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Educational Psychology Papers and Publications Educational Psychology, Department of
12-3-1995
Metacognitive eories
Gregory Schraw
University of Nebraska - Lincoln, gschraw@unlv.nevada.edu
David Moshman
University of Nebraska - Lincoln, dmoshman1@unl.edu
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Schraw, Gregory and Moshman, David, "Metacognitive eories" (1995). Educational Psychology Papers and Publications. Paper 40.
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351
Published in Educational Psychology Review 7:4 (1995), pp. 351–371.
Copyright © 1995 Plenum Publishing Corporation. Used by permission.
http://www.springerlink.com/content/1040-726X
Metacognitive Theories
Gregory Schraw and David Moshman
Department of Educational Psychology, 1313 Seaton Hall,
University of Nebraska–Lincoln, Lincoln, Nebraska 68588–0641
This paper proposes a framework for understanding people’s theories about their own
cognition. Metacognitive theories are defi ned broadly as systematic frameworks used
to explain and direct cognition, metacognitive knowledge, and regulatory skills. We
distinguish tacit, informal, and formal metacognitive theories and discuss critical dif-
ferences among them using criteria borrowed from the developmental literature. We
also consider the origin and development of these theories, as well as implications for
educational research and practice.
Keywords: metacognition, self-regulation, metacognitive theories, knowledge
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES
Hardly anyone questions the reality or importance of metacognition. Yet
among those who study it, there is considerable debate about the scope and
meaning of the term and the nature and interrelations among the various types
of metacognitive knowledge and processes that have proliferated in the psy-
chological literature (Alexander, Schallert, and Hare, 1991). The purpose of
this paper is to consider how individuals consolidate different kinds of meta-
cognitive knowledge and regulatory skills into systematized cognitive frame-
works that we refer to as metacognitive theories.
To do so, it is necessary to distinguish specifi c components of metacog-
nitive knowledge (e.g., conditional knowledge) and metacognitive regulation
(e.g., comprehension monitoring) from the systematic integration of these
components (e.g., theoretical knowledge about variables affecting cognitive
performance). The question of how individuals coordinate their knowledge
352 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
about cognitive structures has received little attention from researchers (see
King and Kitchener, 1994; Kitchener, 1983; Kuhn, 1989). We propose that in-
dividuals construct metacognitive theories for two reasons: (a) to systematize
their metacognitive knowledge, and (b) to understand and plan their own cog-
nitive activities within a formalized framework.
The fi rst section of this paper reviews standard accounts of metacogni-
tion and how metacognitive knowledge and regulation affect cognitive per-
formance. The second section provides a taxonomy of metacognitive theories
that range from tacit models of cognition to formalized theoretical structures.
The third section considers some of the ways that individuals construct meta-
cognitive theories. The fi nal section examines methodological and educational
implications of the present analysis.
TRADITIONAL ACCOUNTS OF METACOGNITION
Most accounts of metacognition make a basic distinction between meta-
cognitive knowledge (i.e., what one knows about cognition) and metacogni-
tive control processes (i.e., how one uses that knowledge to regulate cogni-
tion). Brown (1987) and Baker (1991), for example, distinguish knowledge
of cognition from regulation of cognition. In this section, we elaborate on the
distinction between metacognitive knowledge and regulation and consider
subprocesses involved in each.
Knowledge of Cognition
Knowledge of cognition refers to what individuals know about their own
cognition or about cognition in general. It usually includes three different
kinds of metacognitive awareness: declarative, procedural, and conditional
knowledge (Brown, 1987; Jacobs and Paris, 1987). Declarative knowledge
refers to knowing “about” things. Procedural knowledge refers to knowing
“how” to do things. Conditional knowledge refers to knowing the “why” and
“when” aspects of cognition.
Declarative Knowledge. Declarative knowledge includes knowledge
about oneself as a learner and about what factors infl uence one’s performance.
For example, research investigating metamemory (i.e., knowledge about me-
morial processes) indicates that adults have more knowledge than children
about the cognitive processes associated with memory (see Baker, 1989 for a
review). Similarly, good learners appear to have more knowledge about their
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES 353
own memory and are more likely than poor learners to use what they do know
(Garner, 1987; Schneider and Pressley, 1989). In one illustrative study, Leal
(1987) found that several subcomponents on a metamemory questionnaire
were signifi cantly related to course performance among college students, in-
cluding estimated savings (i.e., estimates of how much was remembered from
study episodes).
Procedural Knowledge. Procedural knowledge refers to knowledge about
the execution of procedural skills. Individuals with a high degree of proce-
dural knowledge use skills more automatically (Stanovich, 1990), are more
likely to sequence strategies effectively (Pressley, Borkowski, and Schneider,
1987), and use qualitatively different strategies to solve problems (Glaser and
Chi, 1988).
