interest in a variety of marketing-related fields, including consumer behavior, advertising, public policy, and retailing. Through the review, we suggest five future research directions for sensory nudging on healthy food consumption: the need to examine non-visual sensory factors, multi/cross-modal sensory effects, cultural differences, the promotion of research in line with real-world food consumption, and the need for more comprehensive and long-term validation of the relationship between healthy eating and sensory marketing.
How food is produced and consumed matters for both our health and our societies’ ecological footprint. Yet, food practices are a topic at the margins of news coverage and journalism studies. We narrow this research gap by exploring the framing of food in the news. Combining automated and manual content analysis, we study 10,022 articles published in elite newspapers from Germany, the United States (U.S.) and India (2016–2018). Food-related terms are frequently mentioned, but rarely become the main topic of an article. We identified 23 topics associated with five broader frames. The frames Pleasure and Art of Eating and Drinking and Body and Health are most prominent, while other aspects as articulated in the frames Sustainable Living, and Rituals and Traditions as well as Convenience and Price are neglected. U.S. newspapers tend to focus on recipes and restaurant reviews. Indian newspapers highlight health issues and weight loss. In Germany, there was less coverage focusing on food, but with a more even attention to different frames. Food reporting remains to be apolitical, a diversity of food choices is covered – with subtle disregard for questions of sustainability.
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Built environments at many scales influence the type and amount of food consumed. Macroscale food systems and food landscapes influence food choices, and microscale rooms, furniture, containers, and objects influence food intake. The authors review literature about how four ubiquitous microscale built environments are persistent but often unrecognized influences on food intake. Kitchenscapes influence food intake through availability, diversity, and visibility of foods; tablescapes through variety, abundance, and accessibility; platescapes through portion and/or package size, arrangement, and utensil type; and food-scapes through food-item forms and landmarks. Microgeographies of built environments provide a subtle, pervasive, and often unconscious influence on food choices, food intake, obesity, and health. Reengineering built environments may offer opportunities to shape food intake.
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Calorie underestimation is often alleged to contribute to obesity. By developing a psychophysical model of meal size estimation, the authors show that the association between body mass and calorie underestimation found in health science research is a spurious consequence of the tendency of high-body-mass people to choose--and thus estimate--larger meals. In four studies involving consumers and dieticians, the authors find that the calorie estimations of high- and low-body-mass people follow the same compressive power function; that is, they exhibit the same diminishing sensitivity to meal size changes as the size of the meal increases. The authors also find that using a piecemeal decomposition improves calorie estimation and leads people to choose smaller, but equally satisfying, fast-food meals. The findings that biases in calorie estimation are caused by meal size and not body size have important implications for allegations against the food industry and for the clinical treatment of obesity.
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Questioned the ecological validity of judgmental biases demonstrated in the laboratory. One objection to these demonstrations is that evolutionary pressures would have rendered such maladaptive behaviors extinct if they had any impact in the "real world." The author attempts to show that even beneficial adaptations may have costs. This argument is extended to propose 3 types of judgment errors (strategy-based errors, association-based errors, and psychophysical based errors), each of which is a cost of a highly adaptive system. This taxonomy of judgment behaviors is used to advance hypotheses as to which debiasing techniques are likely to succeed in each category. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Reviews evidence which suggests that there may be little or no direct introspective access to higher order cognitive processes. Ss are sometimes (a) unaware of the existence of a stimulus that importantly influenced a response, (b) unaware of the existence of the response, and (c) unaware that the stimulus has affected the response. It is proposed that when people attempt to report on their cognitive processes, that is, on the processes mediating the effects of a stimulus on a response, they do not do so on the basis of any true introspection. Instead, their reports are based on a priori, implicit causal theories, or judgments about the extent to which a particular stimulus is a plausible cause of a given response. This suggests that though people may not be able to observe directly their cognitive processes, they will sometimes be able to report accurately about them. Accurate reports will occur when influential stimuli are salient and are plausible causes of the responses they produce, and will not occur when stimuli are not salient or are not plausible causes. (86 ref)
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Although many factors have been proposed and studied as causes of onset and termination of meals by humans, little attention has been paid to memory for what has previously been eaten. We propose that a principal determinant of meal onset and cessation in humans is memory of when a last meal,was eaten and how much,vas consumed. Knowledge that one has just eaten a culturally defined complete meal may be sufficient grounds for refusal of further food. This hypothesis was tested by studying two densely amnesic patients who had almost no explicit memory for events that occurred more than a minute ago, and who, in particular usually failed to remember that they had just eaten a meal. Both patients (on three occasions each) readily consumed a second lunch when it was offered IO to 30 min after completion of the first meal, and usually began to consume a third meal when it,vas offered IO to 30 min after completion of the second meal. These findings suggest that memory for,that has recently been eaten is a substantial contributor to the onset or cessation of eating of a meal.
People base thousands of choices across a lifetime on the views they hold of their skill and moral character, yet a growing body of research in psychology shows that such self-views are often misguided or misinformed. Anyone who has dealt with others in the classroom, in the workplace, in the medical office, or on the therapist's couch has probably experienced people whose opinions of themselves depart from the objectively possible. This book outlines some of the common errors that people make when they evaluate themselves. It also describes the many psychological barriers - some that people build by their own hand - that prevent individuals from achieving self-insight about their ability and character. The first section of the book focuses on mistaken views of competence, and explores why people often remain blissfully unaware of their incompetence and personality flaws. The second section focuses on faulty views of character, and explores why people tend to perceive they are more unique and special than they really are, why people tend to possess inflated opinions of their moral fiber that are not matched by their deeds, and why people fail to anticipate the impact that emotions have on their choices and actions. The book will be of great interest to students and researchers in social, personality, and cognitive psychology, but, through the accessibility of its writing style, it will also appeal to those outside of academic psychology with an interest in the psychological processes that lead to our self-insight.
Since the late 1970s, theorizing in psychological social psychology has been dominated by the computer metaphor of information processing models, which fostered an emphasis on “cold” cognition and the conceptualization of individuals as isolated information processors. More recent research shows a renewed interest in the interplay of feeling and thinking in social judgment and in the role of unconscious processes in reasoning and behavior. Moreover, research into socially situated cognition and the interplay of communication and cognition highlights the role of conversational norms, social interdependence, and power in social judgment. Experimental research into these issues is reviewed. The emerging picture is compatible with social psychology's latest metaphor, humans as motivated tacticians who pragmatically adapt their reasoning strategies to the requirements at hand.