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Unmasking the Inequitable Discipline Experiences of Urban Black Girls: Implications for Urban Educational Stakeholders


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There is a large body of research examining the discipline experiences of Black males (Lewis et al. in Souls: A Critical Journey of Black Politics, Culture, and Society, 2009; Skiba et al. in The Urban Review, 34, 317–348, 2002); however, less is known about the types of behavioral infractions Black female students exhibit and the discipline sanctions imposed for Black girls for such infractions. As a result, the purpose of this study is to examine the type of discipline infractions exhibited by Black female students enrolled in an urban school district and to explore whether the pattern of discipline infractions and sanctions imposed for Black girls disproportionately differs from all female students, but more specifically White and Hispanic females. Results suggest that Black girls are overrepresented in exclusionary discipline practices and Black girls reason for discipline referrals differs significantly from White and Hispanic girls. Based on these findings, recommendations are provided for urban educational stakeholders. KeywordsExclusionary discipline–Black–Girls–Urban schools
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Unmasking the Inequitable Discipline Experiences
of Urban Black Girls: Implications for Urban
Educational Stakeholders
Jamilia J. Blake
Bettie Ray Butler
Chance W. Lewis
Alicia Darensbourg
Published online: 28 January 2010
Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010
Abstract There is a large body of research examining the discipline experiences
of Black males (Lewis et al. in Souls: A Critical Journey of Black Politics, Culture,
and Society, 2009; Skiba et al. in The Urban Review, 34, 317–348, 2002); however,
less is known about the types of behavioral infractions Black female students exhibit
and the discipline sanctions imposed for Black girls for such infractions. As a result,
the purpose of this study is to examine the type of discipline infractions exhibited by
Black female students enrolled in an urban school district and to explore whether
the pattern of discipline infractions and sanctions imposed for Black girls dispro-
portionately differs from all female students, but more specifically White and
Hispanic females. Results suggest that Black girls are overrepresented in exclu-
sionary discipline practices and Black girls reason for discipline referrals differs
significantly from White and Hispanic girls. Based on these findings, recommen-
dations are provided for urban educational stakeholders.
Keywords Exclusionary discipline Black Girls Urban schools
J. J. Blake (&) A. Darensbourg
Department of Educational Psychology, College of Education and Human
Development, Texas A&M University, 706 Harrington Tower MS 4225, College Station,
TX 77843, USA
A. Darensbourg
B. R. Butler C. W. Lewis
Department of Teaching, Learning and Culture, College of Education and Human
Development, Texas A&M University, 706 Harrington Tower MS 4225, College Station,
TX 77843, USA
C. W. Lewis
Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106
DOI 10.1007/s11256-009-0148-8
School discipline practices have been the topic of educational scholarship for nearly
three decades, with the majority of the literature examining the discipline
experiences of children of color and children from economically disadvantaged
backgrounds (Skiba et al. 1997, 2002; Wu et al. 1982). Black males have garnered
the most scholarly attention due to their elevated risk for experiencing exclusionary
discipline sanctions (e.g., suspension and expulsion; Gregory 1995; Lewis et al.
2009; McFadden and Marsh, 1992; Skiba et al. 1997, 2002). It is understandable
why much of the school discipline literature has focused on Black males given
Black males’ risk for underachievement and the potential that exclusionary
discipline practices have in widening the racial-ethnic achievement gap as well as
contributing to school drop-out and incarceration rates (The Advancement Project
and the Civil Rights Project 2000; Ekstrom et al. 1986; Townsend 2000). However,
to fully understand how inequitable discipline practices impact the achievement and
social adjustment outcomes of Black children in totality more information is needed
on the discipline experiences of Black girls.
Black females have received limited attention in the school discipline literature
relative to Black males. When studies have explored the discipline experiences of
Black females,
research has mainly focused on Black girls’ discipline sanctions in
relation to Black boys, with Black girls rarely mentioned outside of descriptive
statistics (Gregory 1997; Rafella Mendez 2003; Skiba et al. 2002). The reporting of
Black females’ discipline sanctions in the literature seems to serve as a means to
further highlight the inequitable discipline experiences of Black males rather than to
demonstrate how disproportionate discipline practices might also negatively impact
the school experiences of Black girls. The lack of emphasis on the discipline
experiences of Black girls may in part be due to the perception that girls in general
pose less risk for behavior problems given their greater academic achievement and
to gendered racial bias, in favor of Black boys, in discipline referrals and sanctions
(Gregory 1995; Myhill and Jones 2006; Olser 2006; Rusby et al. 2007; Skiba et al.
2002). However, Black males’ greater risk for receiving exclusionary discipline
practices does not preclude Black females from experiencing inequitable discipline
The purpose of this article is to expand the school discipline literature by
examining whether Black girls experience disproportionate discipline practices
across elementary and secondary school. This study is part of a series of scholarly
investigations examining the academic and behavioral status of Black students
enrolled in a Midwestern urban school district. We begin the article with a review of
the literature on the discipline experiences of Black female students and postulate
how Black girls’ violation of traditional standards of femininity might influence
their involvement in the school discipline system. We discuss the importance of
examining Black girls’ discipline experiences through the dual lens of race and
gender and use intersection theory to frame our quantitative analyses. We conclude
We use females and girls interchangeably in this study for readability.
Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106 91
with recommendations for urban stakeholders on how to address the specific needs
of Black girls involved or at-risk for involvement in the school discipline system.
Discipline Experiences of Black Girls
Disproportionate discipline appears to be a pervasive problem for Black girls that
begins in elementary and extends through high school. In comparison to Hispanic
and White girls, Black girls are more likely to be suspended from school (Raffaele
Mendez et al. 2002). Taylor and Foster (1986) found that Black girls received higher
suspension rates than White girls in elementary, junior high, and high school, but
noted declines in suspension rates from junior high school to high school for all
girls. Nearly two decades later, Raffaele Mendez and Knoff (2003) replicated and
extended these findings indicating that Black girls received higher suspension rates
in comparison to White and Hispanic girls across primary and secondary school.
Due to the limited research on the discipline experiences of girls, the types of
behavior infractions in which Black girls are disproportionately disciplined are not
well understood.
Research examining individual risk factors for discipline referrals and sanctions
suggest that physical aggression is a significant predictor of school removal and
discipline referrals for girls as well as boys (Clark et al. 2003; Farmer et al. 2004).
Yet, other studies indicate that girls are frequently disciplined for less severe
behavioral infractions (Costenbader and Markson 1998; Raffaele Mendez and Knoff
2003; Skiba et al. 2002; Vavarus and Cole 2002). Costenbader and Markson (1998)
noted that although most students who were suspended from school self-reported
physical aggression as the primary reason for their suspension, female students were
more likely to self-report minor behavioral infractions such as gum chewing, failure
to comply with a prior discipline sanction, and defiance as reasons for their
suspension. Out of the 15 most common infractions in which students were
suspended, Raffaele Mendez and Knoff (2003) reported that Black girls were more
likely to be referred for defiance, disruptive behavior, disrespect, profanity, and
fighting relative to their racial-ethnic representation in the school district.