From an instructional standpoint, a number of studies report that help-
ing younger students increase their procedural knowledge improves their
on-line problem solving performance. King (1991), for example, compared
groups of fi fth-grade students in which individuals solved problems using a
problem-solving prompt card or solved problems without it. Those who re-
ceived explicit procedural training in how to use the prompt card solved
more problems on a paper-and-pencil test than the control group. The ex-
plicit training group also performed better than the control group on a novel
computer task.
Conditional Knowledge. Conditional knowledge refers to knowing when
and why to apply various cognitive actions (Garner, 1990; Lorch, Lorch,
and Klusewitz, 1993). It may be thought of as declarative knowledge about
the relative utility of cognitive procedures. For example, Lorch et al. (1993)
found that college students distinguished among the information-processing
demands of ten different types of reading situations. Students selected differ-
ent strategies most appropriate for each situation in an effort to better regulate
their learning. Students’ beliefs about the relative severity of demands placed
on their cognitive resources also differed across the 10 situations.
Recent studies suggest that conditional knowledge continues developing
at least through middle childhood. For instance, Miller (1985) found that al-
though kindergarten students showed conditional knowledge about their own
learning, they showed less knowledge than older children. Similarly, older
children and adults appear better able than younger learners to selectively al-
locate their attention based on conditional task demands (see Reynolds, 1992
for a review). Comparing adults, Justice and Weaver-McDougall (1989) found
a positive relationship between knowledge about the relative effectiveness of
strategies (i.e., conditional knowledge) and strategy use (i.e., regulation of
cognition).
354 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
Conclusion. Many studies support the claim that skilled learners pos-
sess declarative, procedural, and conditional knowledge about cognition. This
knowledge usually improves performance. Many theorists believe that meta-
cognitive knowledge appears early and continues to develop at least through-
out adolescence (Brown, 1987; Garner and Alexander, 1989; Flavell, 1987).
Adults tend to have more knowledge about their own cognition than do young
children and are better able to describe that knowledge (Baker, 1989). How-
ever, a number of studies reveal that children as young as six can refl ect with
accuracy on their own cognition, especially when asked to do so in a familiar
domain (see Flavell, 1992 for a review).
Metacognitive knowledge (i.e., knowledge of cognition) is not necessar-
ily statable (but see Brown, 1987). Children routinely demonstrate and use
knowledge about cognition without being able to express that knowledge
(Karmiloff-Smith, 1992, Chap. 5; Montgomery, 1992). Even adults experi-
ence great diffi culty providing explicit descriptions of their own expert cogni-
tion (Bereiter and Scardamalia, 1993; Chi, Glaser, and Farr, 1988). Although
metacognitive knowledge need not be statable to be useful, conscious access
to such information nevertheless may facilitate thinking and self-regulation.
Regulation of Cognition
Regulation of cognition refers to metacognitive activities that help con-
trol one’s thinking or learning. Although a number of regulatory skills have
been described in the literature, three essential skills are included in all ac-
counts: planning, monitoring, and evaluation (Jacobs and Paris, 1987; Kluwe,
1987).
Planning. Planning involves the selection of appropriate strategies and
the allocation of resources that affect performance. Examples include making
predictions before reading, strategy sequencing, and allocating time or atten-
tion selectively before beginning a task (Miller, 1985).
An in-depth analysis of how good and poor writers plan their writing has
been presented by Bereiter and Scardamalia (1987). One fi nding is that the abil-
ity to plan, and knowledge about this process, develops throughout childhood
and adolescence, improving dramatically between the ages of 10 and 14. Older,
more experienced writers engage in more global as opposed to local planning.
In addition, more experienced writers are better able to plan effectively regard-
less of text “content,” whereas poor writers are unable to do so. These fi nd-
ings are typical of the developmental sequence found when studying other types
of regulatory metacognition (Baker, 1989; Garner and Alexander, 1989). Older,
more experienced learners possess more knowledge about cognition and use
that knowledge to regulate their learning before they undertake a task.
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES 355
Monitoring. Monitoring refers to one’s on-line awareness of comprehen-
sion and task performance. The ability to engage in periodic self-testing while
learning is a good example. Research indicates that monitoring ability devel-
ops slowly and is quite poor in children and even adults (Glenberg, Sanocki,
Epstein, and Morris, 1987; Pressley and Ghatala, 1990). However, several re-
cent studies have found a link between metacognitive knowledge and moni-
toring accuracy. For example, Schraw (1994) found that adults’ ability to es-
timate how well they would understand a passage prior to reading was related
to monitoring accuracy on a post-reading comprehension test (see also Slife
and Weaver, 1992).
Studies also suggest that monitoring ability improves with training and
practice. For example, Delclos and Harrington (1991) examined fi fth- and
sixth-grader’s ability to solve computer problems after assignment to one of
three conditions. The fi rst group received specifi c problem-solving training,
the second received problem solving plus self-monitoring training, while the
third received no training. The monitored problem solving group solved more
of the diffi cult problems than either of the remaining groups and took less
time to do so. The group receiving problem solving and monitoring training
also solved complex problems faster than the control group.
Evaluation. Evaluation refers to appraising the products and regulatory
processes of one’s learning. Typical examples include re-evaluating one’s
goals and conclusions. A number of studies indicate that metacognitive
knowledge and regulatory skills such as planning are related to evaluation
(see Baker, 1989 for a summary). With respect to text revisions, for exam-
ple, Bereiter and Scardamalia (1987) found that poor writers were less able
than good writers to adopt the reader’s perspective and had more diffi culty
“diagnosing” text problems and correcting them. These differences were at-
tributed to the use of different mental models of writing. Good writers used
what Bereiter and Scardamalia (1987, p. 12) referred to as the “knowledge-
transforming” model. In contrast, poor writers used a “knowledge-telling”
model.
Conclusion. Researchers agree that regulatory competence improves per-
formance in a number of ways, including better use of cognitive resources
such as attention, better use of strategies, and a greater awareness of com-
prehension breakdowns. A number of studies report signifi cant improvement
in learning when regulatory skills and an understanding of how to use these
skills are included as part of classroom instruction (Cross and Paris, 1988;
Brown and Palincsar, 1989).
Brown (1987) has argued that regulatory processes—including plan-
ning, monitoring, and evaluation—may not be conscious or statable in many
learning situations. One reason is that many of these processes are highly
356 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
automated, at least among adults. A second reason is that some of these
processes have developed without any conscious refl ection and therefore
are diffi cult to report to others. A number of empirical studies support this
assumption.
Research also indicates that knowledge of cognition and regulation of
cognition are not independent of one another. Swanson (1990) reported stat-
able knowledge of cognition was an important constraint on problem solving
among fi fth- and sixth-grade students. Schraw (1994) found that college stu-
dents’ judgments of their ability to monitor their reading comprehension were
signifi cantly related to their observed monitoring accuracy.
Despite these conclusions, researchers disagree on how individuals con-
solidate metacognitive knowledge and how knowledge about cognition is
best characterized. In the next section, we propose a framework for address-
ing these questions. We argue that, although children as young as four possess
metacognitive knowledge, individuals differ greatly in the nature and extent
of their metacognitive theories.
CHARACTERISTICS AND TYPES OF METACOGNITIVE
THEORIES
Metacognitive theories are theories that integrate one’s knowledge about
cognition and regulation of cognition. By “theory” we mean a relatively sys-
tematic structure of knowledge that can be used to explain and predict a broad
range of empirical phenomena. By a “metacognitive theory” we mean a rela-
tively systematic structure of knowledge that can be used to explain and pre-
dict a broad range of cognitive and metacognitive phenomena.
Within the specifi c domain of metacognition, theorists, and research-
ers have suggested that knowledge about cognition often is codifi ed in some
systematic framework. For example, the term metacognitive knowledge of-
ten is used to refer to a systematic body of knowledge about one’s cogni-
tion. In some cases, individuals use this systematic knowledge to construct
theories. Current research suggests that children as young as three or four
appear to possess tacit theories of their own cognition (Flavell, Miller, and
Miller, 1993; Karmiloff-Smith, 1992; Montgomery, 1992). These theories
serve both social and cognitive functions (Flavell, 1992; Moore and Frye,
1991) and develop slowly at least through adolescence (Chandler, 1988;
King and Kitchener, 1994). In this section, we (a) clarify the concept of
metacognitive theory, (b) consider several general characteristics of meta-
cognitive theories, and (c) distinguish among three different types of meta-
cognitive theories.
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES 357
Metacognitive Theories
By a metacognitive theory we mean a theory of cognition. Metacog-
nitive theories are a subset of theories of mind in that the class of all the-
ories of mind includes, but is not limited to, theories of cognition. Theo-
ries of mind address mental phenomena such as emotion, personality, and
so forth (Astington, 1993; Flavell, 1992; Moore and Frye, 1991). Metacog-
nitive theories are those theories of mind that focus on cognitive aspects of
the mind.
In theorizing about cognition, individuals create and synthesize meta-
cognitive knowledge. It is crucial, however, to distinguish (a) the struc-
tured knowledge that comprises a theory from (b) the phenomena the theory
is about. All theories are cognitive in that they are structures of knowledge,
but not all theories are about cognition. Metacognitive theories are theories
about cognition. As such, they comprise metacognitive knowledge but they
are not necessarily about such knowledge. Rather, theories about metacogni-
tion would constitute meta-metacognitive knowledge. Such theories represent
only a subset of metacognitive theories (see Bunge, 1972; Byrnes, 1992 for
related discussions).
Characteristics of Metacognitive Theories
A variety of criteria have been suggested for distinguishing a theory from
a nontheoretical body of knowledge. Our defi nition of the term suggests two
primary characteristics of metacognitive theories that justify classifying them
as a distinct and important subset of metacognitive knowledge. Specifi cally,
metacognitive theories (a) integrate a wide range of metacognitive knowl-
edge and experiences, and (b) permit explanation and prediction of cognitive
behavior.