Explanations for Disproportionate Discipline
It is conceivable that Black females receive more discipline sanctions because they
exhibit greater levels of troublesome behaviors that disrupt classroom instruction
and school management and therefore, warrant adult intervention. There is certainly
evidence from the psychological and health literature which would support this
notion (Estell et al. 2008; Xie et al. 2003). For example, Black girls are perceived by
teachers and peers as exhibiting elevated levels of relational and physical aggression
(Putallaz et al. 2007) and have been found to report more involvement in physical
altercations at school than White and Hispanic girls (Center for Disease Control and
Prevention 2006). However, research suggests that teacher referral bias rather than
students’ actual behavior is associated with disproportionate discipline sanctions
and referrals (Skiba et al. 1997, 2002; Wu et al. 1982).
92 Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106
Teacher inexperience, lack of cultural synchrony between teacher and students,
and inept classroom behavior management skills have all been offered as plausible
explanations for teachers’ overreliance on office referrals and punitive discipline
strategies to manage Black children’s behavior (Fenning and Rose 2007; Gregory
and Mosely 2004; Monroe and Obidah 2004). It is likely that all of these factors
contribute to the overrepresentation of Black children in the school discipline
system; however, racial bias has gained the most consideration in the literature,
perhaps due to the educational discrimination that Blacks have historically
experienced in the United States. Many of the theories surrounding the influence
of teacher racial bias on discipline referrals address the inequitable discipline
experiences of Black males, with few scholars theorizing how racial bias in teacher
discipline referrals might also explain disparity in discipline sanctions for Black
Monroe (2005) purported that Black boys are disproportionately disciplined
because teachers subconsciously embrace stereotypical images of Black males as
violent and hostile. Thus, teachers may misperceive nonthreatening behaviors
exhibited by Black males as hostile and in an effort to minimize feelings of threat
teachers may prematurely rely on overly punitive and exclusionary discipline
practices to control Black males’ behavior. Research suggests that some teachers’
have negative behavioral expectations of Black children at school entry perceiving
Black children as being more defiant, delinquent, and aggressive than White
children (Downey and Pribesh 2004). Given this finding, it is conceivable that some
teachers may subconsciously rely on stereotypical images of Black males to
interpret their behavior and make decisions about the management of Black males’
behavior based on these stereotypes. In the case of Black females, we suspect that
teachers discipline decisions are also subconsciously influenced by stereotypes, but
we argue that these stereotypes surround Black girls’ femininity rather than their
potential for violence.
Black females do not pose the same level or type of threat to teachers as do Black
males. Although Black females are stereotypically portrayed as angry, hostile (e.g.,
Sapphire), and hypersexualized (e.g., Jezebel) in the media (Collins 2004; West
1995), in general Black females are not perceived as dangerous. However, similar to
Black males, teachers may subconsciously use stereotypical images of Black
females (e.g., the Sapphire and Jezebel) to interpret Black girls’ behaviors and
respond more harshly to Black girls who display behaviors that do not align with
traditional standards of femininity in which girls are expected to be docile, diffident,
and selfless (Collins 2004). Traditional standards of femininity as defined by White
middle class culture imply that girls and women must be silent, passive, and to place
harmony in relationships over their own interests, desires, and feelings (Winkle-
Wagner 2009; Mahalik et al. 2005). Thus, traditional standards of femininity require
girls to be inauthentic in their relationships by encouraging girls to mask their
emotions and to not voice their opinions in effort to maintain an image of being
nice, pleasant, and respectable (Brown and Gilligan 1993; Winkle-Wagner 2009).
Black girls, particularly Black girls from low-income urban communities, seem
to defy these traditional standards of femininity which suggest that girls should be
quiet, reserved, and submissive (Tolman and Porche 2000). Instead, Black girls are
Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106 93
assertive, independent, and emotionally resilient, expressing their emotions and
thoughts freely without fear of reprisal, characteristics which contribute to their
elevated achievement (Ladner 1979; Morris 2007; Thomas and King 2007; Way
1995). Despite the academic advantages assertive behavior may afford Black girls,
Black girls’ decorum may be viewed negatively by teachers who believe that girls
should resort to silence in social situations and maintain a fac¸ade of composure and
agreeableness in order to appear ‘lady like’ or to meet traditional standards of
femininity (Brown and Gilligan 1993; Evans 1988; Olser 2006). For example, Evans
(1988) found that Black girls who violated traditional standards of femininity—girls
who were loud and assertive—were often the subject of teacher frustration. It is not
clear from Evans’s work whether the Black girls in the British school where she
taught were subject to overly punitive discipline practices as a result of their
rejection of traditional gender norms; however, qualitative studies conducted in the
United States suggest that Black girls are more likely to be reprimanded for their
failure to comply to teachers’ gender based expectations of behavior than girls from
other racial backgrounds (Morris 2005, 2007).
Morris (2007) observed that Black girls were more often reprimanded by teachers
for being ‘unlady’ like than were White and Hispanic girls. More specifically,
Black girls who were perceived by teachers as loud, defiant, and precocious,
characteristics consistent with stereotypical images of Black females, were viewed
by both Black and White school officials as needing greater social control for their
behavior, albeit for different reasons (Grant 1984). Although Morris did not
examine whether girls who were perceived by teachers and administrators as being
‘unlady like’ obtained greater discipline infractions than girls who were not, these
findings do suggest that the degree to which Black girls’ behaviors deviate from
teachers’ gender based expectations of behavior may influence the degree to which
they are punished for this behavior within the school setting. If the behavioral
standards for which Black females are evaluated are based in part on Black girls’
conformity to gender norms, then it is important to examine how the intersections of
race and gender influence the discipline experiences of Black females (Collins
Current Study
The purpose of this study is to explore the discipline experiences of Black females
by examining the discipline infractions and sanctions of Black girls enrolled in an
urban school district during one academic year. We were interested in examining
whether Black girls experienced disproportionate discipline practices relative to all
females and specifically to White and Hispanic girls across primary and secondary
school. Given the inconsistency in findings across studies for reasons for girls
discipline referrals (Raffaele Mendez and Knoff 2003; Skiba et al. 2002), we were
also interested in investigating the types of infractions for which Black girls were
disciplined in comparison to their same-gendered peers. This study is one of the few
quantitative studies in which we are aware to explore the discipline experiences of
Black girls independent of Black boys and also examines discipline infractions
within rather than between genders. Although prior research has documented the
94 Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106
discipline experiences of Black girls, as noted earlier, these findings provide limited
insight into how disproportionate discipline sanctions might differentially impact
the school experiences of Black girls (Gregory 1997; Raffaele Mendez and Knoff
2003; Skiba et al. 2002). By examining Black females discipline experiences in
comparison to their same-gendered peers, we reduce the likelihood that gender bias
in discipline referrals and sanctions (Rusby et al. 2007; Skiba et al. 2002) and
gender differences in troublesome behaviors (Beaman et al. 2007) will mask Black
girls’ involvement in the school discipline system.