One primary characteristic of a metacognitive theory is that it allows
an individual to integrate diverse aspects of metacognition within a single
framework (cf. Kuhn, 1989). For example, research indicates that young
children often fi nd it diffi cult to use their knowledge about memory and
learning strategies to regulate their cognition (Flavell et al., 1993). One rea-
son is that children have not integrated their metacognitive knowledge and
regulatory skills within a unifi ed conceptual framework. As a consequence,
many of the skills at their disposal remain inert and diffi cult to apply be-
yond the context in which they were learned (cf. Kuhn, Schauble, and Gar-
cia-Mila, 1992).
358 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
Second, metacognitive theories coordinate beliefs or postulates that allow
individuals to predict, control, and explain their cognition, the cognition of
others, or cognition in general (Flavell, 1992; Montgomery, 1992). Consider,
for example, the Good Strategy User as described by Pressley et al. (1987).
This individual understands that effective learning depends on activating rel-
evant knowledge from memory, using automated procedures whenever pos-
sible, allocating one’s resources in a planful way, using strategies selectively,
and motivating oneself to learn the material at a deeper level of understand-
ing. To the extent that such understanding is suffi ciently coordinated to en-
hance control of one’s learning, it constitutes a theory of what it means to be
an effective learner.
Of course, the degree to which a metacognitive theory possesses each
of these properties, and the degree to which an individual is aware of these
properties, varies from person to person. We believe metacognitive theories
change gradually over time given personal experience and self-refl ection. In
the next section, we describe three different metacognitive theories indicative
of this change.
Types of Metacognitive Theories
We propose three different kinds of metacognitive theories: (a) tacit, (b)
explicit but informal, and (c) explicit and formal. Henceforth, we refer to
these as tacit, informal, and formal metacognitive theories.
Tacit Theories. Tacit theories are those acquired or constructed without
any explicit awareness that one possesses a theory (McCutcheon, 1992). Con-
sider the work of Dweck and Leggett (1988), who have argued that young
children hold “implicit” theories about the nature of intelligence that, in turn,
affect their behavior in the classroom. An incremental theory in this frame-
work is one in which the child believes that intelligence is malleable and sub-
ject to change through other- or self-directed processes. Given the two criteria
proposed above, one could argue that a child’s implicit beliefs about intelli-
gence constitute a theory because they allow the child to synthesize obser-
vations about the nature of intelligence and make predictions based on those
observations. It is tacit in the sense that many children do not spontaneously
report holding a “theory of intelligence” even though they systematically ex-
press beliefs consistent with such a theory.
Tacit theories about one’s own cognition or about the epistemic nature of
the world also affect the way adults perform (Sternberg and Caruso, 1985).
McCutcheon (1992) describes how teachers’ tacit theories affect their interac-
tions with students and curricular choices. Kagan (1992) also reviews a num-
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES 359
ber of the ways in which beliefs and tacit theories affect teachers’ decision
making. One important fi nding is that tacit theories may be diffi cult to change
even when individuals are encouraged explicitly to do so (see Guzzetti, Sny-
der, Glass, and Gamas, 1993, for a related review).
We view tacit metacognitive theories as gradually constructed, implicit
organizational frameworks that systematize one’s metacognitive knowledge.
Some of the beliefs about cognition that form the core of one’s metacognitive
theory may be acquired from peers, teachers, or one’s culture. In the realms of
scientifi c and informal reasoning, Kuhn (1989, 1991) has referred to these as
“reasoning scripts.” Other aspects of one’s metacognitive theory may be con-
structed tacitly based on personal experience or adaptations from others (Paris
and Byrnes, 1989).
Perhaps the most salient aspect of a tacit metacognitive theory as opposed
to an explicit one is that an individual is not readily aware of either the theory
itself or evidence that supports or refutes it. Thus, tacit theories are not readily
distinguished from, or tested against, relevant data (Kuhn, 1989; Moshman,
1979). To the extent that they remain tacit, metacognitive theories may be per-
sistent even when they are false and maladaptive.
Informal Theories. Informal theories often are fragmentary in that indi-
viduals are aware of some of their beliefs and assumptions regarding a phe-
nomenon, but have not yet constructed an explicit theoretical structure that
integrates and justifi es these beliefs. Informal theorists may have only a ru-
dimentary awareness of their own metacognitive knowledge. Informal theo-
ries develop slowly and are affected by a number of social and personal in-
fl uences on theorizing described later in this paper (Kuhn, 1989; Paris and
Byrnes, 1989).
One important difference between tacit and informal theorists is that the
latter possess some degree of explicit metacognition. It seems likely that sim-
ple informal theories begin as domain-specifi c entities (Kuhn et al., 1992;
Paris and Byrnes, 1989) and gradually are generalized to other domains. In-
creasing the depth and breadth of metacognitive theories over time may al-
low informal theorists to better understand and direct constructive processes
(Flavell et al., 1993; Montgomery, 1992). We view emerging recognition and
control of constructive processes as an essential feature of informal metacog-
nitive theories that is not found among tacit theorists. Awareness of the con-
structive nature of knowledge and theories is important because, without it,
individuals are unable to strategically modify their theories, and as a conse-
quence, should be less able to regulate their cognition and learning. With such
an awareness, individuals can begin to (a) purposefully formalize informal as-
pects of their theory, and (b) evaluate the adequacy of their metacognitive the-
ory as it becomes increasingly formalized.
360 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
One interesting example of how tacit theories develop into increasingly
sophisticated informal theories comes from the literature on false beliefs
(Moore and Frye, 1991). Research indicates that very young children simply
do not question the truth and certainty of their own beliefs or those of others
(Montgomery, 1992). One reason is that most children younger than four are
unable to conceptualize false beliefs and therefore fi nd it impossible to think
of true (or false) beliefs as a subset of beliefs in general.
By the age of four, however, most children recognize that beliefs can
be false and that it is thus reasonable to inquire about the truth or falsity
of a claim as part of the reasoning process (Flavell et al., 1993). At this
age, children begin to develop what Flavell et al. refer to as postulates re-
garding the truth and certainty of a claim. Although initially tacit, such pos-
tulates over time may provide a basis for testing an increasingly explicit
metacognitive theory. At the age of six, children also begin to develop an
awareness that knowledge and understanding are constructed and that they
have some degree of control over this process. Understanding the construc-
tive nature of knowing may help children develop rudimentary informal
theories of their own thinking (Montgomery, 1992), although such theories
clearly continue to develop well into adolescence (Chandler, 1988; King
and Kitchener, 1994).
One distinct advantage of an informal metacognitive theory compared to
a tacit one is that it enables individuals to refl ect purposefully and systemat-
ically on their performance and, in turn, to use this information to modify or
redirect their future performance and thinking (Kuhn et al., 1992). For exam-
ple, Moshman (1990) argued that children who apply tacit logical rules expe-
rience more diffi culty solving complex deductive reasoning problems than in-
dividuals who have explicit knowledge (i.e., an informal theory) concerning
the nature and use of such rules. One explanation is that individuals adopting
a “theory-driven” approach are better able to think about their performance
and understand it as an integrated system of actions.
A second advantage of explicit theories is that individuals can begin to
distinguish formal from empirical aspects, where the formal aspect refers to
the structure and contents of the theory, and the empirical aspect refers to data
that the theory attempts to explain (Hergenhahn and Olson, 1993). Making
this distinction allows beginning informal theorists to evaluate formal aspects
of their theory in light of disconfi rming empirical evidence. In comparison,
tacit theorists may abandon formal aspects of their theory on the basis of irrel-
evant evidence or ignore relevant, disconfi rming evidence because it threatens
the integrity of formal aspects of their theory.
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES 361
A third advantage of explicit theories is that distinguishing the structure
of one’s metacognitive theory from evidence that supports or refutes it is a
necessary step in the development of more sophisticated theories. For ex-
ample, Reich, Oser, and Valentin (1994) have argued that knowledge about
the knowing process develops in a predictable sequence in which individu-
als fi rst become aware of changes in their beliefs, develop reasons for these
changes, and fi nally attempt to explain these changes in terms of a lay the-
ory of mind.
Formal Theories. Formal theories consist of highly systematized ac-
counts of a phenomenon involving explicit theoretical structures such as those
encountered in university classes in physics, music, or statistics. An exam-
ple in the cognitive domain is Sternberg’s (1986) triarchic theory of intelli-
gence. No doubt formal theories about one’s performance or anything else are
rare outside the realm of one’s immediate expertise, if they even occur there
(Kuhn, 1989). McCutcheon (1992), for instance, reports that formal theories
of pedagogy are rare even among skilled teachers. Schon (1987) makes a sim-
ilar argument regarding other domains of expertise. Nevertheless, when they
exist, formal theories may exert a profound impact on performance and on the
understanding of performance.
Presently, it is unclear what constitutes a formal metacognitive theory of
one’s cognition. One possible example of a formal metacognitive theorist is
the Good Strategy User as described by Pressley et al. (1987). The metacog-
nitive knowledge of the Good Strategy User is not only integrated and ex-
plicit, but in some individuals (e.g., professional educators) may constitute a
formalized theoretical structure involving a set of postulates that can be used
to test and evaluate one’s metacognitive knowledge.
In addition, it is likely that formal theorists possess some explicit aware-
ness of the constructive nature of theorizing and engage in purposeful efforts
to construct and modify metacognitive theories (Kuhn et al., 1992; Paris and
Byrnes, 1989). One potential advantage of a formal metacognitive theory
is that it allows the individual to make informed choices about self-regula-
tory behaviors. Reich et al. (1994, p. 168) refer to individuals who make such
choices as “producers of their own development.”
In related work, Kuhn (1989) has described two skills that may be neces-
sary for the construction of a formal theory. One is the ability to clearly dis-
tinguish and coordinate the formal and empirical aspects of a theory. Formal
theorists understand that the formal and empirical aspects of a theory are con-
ceptually independent of each other even though each can be used to evaluate
the adequacy of the other.