Participants were elementary and secondary female students with at least one
discipline sanction (N = 9,364) enrolled in a Midwestern urban school district
during the 2005–2006 academic school year. The school district sampled served
approximately 32,183 students across approximately 44 schools. The female student
population for the district was racially and ethnically diverse and consisted of 21%
Black, 26% White, 49% Hispanic, and less than 5% Native American and Asian
students. District records indicate that the teaching faculty employed within the
school district during the 2005–2006 academic year was predominately female
(78%) and White (90%), with less than 5% of teachers identifying as Black,
Hispanic, Asian, or Native American.
Data reported in this study were drawn from an extant database of school records
collected from one Midwestern urban school district. Data access and dissemination
of findings was approved by the school district’s Research Department. The district
level data used in this study consisted of each school’s discipline referrals and
sanctions for the 2005–2006 year. Information about school disciplinary referrals
and sanctions was based on the district’s school disciplinary policy, as outlined in
the student behavior handbook.
School records identified 38 possible discipline sanctions. Sanctions ranged in
severity from a warning to expulsion. Exclusionary discipline sanctions such as
in-school suspension and out-of-school suspension were the focus of this study. For
out-of-school suspension, in particular, we utilized the data reported for 3- and
5-day suspensions only. These two forms of suspensions were combined to create
one general suspension variable. The district also identified 44 reasons for discipline
referrals. This study focused on the top 10 reasons for female students discipline
referrals which included: (1) disobedience, (2) truancy, (3) defiance, (4) tardiness,
(5) improper dress, (6) fight with student, (7) threat to student, (8) profane to adult,
(9) encourage to fight, and (10) profane to student.
Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106 95
To explore Black female students’ discipline experiences, we partially replicated the
study design implemented by Skiba et al. (2002). We assessed Black girls
disproportionate representation in discipline sanctions using the Relative Risk Ratio
and conducted Multivariate Analyses of Variance and Descriptive Discriminant
Analyses to identify the types of infractions that Black females were most likely to
be disciplined for relative to White and Hispanic girls.
Measuring Disproportionality
We assessed disproportionality with the Relative Risk Ratio (RRR). The RRR
estimates the degree of overrepresentation or underrepresentation of the target group
for receiving a discipline sanction which is intuitive. If the RRR is 1, then the risk of
the target group for receiving a discipline sanction is equal to the comparison group.
A RRR greater than 1 or less than 1 is indicative of overrepresentation and
underrepresentation respectively. The RRR is calculated by dividing the risk index
(RI) of the comparison group to the RI of the target group (Hosp and Reschly 2003).
We calculated three RRRs with different reference groups to answer our research
questions. First, we calculated the RRR with the entire female student population
serving as the reference group. Next, we calculated the RRR with only White girls
serving as the reference group. Finally, RRR for Black girls with a discipline
sanction in comparison to Hispanic girls with a cited infraction was calculated. The
RI for Black girls was calculated by dividing the number of Black females students
cited for a disciplinary sanction by the total number of Black female students within
the district. A parallel approach was used to calculate the RI for White and Hispanic
students. To produce one overall RI for the female student population, the number of
Asian, Native American, Hispanic, and White female students with a discipline
infraction were summed and divided by the total number of Asian, Native
American, Hispanic and White female students in the district.
Racial Differences in Infractions
Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was performed to test whether
differences existed in the types of infractions for which Black female students were
disciplined in comparison to their same-gendered Hispanic and White peers.
Whereas MANOVA provides a statistical test of racial differences in reasons for
discipline referrals, it does not provide information on the specific types of
behavioral infractions in which racial groups differed. Therefore, Descriptive
Discriminant Analyses (DDA) were conducted to identify the specific infractions in
which Black, White, and Hispanic girls differed (Huberty and Olejnik 2006). First,
DDA was conducted to examine which type of infractions Black and White girls
differed and then DDA was conducted comparing Black and Hispanic girls’
behavioral fractions. A dichotomous grouping variable was used for both DDAs.
For the DDA comparing Black to White girls, White female students were coded 0
96 Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106
and Black female students were coded 1. For the Black and Hispanic girl DDA,
Black female students were coded 0 and Hispanic female students were coded 1.
Disproportionality in Discipline Sanctions
The percentage and number of female students enrolled in the district and cited for a
discipline infraction are presented in Table 1. Black female students were
overrepresented in all discipline sanctions, RRR = 2.38. With respect to exclu-
sionary discipline practices, our results suggest that Black girls are twice as likely to
receive in-school, RRR = 2.62, and out-of-school suspensions, RRR = 2.83, than
their same-gendered peers. Given the low rate of expulsions for all girls (N = 14),
the RRR was not estimated for expulsions as research suggests that RRRs based on
low-base rate behaviors may not be interpretable (see Skiba et al. 2008).
Black female students were twice as likely to receive an in-school suspension,
RRR = 2.25, than Hispanic female students, but were only slightly overrepresented
in out-of-school suspensions relative to Hispanic females, RRR = 1.7. In compar-
ison to White female students, our results reveal that Black girls are nearly four
times as likely to receive an in-school suspension, RRR = 4.61, and twice as likely
to receive an out-of-school suspension, RRR = 2.42, than White girls.
Racial Differences in Behavioral Infractions
A One-way MANOVA was conducted to examine racial differences (Black,
Hispanic and White) in female students’ misbehavior. Mean rates of referral reasons
Table 1 Discipline percentages for female student population
Analysis Female students
White Black Hispanic Asian Native
% of total represented by group
% of enrolled
(N = 16187)
n = 4215
n = 3463
n = 7701
n = 667
n = 141
% sanctioned
(N = 9364)
n = 1749
n = 3649
n = 3616
n = 220
n = 130
% in-of-school suspension
(N = 1574)
n = 215
n = 651
n = 660
n = 29
n = 19
% out-of-school suspension
(N = 857)
n = 122
n = 366
n = 336
n = 21
n = 12
% expelled
N = 14
n = 2
n = 7
n = 4
n = 1
Note: Percent sanctioned includes all female students that received disciplinary action within district
Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106 97
are reported in Table 2. A significant main effect for race, F(36, 32,807) = 16.66,
p \ .001, was found indicating that Black, Hispanic, and White females differed
with respect to the reasons that they were disciplined. DDA analyses were
conducted to examine which type of infractions Black, White, and Hispanic girls
were most likely to be referred for discipline. The overall discriminant function was
statistically significant for the Black versus White girl comparison, v
(9) = 278.48
p \ .001, and the Black versus Hispanic girl comparison, v
(9) = 374.55,
p \ .001. However, Wilk’s k was large, k
Black vs. White
= 0.946; k
Black vs.