362 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
A second skill is the ability to evaluate and interpret the meaning of
empirical evidence apart from the formal aspects of one’s theory. Kuhn re-
ports strong developmental changes in this regard in which children and
some adolescents appear unable to evaluate the adequacy of empirical data.
In contrast, professional scientists evaluate evidence with a far greater de-
gree of accuracy. It appears likely that the ability to use evidence to test the
formal aspects of a theory is a late developing skill associated with formal
theorizing.
Summary. We have proposed three types of metacognitive theories and
considered how each differs from the others. These theories form a natu-
rally occurring hierarchy of knowledge about cognitive and metacognitive
processes. At one end of this continuum are tacit theories, which provide
limited guidance and explanatory power. These theories are characterized
by loosely systematized knowledge and postulates that are not known con-
sciously by the theorist. Informal theories are partially accessible to the the-
orist and presumably play a greater role in self-regulation. Formal theories
provide an explicit framework for understanding and regulating one’s cog-
nition. Moreover, because their formal and empirical aspects are explicitly
distinguished, they are more subject than informal theories to purposeful
and rigorous evaluation.
Little has been said, however, about what personal and cultural factors in-
fl uence the construction and development of metacognitive theories. The next
section examines three important infl uences, including cultural learning, indi-
vidual construction, and peer interactions. This section also describes experi-
mental fi ndings that are relevant to each of these three infl uences.
SOURCES OF METACOGNITIVE THEORIES
This section explores in more detail the origins of metacognitive theories.
We consider three factors that we believe interact to bring about change: cul-
tural learning, individual construction, and peer interaction.
Cultural Learning. One possibility is that metacognitive theories are in-
ternalized from one’s culture via social learning. Socially shared conceptions
about the nature of cognition are transmitted to children via informal experi-
ence and formal education. The most obvious sort of cultural learning is di-
rect instruction in which students are taught to use a specifi ed set of cognitive
skills and are shown how to coordinate the use of these skills (see Pressley,
Harris, and Marks, 1992).
One example of such an approach is the work of Paris and colleagues
(Cross and Paris, 1988; Jacobs and Paris, 1987; Paris, Cross, and Lipson,
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES 363
1984). In a series of studies, children were taught cognitive and metacogni-
tive skills using the Informed Strategies for Learning (ISL) program which
focused on increasing declarative, procedural, and conditional knowledge
about the reading process. For example, students received modeled instruc-
tion, guided practice, and independent practice on specifi c reading strategies
such as identifying main ideas. Students also were provided with regular feed-
back regarding their use of strategies. Last, the ISL program also sought to
create higher levels of student involvement and awareness via the use of bul-
letin boards and periodic group discussions.
Cross and Paris (1988) reported signifi cant gains between the third and
fi fth grades with respect to knowledge about cognition and regulation of cog-
nition while reading. Knowledge of cognition, which was defi ned as an aware-
ness of variables that infl uence thinking, was measured using a 15-question
reading awareness interview as well as a strategy rating task in which stu-
dents identifi ed strategies that would be most helpful for learning new mate-
rial in a particular situation. Regulation of cognition, which was defi ned as the
ability to regulate one’s learning, was measured by comparing pre- and post-
test measures of error detection profi ciency and changes in reading compre-
hension. Unlike the treatment group, signifi cant changes did not occur among
control subjects. Similar results have been reported by Kurtz and Borkowski
(1987) and Palincsar and Brown (1984).
Notwithstanding these fi ndings, it is unclear whether formal instruction
using ISL or other direct instructional approaches leads to the development
of informal or formal metacognitive theories among students. Moreover, if
such theories do exist following direct instruction, they may be less useful to
students than self-constructed theories. Future research should compare those
who show evidence of a tacit, informal, or formal theory following instruction
to those who do not show evidence of a theory.
Individual Construction. Much of what people know about cognition de-
velops outside the realm of formal or informal instruction. We believe indi-
viduals spontaneously construct metacognitive theories for at least two rea-
sons. One is to systematize their growing repertoire of cognitive skills and
strategies as well as metacognitive knowledge about those strategies. A sec-
ond reason is to come to grips with what it means to be an effective, strategic
learner.
Individuals no doubt utilize a variety of strategies to construct metacog-
nitive theories. In some cases, construction may involve what Flavell et al.
(1993) refer to as phenomenological bootstrapping (see also Beckwith, 1991),
in which children and adults project their cognitive experiences onto others
and/or use these experiences as a basis for general refl ection on the nature of
cognition.
364 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
Other theorists also note the important role of private, refl ective analy-
sis of one’s own cognition. Paris and Byrnes (1989) have suggested that self-
directed refl ection develops in young children as part of self-correction and
takes on increasing importance as children grow older. Kamiloff-Smith (1992)
takes a similar view, suggesting that refl ection leads to the restructuring of
one’s knowledge in a manner that promotes an increasingly theoretical un-
derstanding of one’s cognition. Both Paris and Byrnes (1989) and Karmiloff-
Smith (1992) view theory building as initially domain-specifi c, followed by a
gradual extension of one’s theory to other domains.
Peer Interaction. A third factor, and one we wish to highlight, is social
interaction among peers (Youniss and Damon, 1992). By peers we mean in-
dividuals who are roughly at the same cognitive level in relevant aspects so
that none can be considered an expert with cultural knowledge to be passed
on to the others. Peer interaction involves a process of social construction that
differs in part from both cultural transmission and individual construction
(Brown and Palincsar, 1989; Pressley et al., 1992), even though it also may be
affected by cultural processes (Rogoff, 1990; Vygotsky, 1978). One way this
occurs is when groups of individuals engage in collective reasoning. A recent
review by Pontecorvo (1993) describes a number of advantages of collective
and socially shared reasoning processes, but especially the role played by re-
solving group dissension.
One example of the effect of peer interaction is a recent study in which
Geil and Moshman (1994) asked college students to solve Wason’s (1966)
four-card problem. This task requires a person to decide which of four cards
needs to be examined further (i.e., turned over) in order to conclusively deter-
mine the truth or falsity of a given hypothesis. Success on this task requires
the metatheoretical insight that all those cards—and only those cards—that
could falsify the hypothesis must be turned over in order to reach a defi nitive
conclusion. Geil and Moshman proposed that individuals working as a group
would engage in more sophisticated hypothesis testing than individuals work-
ing alone.
Students were asked to solve the problem individually or in groups of
fi ve or six. Only 9% of students reached the correct solution in the individual
condition, whereas 75% of the groups did so. In half of the groups, students
were asked to solve the problem individually prior to group discussion. Of
these individuals, 35 gave an incorrect answer before discussion and a correct
answer afterward, whereas only two showed the reverse pattern. These results
are consistent with the view that discussion of one’s metacognitive concep-
tions with others may help clarify those conceptions and improve complex
problem solving.
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES 365
A cultural learning explanation of these results would suggest that stu-
dents changed their responses because they internalized either the majority
view or the view of one or more group members who were perceived as ex-
perts. The data contradict this explanation, however. The correct response was
not initially the majority view, or even the most common view, in any of those
groups in which individual problem solving preceded group discussion. In
three of those groups, in fact, not a single individual initially selected the pat-
tern of cards that showed understanding of the role of falsifi cation in hypoth-
esis testing. All three of these groups nonetheless were among those that ulti-
mately agreed on the correct response.
It appears, then, that the falsifi cation insight was actively constructed
and/or applied in the course of the discussion rather than being imposed by
the majority or by an expert. It is noteworthy in this respect that there was ini-
tial disagreement in all of the groups. One may speculate that this facilitated
group interaction and that such interaction is at least as important as individ-
ual refl ection in the construction of a metacognitive theory.
Conclusion. It seems plausible that cultural learning, individual construc-
tion, and peer interaction all play important roles in the emergence of meta-
cognitive theories. Moreover, it is likely that their infl uence is interactive
rather than simply additive. By interactive, we mean that improvements made
via any of the three factors described above reciprocally affect the remaining
factors. For example, the communication of specifi c information about cogni-
tion via direct instruction may enhance a student’s ability to construct an in-
formal or formal theory of his or her own cognition. Similarly, peer discussion
and collective theorizing about cognition may enhance the effectiveness of di-
rect instruction. In general, we believe that cultural learning, individual con-
struction, and peer interaction are not mutually exclusive pathways to self-
regulation, but are interrelated. An important direction for future research is
to explore the interactive role of these factors in the emergence of metacogni-
tive theories.
ISSUES OF RESEARCH AND PRACTICE
Assessment
Research and application with respect to metacognitive theories require
means for characterizing such theories. One possible approach is to model a
person’s expertise, including his or her metacognitive theory about that ex-
pertise, using verbal report procedures (Ericsson and Oliver, 1988). While
366 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
subject to criticism, under some circumstances the verbal report technique
offers direct access to otherwise unobservable processes such as metacog-
nition, mental models, and personal theories. We believe this method may
be especially useful during preliminary investigations of metacognitive
theories.
A second approach is to compare individuals on a task that can be per-
formed more effi ciently with a theory-in-action, by implementing a mental
model of the task at hand, or when one possesses a formal metacognitive the-
ory. For example, Karmiloff-Smith and Inhelder (1974-75), found that older
children were more likely than younger children to construct a theory-in-ac-
tion of a block balancing task and, in turn, to use evidence from their perfor-
mance to confi rm or disconfi rm their theory. Verifi cation of the theory led to
improved performance. Similarly, Bereiter and Scardamalia (1987) proposed
that the use of different mental models of writing led to differences in the
quality of writing among older children and adults. One possibility would be
to observe expert and novice teachers as they evaluate their students. These
teachers would be expected to differ in two ways: (a) with respect to their
explicit awareness of their own metacognitive theory, and (b) the extent to
which they use their metacognitive theory to evaluate their students’ cognition
and performance.