= 0.947, suggesting that only a small proportion of the overall variance
was explained by race for each of these comparisons.
Given that we were not interested in explaining the variance in discipline
infractions, but instead identifying which infractions significantly contributed to the
discriminant function coefficients we interpreted the discriminant functions for
descriptive purposes. The profane to adult referral variable was dropped from DDA
analyses due its failure to meet tests of tolerance. All discriminant functions for
behavioral infractions were significant at the p \ .05 level, with a few exceptions.
Tardiness and encourage to fight were non-significant when Black and White
female students’ reason for referral were compared. Referral reasons fight with
student and encourage to fight failed to meet significance for the comparison of
Black and Hispanic female students. Table 3 and 4 display the significant
discriminant function coefficients for each comparison: Black versus White and
Black versus Hispanic.
In Table 3, whereas a positive value for the discriminant function coefficient
indicates that Black female students have a greater chance of getting cited for the
related infraction, a negative value indicates that White female students have a
greater chance of getting cited. In this sample, Black female students were more
likely than their White female counterparts to be cited for all the infractions listed
with the exception of truancy. An examination of the absolute values of
Table 2 Frequency and mean rate of occurrences for top 10 disciplinary infractions
Measure Black females Hispanic females White females Total sample
Mean N Mean N Mean N Mean N
Disobedience 0.39 1315 0.26 916 0.42 674 0.34 3016
Truancy 0.14 462 0.30 1029 0.29 464 0.23 2038
Defiance 0.16 532 0.13 437 0.07 115 0.13 1129
Tardiness 0.06 215 0.10 353 0.06 94 0.08 688
Improper dress 0.10 326 0.08 271 0.05 74 0.08 683
Fight w/student 0.08 280 0.08 275 0.05 80 0.08 663
Threat to student 0.03 88 0.02 55 0.01 21 0.02 170
Profane to adult 0.02 68 0.01 35 0.03 41 0.02 153
Encourage to fight 0.01 46 0.02 57 0.01 12 0.01 116
Profane to student 0.02 62 0.01 57 0.01 16 0.01 110
Note: Sample references total female student population including both Asian Pacific Americans and
Native Americans
98 Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106
discriminant function coefficients indicate that Black female students were most
often cited for defiance, improper dress, and fight with a student.
In Table 4 a positive value for the discriminant function coefficient indicates that
Hispanic female students have a greater chance of receiving a citation for the related
infraction. A negative value indicates that Black female students have a greater
chance of getting cited. The discriminant functions for behavioral infractions were
significant at the p \.05 level except fight with student and encourage to fight.
Hispanic girls were significantly more likely than their Black female counterparts to
be cited for all the infractions listed with the exception of profane to student.
Whereas Hispanic girls were most often cited for truancy, tardiness, and fight with a
student, Black girls were cited for using profanity toward students.
Our study provides interesting findings surrounding the discipline experiences of
Black females. We found that Black females involvement in the school discipline
system closely mirrored that of their Black male counterparts (Skiba et al., 1997).
Black girls in our study were overrepresented for exclusionary discipline sanctions
and were twice as likely to receive in-school and out-of-school suspensions then all
female students. Black girls’ risk for overrepresentation in exclusionary discipline
Table 3 Discriminant function analysis prediction black-white racial differences in behavioral infraction
Cited infraction Variables predicting white female
Variables predicting black female
DFA coefficient
Structure matrix r
DFA coefficient Structure matrix r
Truancy -0.452** -0.791
Disobedience 0.173* -0.144
Defiance 0.628** 0.493
Fight w/student 0.376** 0.242
Tardiness 0.164 0.034
Threat to student 0.489** 0.169
Encourage to fight 0.254* 0.109
Profane to student 0.172* 0.129
Improper dress 0.489** 0.356
Note: Profane to Adult was excluded because it failed to meet the minimum tolerance level of .001
Positive and negative values are arbitrary based on dummy coding of White female students as 0 and
Black female students as 1. Negative values indicate higher mean citations for White students, while
positive values indicate higher mean citations for Black students
Standardized canonical discriminant function coefficient
Pooled within-group correlations between discriminating variables and standardized canonical dis-
criminant function and represents an index of the degree of correlation of the variable with the function
within each group
* p \ .05, ** p \.01
Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106 99
was greatest when Black girls’ discipline sanctions were compared to White girls as
opposed to Hispanic girls. Thus, Black girls’ risk for exclusionary discipline is far
greater than White girls, with Black girls more likely to receive discipline practices
that remove them from the classroom than other girls.
We also found that the types of behavioral infractions that Black girls were
disciplined for differed from their Hispanic and White female counterparts. Black
girls were most often cited for defiance followed by inappropriate dress, using
profane language toward a student, and physical aggression. In comparison to
Hispanic females, we found that Black girls were more often cited for profanity to
student. Hispanic females were more likely to be cited for a range of discipline
infractions than Black females, perhaps due to their greater representation in the
female student population. In alignment with Skiba’s (2002) findings, White girls in
our study were more likely to be referred for truancy than Black girls; however,
Black girls were most often referred for defiance, improper dress, and fighting with
a student.
Many of the behaviors that Black girls were cited for seemed to defy traditional
standards of femininity and closely paralleled the behaviors of stereotypical images
of Black women as hypersexualized, angry, and hostile (West 1995). Similar to
Morris’ (2007) findings, in which teachers often commented on the inappropriate
and ‘unlady like’ dress of Black female students, we found that Black females’
attire was of great concern to teachers in the current study as well. Research
Table 4 Discriminant function analysis predicting black-hispanic racial differences in behavioral
Cited infraction Variables predicting black female
Variables predicting hispanic female
DFA coefficient
Structure matrix r
DFA coefficient Structure matrix r
Improper dress 0.287** -0.132
Truancy 1.263** 0.841
Disobedience 0.293** -0.556
Defiance 0.345** -0.184
Fight w/student 0.378 -0.023
Tardiness 0.69** 0.297
Threat to student 0.057** -0.148
Encourage to fight 0.232 0.051
Profane to student -0.014** -0.176
Note: Profane to Adult was excluded because it failed to meet the minimum tolerance level of .001
Positive and negative values are arbitrary based on dummy coding of Black female students as 0 and
Hispanic female students as 1. Negative values indicate higher mean citations for Black students, while
positive values indicate higher mean citations for Hispanic students
Standardized canonical discriminant function coefficient
Pooled within-group correlations between discriminating variables and standardized canonical dis-
criminant function and represents an index of the degree of correlation of the variable with the function
within each group
* p \ .05, ** p \.01
100 Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106
suggests that teachers perceive physical aggression, defiance, and profane language
as more serious when exhibited by girls than boys (Crick 1997; Kokkinos et al.