A third approach is to use computer modeling techniques to approximate
the structure of a metacognitive theory. For example, Goldsmith, Johnson, and
Acton (1991) have generated multidimensional representations of complex
structural knowledge within a domain using the Pathfi nder system. Computer
simulations in this case are based on empirical data collected from students
who completed a semester-long course. Simulations also could be created
based on theory-driven parameters rather than empirical data. This procedure
is fairly routine among researchers attempting to construct expert systems and
artifi cial intelligence.
It is important to note, however, that numerous measurement problems
are endemic to the study of metacognition and especially metacognitive the-
ories. Due to the complexity of the knowledge that must be assessed, prob-
lems related to reliability are inevitable. Assuming that metacognitive theo-
ries can be detected reliably, the problem of comparing one person’s theory
to another still exists. Although computer programs are available to make
such comparisons (Goldsmith et al., 1991), they are not without their crit-
ics. One of the greatest challenges for researchers will be to develop reli-
able methodologies for detecting and representing people’s metacognitive
theories.
METACOGNITIVE THEORIES 367
Educational Implications
One criticism of traditional instruction is that it encourages passive rather
than active learning and thus may lead to inert knowledge structures. Many
recent instructional programs have sought to improve learning by encourag-
ing students to be more active and constructive and by providing greater op-
portunities for peer interaction. For example, a number of programs designed
to improve reading provide explicit and sustained strategy instruction in skills
such as predicting and summarizing (Brown and Palincsar, 1989) and encour-
age discussions designed to increase metacognitive awareness about those
strategies (Cross and Paris, 1988).
Although many of these programs are quite effective at improving strat-
egy use, performance, and metacognitive awareness, few if any seek to pro-
mote what we refer to as metacognitive theories. Thus, although students may
attempt spontaneously to systematize their skills and knowledge into a the-
ory-like structure, there is little encouragement or assistance for such efforts.
Lacking a theory, many students are unable to explain their cognitive perfor-
mance or to plan effectively.
Kuhn (1989) has argued that children and adolescents have a great deal
of diffi culty engaging in scientifi c reasoning because they fail to understand
how theories work; that is, they do not distinguish between the formal pos-
tulates of the theory and the data that are used to test those postulates. Many
students, including those in college, may fi nd it especially diffi cult to con-
struct meaningful theories of their own cognition. Providing these students
with metacognitive knowledge and regulatory skills is important, and many
effective educational programs do so. However, many of these programs fall
short of helping students (a) to understand the structure of theories, and (b)
to use theories to systematize self-knowledge and apply that knowledge to
self-regulation.
For this reason, we believe instructional programs should include three
additional instructional components: (a) a rationale for the importance of
metacognitive theorizing, (b) examples of informal and formal metacognitive
theories, and (c) ways to construct metacognitive theories. Regarding the sec-
ond point, one possibility is for teachers or mentors to explicitly model their
own knowledge about their expertise and about how they regulate their expert
performance. A rather different approach would be to use a formal instruc-
tional model such as Sternberg’s (1986) triarchic theory.
One program that makes an attempt to accomplish these goals among
younger students is the transactional strategy instruction model described in
368 SCHRAW AND MOSHMAN IN EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW 7 (1995)
Pressley et al. (1992). In the transactional model, even young readers are en-
couraged to theorize to themselves (typically out loud) and to others about the
reading process. Students also are shown how to construct text meanings and
are encouraged to do so. One advantage of this program is that it promotes
thinking about learning that draws on individual, cultural, and peer infl uences.
Over time, transactional instruction may promote the kind of explicit theoreti-
cal understanding of one’s learning that we have associated with informal and
especially formal metacognitive theories.
There remains the question of when individuals are fi rst “ready” to en-
gage in metacognitive theorizing. Some educators may believe that metacog-
nitive skills should be excluded from the curriculum until basic skills are mas-
tered. An alternative view is that metacognitive awareness and metacognitive
theorizing should parallel, or perhaps even precede, basic skills instruction.
The developmental research described earlier in this paper suggests that
most children are able to theorize about their own cognition by the age of
four (Flavell et al., 1993; Montgomery, 1992) even though the depth and
breadth of their theorizing continues to develop throughout their school ca-
reers (Chandler, 1988; Moore and Frye, 1991), into adolescence (Kuhn,
1989) and adulthood (Benack and Basseches, 1989; King and Kitchener,
1994). Children also appear to use simple constructed theories to regulate
their performance (Karmiloff-Smith and Inhelder, 1974–75; cf. Moshman,
1979). These fi ndings suggest that it is reasonable to place some degree of
emphasis on metacognitive theorizing from the time a child enters school re-
gardless of his or her skill level.
In conclusion, we believe that schools should actively promote metacog-
nitive theorizing among all students. Research indicates that theorizing im-
proves both performance and understanding of one’s performance. Research
further supports the claim that metacognitive theorizing can be facilitated by
self-talk and peer interactions that focus on the process rather than the prod-
uct of learning.
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