2004). Thus, it is possible that Black girls’ elevated referral rates for physical
aggression, defiance, and profanity is a result of Black girls’ failure to adhere to
traditional standards of femininity. The lack of consistency in what constitutes
defiant behavior within the educational system may have also contributed to Black
girls frequent referrals for defiance.
Black girls who receive exclusionary discipline practices pose significant risk for
teenage pregnancy and juvenile delinquency (Clark et al. 2003). Given the social
consequences of exclusionary discipline for Black girls, it is important to identify
strategies that address and reduce inequitable discipline practices. Fenning and Rose
(2007) proposed the implementation of Positive Behavior Supports (PBS) to remedy
disproportionate discipline practices. PBS is a continuum of proactive discipline
procedures used to actively decrease problem behaviors and increase positive
interaction between students and teachers through the implementation of clearly
defined standards for student behavior (Sugai et al. 2000). PBS has been shown to
decrease office referrals for all students and increase teacher efficacy in behavior
management (Netzel and Eber 2003). PBS can be enhanced for implementation in
urban school districts by incorporating cultural competence training for school
officials into the program. Cultural competence training in combination with clearly
defined standards for student behavior could assist with decreasing the stereotypes
and misconceptions teachers may have about Black female students.
The strengthening of teacher-student relationships may also assist in reducing
disproportionality by increasing student engagement and feelings of school
belonging. Gregory and Weinstein (2008) noted that defiance referrals - the most
frequent infraction of Black females in our study - were specific to the context of a
classroom, evident by one to two teachers making the majority of referrals. Black
students were more likely to be defiant in classrooms of teachers they perceived as
less caring and who had lower expectations of them academically (Gregory and
Weinstein 2008). Other research similarly indicates that the teacher-student
relationship is specifically important for Black students. This is apparent by
increased engagement and achievement for Black elementary students who have
strong relationships with their teachers (Hughes et al. 2008). Incorporating PBS
goals which train teachers to focus on relationships with students and managing
discipline in the classroom while simultaneously decreasing discipline problems,
has been shown to increase teacher efficacy in classroom behavior management and
subsequently decrease office referrals (Netzel and Eber 2003).
In conclusion, it is evident that Black girls have similar experiences in the school
discipline system as their Black male counterparts. All Black youth seem to be
overrepresented in various discipline infractions and subsequent exclusionary
discipline practices. Black females specifically are most overrepresented for
defiance, a subjective construct that is not easily defined in the school system.
Additionally, Black females are more likely to experience discipline practices that
exclude them from the school environment than other females. PBS has been
offered as one strategy to address this problem. The inclusion of clear definitions of
behavior and teacher cultural competency training may assist in reducing the
Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106 101
overrepresentation of Black females in the discipline system by providing teachers
with specific skills and a framework to better understand the Black female in our
nation’s schools.
Limitations, Strengths, and Future Directions
The findings of this study are limited in a variety of ways that should be considered
by scholars and educational practitioners. This study was restricted to one
Midwestern urban school district; therefore, caution should be taken in generalizing
these results to other school districts with high discipline infractions among Black
girls. Although the sample included a large database of discipline infractions among
all students, particularly girls which were the foci of this study, these discipline
infractions represented only one academic school year (2005–2006). As a result,
these findings may not be typical of previous and subsequent academic years in the
school district under examination. We speculated that teachers’ stereotypes of Black
girls behavior may have contributed to Black girls’ elevated discipline referrals and
the type of sanctions received; however, teachers’ beliefs about student behaviors
were not directly assessed in this study. Furthermore, it is possible that Black girls
risk for experiencing exclusionary discipline practices reflect a lack of cultural
synchrony between teachers and students, given that the majority of teachers
employed in the district were predominately White (Monroe and Obidah 2004);
however, we did not directly test this relationship since data on the racial/ethnic
background of the referring teacher for the discipline infraction was not available.
Thus, it is recommended that future research examine teacher-child ethnic/racial
match to determine the degree to which a lack of culture synchrony between
teachers and students contributes to Black girls’ risk for exclusionary discipline.
Despite these limitations, this study is ground-breaking offering many contri-
butions to the school discipline literature. First, it is one of only a few studies that
build on Skiba et al.’s (2002) work by disaggregating discipline data by race to
inform the scholarly community about the impact of discipline practices on students
of color, particularly Black girls. Second, this study also expands the scholarly
literature by providing a detailed examination of Black girls discipline patterns
independent of Black males and in comparison to their same gender peers,
specifically Hispanic and White girls. This was especially important because the
foci of Black girls have not been properly situated in the scholarly literature. Third,
our use of the RRR to assess disproportionality as opposed to the Composition
Index, which is traditionally used to measured overrepresentation in discipline, is
novel (Raffaele Mendez and Knoff 2003; Skiba et al. 1997, 2002). We used the
Relative Risk Ratio (RRR) in this study to assess disproportionality because of the
measurement limitations associated with the Composition Index (Skiba et al. 2008).
Finally, this study was drawn from a sample of over 32,000 students in an urban
school district that is in many situations far greater than most samples reported on
this topic. Taken together, it is our hope that this study will improve the educational
experience of all girls, particularly Black girls in K-12 urban schools.
We propose the following recommendations for future research and recommen-
dations for educational stakeholders to consider in the future. In our study, we only
102 Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106
utilized data on in- and out-of –school suspensions, which were two components of
the top 10 discipline sanctions. As a result, scholars should consider in-depth
empirical studies on other school discipline practices that can possibly assist the
scholarly community to understand this educational issue even better. Additional
studies are warranted that explore the topic of female discipline in urban
environments that are disaggregated by race, as the literature is relatively silent
in this area. Studies should also seek to build on Skiba et al.’s (2002) study design
utilizing Relative Risk Ratio and Discriminant Analyses to provide a clear picture of
how discipline is not fair and just in our nation’s K-12 schools. In addition to
assessing inequity in discipline infractions using quantitative techniques, we
recommend that scholars adopt qualitative techniques to more fully explore the
perspectives of excluded Black girls or Black girls at-risk for school exclusion.
Recommendations for K-12 Educational Administrators.
This study provides a need to provide several essential recommendations for
K-12 educational administrators.
1. Educational Administrators (e.g., Superintendents, Principals, Assistant Prin-
cipals, etc.) should continuously conduct equity audits (Skrla et al. 2008)to
clearly understand if discipline is distributed fairly within schools and school
districts given that discipline decisions by the educational agencies impact
students of color in a far greater way than their White counterparts.
2. Given that the literature (Kunjufu 2002) reported that 20 percent of classroom
teachers make 80 percent of the discipline and special education referrals, it is
imperative that K-12 educational administrators focus their efforts on working
with teachers on classroom management skills. This is essential given that
many girls in this study, particularly Black girls, were cited for subjective
discipline infractions defiance.
3. To remedy the presence of disproportionate discipline practices of Black
students, Fenning and Rose (2007) suggest the implementation of Positive
Behavior Supports (PBS) in schools. PBS has demonstrated effectiveness in
reducing discipline referrals in suburban school districts (Netzel and Eber
2003). When combined with cultural competence training, PBS may be an
effective means for tackling inequitable discipline practices in urban schools.
Recommendations for Teachers
This study has also brought to the forefront several recommendations for classroom
teachers that work with Black girls on the front lines of education.
1. Given that prior research has highlighted the importance of the teacher-student
relationship for all students, particularly Black girls, all teachers should
consider their classroom management techniques to make sure that discipline is
given out equitably in the classroom.
2. Teachers should also seek to make the schooling experience for Black girls
better by raising the level of expectation (Landsman and Lewis 2006) for
academic achievement and utilizing practical teaching practices for utilizing
Urban Rev (2011) 43:90–106 103
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... These issues have particular salience for schools, which represent a locus of disparity and disadvantage for historically marginalized populations given their role as an institutional source of socialization and stratification (see, e.g., Dunning-Lozano et al. 2020;Irwin et al. 2013;Marchbanks et al. 2018;Peguero et al. 2017;Shedd 2015). In particular, much of the research on school discipline which has adopted the lens of intersectionality emphasizes the "complex ways in which inequalities stemming from race and gender are intertwined, interactive, and mutually constitutive" (Morris and Perry 2017:128), thus contributing to unique forms of disadvantage for boys versus girls who belong to minority racial and ethnic groups (Blake et al. 2011;Carter Andrews et al. 2019;Ibrahim and Johnson 2020). ...
... On the other hand, scholars have argued that much research on race and school outcomes has overlooked the unique experiences of female students (e.g., Annamma et al. 2019;Carter Andrews et al. 2019;Morris 2016;Wun 2018), and recent evidence has shown that racial disparities in school discipline are greater among girls than boys (Lehmann and Meldrum 2021;Morris and Perry 2017). Theoretically, this literature supports the notion that the standards associated with Whiteness and femininity are closely intertwined, and punitive school sanctions can be imposed upon minority female youth, even for minor infractions, as a way to address perceived rowdiness, defiance, and other "unladylike" behavior (Morris 2007:506; see also Blake et al. 2011;Morris 2005). ...
... A secondary aim of this study is to investigate how the effects of racial/ethnic identity on suspension might vary between male and female youth. As emphasized by scholarship invoking an intersectional framework, assessing inequalities according to race/ethnicity as isolated or distinct from other social identities can obscure how factors such as gender might condition individuals' experiences of institutional social control, including school discipline (Blake et al. 2011;Carter Andrews et al. 2019;Dunning-Lozano et al. 2020). Thus, examinations of disparities in suspensions from school should account for the complex ways in which race and ethnicity might produce differential effects for boys and girls, as the relative benefits or disadvantages associated with membership in diverse racial/ethnic subgroups might vary in theoretically meaningful ways by gender. ...
Full-text available
Objectives: This study explores the effects of racial/ethnic identity on youths’ likelihood of receiving a suspension from school as well as whether these disparities further vary by gender. In light of recent demographic shifts within the U.S., alternative theoretical rationales emphasizing such issues as “exotic threat,” “stereotype lift,” and “reflected race” present conflicting expectations regarding whether and how the disadvantages in school discipline experienced generally by minority students might extend to youth in certain Hispanic and Caribbean subgroups. Methods: We analyze data from the 2018 Florida Youth Substance Abuse Survey, which provides a large statewide representative sample of youth enrolled in Florida public middle and high schools (N = 54,611). Results: Youth who are Black/non-Hispanic, Haitian, West Indian/Caribbean, and Dominican are most likely to receive a suspension from school, and these effects are particularly pronounced among female students. Mixed evidence of Hispanic-White differences in suspension is found, except for a heightened risk among Puerto Rican youth. Conclusions: Some of the findings imply the importance of skin tone and appearance over subgroup-specific perceptions of cultural or criminal threat. However, the disadvantages experienced by Puerto Rican students may represent an institutional response to their unique status as recent migrants to Florida.
... Existing literature, which has leveraged an intersectionality-informed, ecological approach, also highlights the distinct experiences and impacts of these practices on Black girls and boys (Adams-Bass & Bentley-Edwards, 2020;Cogburn, Chavous, & Griffin, 2011;Seaton & Tyson, 2019;Smith, 2019;Velez & Spencer, 2018). However, in comparison with Black girls, there has been a greater emphasis on the school experiences of Black boys (Blake, Butler, Lewis, & Darensbourg, 2011;Butler-Barnes & Inniss-Thompson, 2020). ...
... Importantly, this investigation explored the kinds of infractions reported at the intersection of race and gender, finding that Black girls were more likely to be disciplined for offenses related to dress code violations, disobedience, and disruptive and aggressive behavior (Morris & Perry, 2017). Research points to a pattern of discipline policies and infractions that ultimately emphasize social control and are in large part based on teachers' perceptions of Black girls' attitude and behavior opposed to more objective school violations (e.g., smoking on school property) (Adams-Bass & Bentley-Edwards, 2020; Annamma et al., 2019;Blake et al., 2011;Esposito & Edwards, 2018;Hines-Datiri & Carter Andrews, 2020;Morris, 2016). Thus, it is imperative that we consider Black girls' and boys' distinct social positioning within school settings, including how their social positioning may define their school discrimination experiences and shape their perceptions of inequitable discipline policies. ...
... Black boyhood is similar in that Black boys' intersectional experiences should be honored and valued within various settings (e.g., families and schools; Dumas & Nelson, 2016;Way & Chu, 2004). Both groups must contend with negative stereotypes and biases, as Black girls are often labeled as being "loud" and "sassy" (Blake et al., 2011;Carter Andrews et al., 2019;Morris, 2007), whereas Black boys are perceived by teachers as being more likely to misbehave (Allen, 2017;Kunesh & Noltemeyer, 2019), to be violent (James, 2012), and to be unteachable (Rowley et al., 2014). The subscription to these stereotypes for Black boys and girls leads to inequitable treatment, such as disproportionate discipline (Annamma et al., 2019) and diminished academic functioning (Leath et al., 2019). ...
Employing an intersectionality-informed approach, this investigation examines how school discrimination and disciplinary inequities shape Black adolescent boys’ and girls’ adjustment. One hundred and twenty-six adolescents (M = 11.88 years; SD = 1.02) residing in the Southeastern United States comprised the study sample. Results indicated that school discrimination was associated with greater depressive symptoms, lower academic persistence, and lower school satisfaction (at 1-year follow-up). In a counterintuitive pattern, adolescents’ perceptions of disciplinary inequities were associated with greater persistence. This investigation provided partial support for gender variation. Perceptions of school disciplinary inequities were associated with lower educational aspirations for girls, whereas systemic school discrimination was more strongly associated with boys’ educational aspirations. Overall, our study suggests that school-specific systemic discrimination and disciplinary practices shape Black adolescents’ adjustment.
... This is the system where parenting styles and school policies directly affect the development of the individual at the center. For example, school dress codes and discipline policies by which Black students are disproportionately policed and disciplined will likely impact the way students see themselves as learners and a part of the school community (Blake et al., 2011;Perry, 2020). The next layer is the mesosystem, which captures the connections and relationships between individuals and agents in the microsystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1992). ...
... However, staff, including school counselors, engaging in antiracist practices would examine discipline data further to understand how and if policies and practices may be at play. This examination is likely to show that Black students receive more referrals for subjective offenses like disruptive behavior and disobedience when compared to their peers (Blake et al., 2011;Crenshaw, 2015;Dancy, 2014;Morris & Perry, 2017). The disparity in these referrals likely indicates negative teacher perceptions that contribute to poor classroom management practices that see Black students as undeserving of education and disruptive to the learning environment (Crenshaw, 2015). ...
School counselors are charged with creating comprehensive school counseling programs that recognize and affirm the wholeness and humanness of students, families, and their communities (Holcomb-McCoy, C., Mayes, R. D., Cheatham, C., Sharp, S., and Savitz-Romer, M. (2020). Antiracist school counseling: A call to action [webinar]. Center for Postsecondary Readiness and Success, American University. ). However, despite our best efforts, many school environments operate in ways that harm BIPOC students (Love, B. L. (2019). We want to do more than survive: Abolitionist teaching and the pursuit of educational freedom. Beacon Press). School counselors are uniquely positioned to be leaders in antiracist efforts and can influence a shift in school culture by using evidence-based practices across academic, career, and social/emotional domains. This conceptual article has four primary goals: (a) provide a working definition of antiracist school counseling; (b) outline key components of developing a critical consciousness as a foundation to antiracist school counseling practice; (c) describe a framework for engaging in evidence-informed, antiracist practice as a part of MTSS to support strategies that interrupt and dismantle harmful school policies/practices across all domains of service; and (d) provide recommendations for school counselors and school counselor educators who are committing to antiracist practice.
... Exacerbating this issue, Black students receive harsher punishments than White students for similar violations (Anderson & Ritter, 2020;Skiba et al, 2011) and for more subjective behaviors (e.g., defiance, disrespect; Girvan et al., 2016). Some research indicates Black females receive the highest rates of discipline compared to all students (Blake et al., 2011;Wun, 2016) and female First Nations (U.S. Department of Education, 2014) and female Hispanics (Lehmann et al., 2021) are at higher risk than White males of receiving a disciplinary infraction. ...
Full-text available
Behavior-specific praise (BSP) is one of the simplest classroom management strategies to implement and considered an evidence-based practice. Unfortunately, teachers underuse BSP and deliver more reprimands to students in their classrooms. Secondary students receive the highest rates of reprimands and exclusionary discipline (i.e., office discipline referral [ODR], suspension, expulsion) with students of color receiving disproportionate rates compared to their White peers. Performance feedback is a commonly used strategy to change teacher practices however, little is known about the impact of performance feedback on the equitable delivery of BSP and reprimands to students by race and sex. The purpose of this multiple baseline design study was to examine the effects of a visual performance feedback (VPF) intervention with secondary teachers on their equitable delivery of BSP and reprimands and the collateral impacts on student outcomes. In the first phase of intervention, teachers received VPF on their total BSP and reprimands. In the second phase, teachers received disaggregated VPF on their rates of BSP and reprimands delivered to students by race and sex. Results indicate a functional relation between VPF and total BSP and an overall reduction in total reprimands. Mixed results were found between VPF and the equitable delivery of BSP and reprimands rates delivered to students by race and sex. Student outcomes indicated an increase in average class-wide academic engagement and no impact on ODRs as no teacher delivered a single ODR. Key findings, limitations, and future research are discussed.
... Recent research shows that teachers' subjective evaluations of Black girls behaviors (e.g., compliance) are typically a precipitating factor for referral for exclusionary discipline (Gibson et al., 2019;Girvan et al., 2017). There is evidence to suggest that these discipline referrals tend to enforce white, mainstream standards of femininity, such as being compliant, passive, and quiet (Blake et al., 2011;Crenshaw et al., 2015;Morris, 2007). In one qualitative study, teachers linked loud and insolent behavior to Black girls, chastised them for being "unladylike," and "the presumed loud and confrontational behavior of African American girls was viewed as a defect that compromised their very femininity" (Morris, 2007, p. 506). ...
Black youth experience racial discrimination at higher rates than other racial/ethnic groups in the United States. To identify how racism can simultaneously serve as a risk factor for adverse childhood experience (ACE) exposure, a discrete type of ACE and a post‐ACE mental health risk factor among Black youth, The culturally informed adverse childhood experience (C‐ACE) model describes how racism can simultaneously serve as a risk factor for ACE exposure, a discrete type of ACE and a post‐ACE mental health risk factor among Black youth. Clinical and research implications are discussed.
This study examines thematic content and discourse surrounding multiracial socialization between Black and non‐Black multiracial families on multiracial mommy blogs. Mommy blogs have been recognized as a medium through which mothers challenge dominant representations of motherhood, create community with other mothers, and seek out advice. But little is known about how mothers write about and discuss race, racism, and multiracial socialization online. This study addresses this knowledge gap by analyzing how a niche of bloggers—mothers to multiracial children—construct narratives surrounding race, multiraciality, and multiracial socialization online and how their narratives differ by the racial makeup of the blogger's family. Using a MultiCrit framework, this study analyzes 13 mommy blogs written by mothers of color with multiracial children. Blogs were analyzed for thematic content related to race, racial identification, multiraciality, and multiracial socialization. The findings demonstrate that mothers' orientations to multiracial socialization vary depending on whether the blogger has Black or non‐Black multiracial children. Bloggers who are mothers to Black multiracial children blogged frequently about their engagement in safety socialization, whereas mothers with non‐Black multiracial children did not. The stark difference between thematic content from bloggers with and without Black multiracial children highlights the differing experiences among Black and non‐Black multiracial people, for mothers of Black multiracial children, and the implications anti‐Black racism has on family processes.
The purpose of this study was to examine whether school discipline sanctions issued to female students are attributed to their racial background and developmental status and if this relation differs by teacher’s racial/ethnic background and discipline philosophy. Drawing from a sample of 515 practicing educators from the United States, an experimental design was employed to examine if teacher’s discipline decision-making differed by student’s race, student’s developmental status, and teacher’s racial/ethnic background and discipline philosophy. Results suggest that teacher’s racial/ethnic background and discipline philosophy were the most salient predictors of discipline severity. Implications for future research on school discipline and Black girls are discussed.
While numerous works have been written on black achievement, the Discipline Gap and the School to Prison Pipeline, there is little scholarship to elucidate the ways in which they may be interconnected. By making discipline more about community accountability and respect and less about punishment and exclusion, I hypothesize that a restorative philosophy may increase students’ sense of school bonding; a significant variable that moderates the relationship between discipline and achievement. Drawing on three qualitative empirical studies over the course of three years, this dissertation argues that restorative practices, an educational intervention intended to address the Discipline Gap, and the School to Prison Pipeline may also have implications for the achievement motivation, particularly for black students. In studies one and two, I evaluate the obstacles to implementing restorative practices in the school environment evidenced by interviews with restorative practices facilitators, trainers, and consultants as well as teachers and school administrators centered in Southeast Michigan. I note that most significant impediments to shifting school culture were both cultural and structural in nature. They include (1) the failure to conceptualize restorative practices as a philosophy, (2) the reality that many teachers and staff members prefer punitive measures (3) selective implementation (4) funding issues and (5) lack of administrative support. In study three, I conduct a case study of restorative classrooms at Spring Lake, a Southeast Michigan High school. Student interviews reveal that restorative justice practices have tangible benefits outside the realm of discipline namely by increasing (1) students’ sense of support at school, (2) the development socio-emotional learning and soft skills and (3) academic self-confidence and academic motivation. I discuss the salience of race and social justice issues in restorative practices implementation and argue that any effort to introduce restorative justice practices to the school environment must include a race and social justice lens. I conclude with recommendations for whole-school application or restorative justice practices and offer directions for future research.
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Among the most-longstanding and intransigent issues in the field, the disproportionate representation of minority students in special education programs has its roots in a long history of educational segregation and discrimination. Although national estimates of disproportionality have been consistent over time, state and local estimates may show varying patterns of disproportionality. A number of factors may contribute to disproportionality, including test bias, poverty, special education processes, inequity in general education, issues of behavior management, and cultural mismatch/cultural reproduction. This article provides a report on the history, measurement, status, and factors contributing to disproportionate representation in special education, and offers recommendations based on an understanding of racial and ethnic disparities in special education as a multiply determined phenomenon.
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Two studies examined issues related to school discipline in 19 middle schools. Results found there was little evidence of a consistent relationship between the offense and consequence. A disproportionate pattern in the administration of school discipline based on race, socioeconomic status, gender, and disability was also found. (Author/CR)
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Examines out-of-school suspensions in a large, ethnically-diverse school district by race, gender, school level and infraction type. Key issues of interest; Analysis of pertinent topics and relevant issues; Implications on the education and treatment of children.
Using the most comprehensive data set on school dropouts that we have to date, the High School and Beyond study, Ruth Ekstrom, Margaret Goertz, Judith Pollack, and Donald Rock provide an analysis of the salient characteristics of the dropout population.
Racial and gender inequities persist among college students, despite ongoing efforts to combat them. Students of color face alienation, stereotyping, low expectations, and lingering racism even as they actively engage in the academic and social worlds of college life. The Unchosen Me examines the experiences of African American collegiate women and the identity-related pressures they encounter both on and off campus. Rachelle Winkle-Wagner finds that the predominantly white college environment often denies African American students the chance to determine their own sense of self. Even the very programs and policies developed to promote racial equality may effectively impose "unchosen" identities on underrepresented students. She offers clear evidence of this interactive process, showing how race, gender, and identity are created through interactions among one's self, others, and society. At the heart of this book are the voices of women who struggle to define and maintain their identities during college. In a unique series of focus groups called "sister circles," these women could speak freely and openly about the pressures and tensions they faced in school. The Unchosen Me is a rich examination of the underrepresented student experience, offering a new approach to studying identity, race, and gender in higher education.
Anecdotal evidence has long suggested that boys in general and African American males in particular are disproportionately represented among students who receive corporal punishment (CP) in school. Until 1994, no national data disaggregated by race and gender were available to determine if African American boys are indeed subjected to physical discipline at excessive rates. This study provides the first analysis of such race/gender-disaggregated data; it also lamentably confirms the popular belief. The incidence of African American males receiving CP was found to be extremely high, as was the likelihood ratio comparing Black male students' CP rates to those for other race/gender cohorts, especially White females. Limitations of the data set and implications of the findings are discussed.
Public schools are critical agencies in the transmission of status arrangements from one generation to the next. Although race-gender-differentiated socialization begins before schooling, schools respond to children of varying race-gender statuses in systematically different ways, reinforcing differentiation. Each group acquires the academic and social skills for social roles played by adults of their status configurations. This article traces the contribution of face-to-face interactions in desegregated elementary-school classrooms to the socialization of one race-gender group: black females. Qualitative analysis of classroom life over time indicates that teachers' evaluations, teachers' behaviors toward students, students' orientations toward teachers, and peer interactions all contribute to the construction of black females' "place" in desegregated schools. Implications for classroom social order and for adult roles of black females are explored.
A complete introduction to discriminant analysis--extensively revised, expanded, and updated This Second Edition of the classic book, Applied Discriminant Analysis, reflects and references current usage with its new title, Applied MANOVA and Discriminant Analysis. Thoroughly updated and revised, this book continues to be essential for any researcher or student needing to learn to speak, read, and write about discriminant analysis as well as develop a philosophy of empirical research and data analysis. Its thorough introduction to the application of discriminant analysis is unparalleled. Offering the most up-to-date computer applications, references, terms, and real-life research examples, the Second Edition also includes new discussions of MANOVA, descriptive discriminant analysis, and predictive discriminant analysis. Newer SAS macros are included, and graphical software with data sets and programs are provided on the book's related Web site. The book features: Detailed discussions of multivariate analysis of variance and covariance An increased number of chapter exercises along with selected answers Analyses of data obtained via a repeated measures design A new chapter on analyses related to predictive discriminant analysis Basic SPSS(r) and SAS(r) computer syntax and output integrated throughout the book Applied MANOVA and Discriminant Analysis enables the reader to become aware of various types of research questions using MANOVA and discriminant analysis; to learn the meaning of this field's concepts and terms; and to be able to design a study that uses discriminant analysis through topics such as one-factor MANOVA/DDA, assessing and describing MANOVA effects, and deleting and ordering variables. © 2006 by JohnWiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey. All rights reserved.