Content uploaded by Heidi Lee Dempsey
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Heidi Lee Dempsey on Jan 18, 2017
Content may be subject to copyright.
A preview of the PDF is not available
Unwanted Identities: A Key Variable in Shame–Anger Links and Gender Differences in Shame
Abstract
The present study examined the role that unwanted identities play in accounting for extant findings concerning gender differences in shame-proneness. The construct of unwanted identities was also used to explain why powerful associations have been found between shame and anger. College students (48 men, 84 women) rated their feelings of shame, guilt, anger, and unwanted identities in response to the TOSCA-2 scenarios, known to yield robust gender differences in shame, and to new scenarios, meant to be more threatening to men''s than women''s identities. Even after accounting for shared variance between shame and guilt, evidence supported the conclusion that women''s greater shame-proneness than men''s could be an artifact, reflecting the more threatening nature of previous situations to women''s identities. Mediational analyses also confirmed that unwanted identities elicit shame, which, in turn, is a powerful instigator of anger. Discussion focuses on inconsistencies between the present results and expectations based on previous theory and research.
... In other words, the person attributes his or her actions to one's stable, global self, and believes that the entire self is undesirable, unworthy, or flawed (Levinson & Tangney, 2002) (e.g., "I shouted at my daughter, this means that I am an unworthy and flawed mother"). This perspective on shame highlights the importance of what Ferguson et al. (2000) call an unwanted identity and what they argue to be the quintessential elicitor of shame. When an individual self-attributes a characteristic that undermines their self-ideals (e.g., being a kind, caring mother) or when they perceive others ascribing this characteristic to themselves (e.g., "You are a bad and unkind mother"), then they will experience shame (Ferguson et al., 2000). ...
... This perspective on shame highlights the importance of what Ferguson et al. (2000) call an unwanted identity and what they argue to be the quintessential elicitor of shame. When an individual self-attributes a characteristic that undermines their self-ideals (e.g., being a kind, caring mother) or when they perceive others ascribing this characteristic to themselves (e.g., "You are a bad and unkind mother"), then they will experience shame (Ferguson et al., 2000). ...
Research shows that shame can have a severe negative impact on intimate relationships, leading to negative shame loops between partners. In this article, we aim to provide a theoretical analysis of how attachment theory can help us understand that shame loops within couple relationships may not only be triggered by negative cues, such as criticism from a partner but can also innocently be triggered by a partner seeking connection or even offering comfort. We also elaborate on how therapists may unexpectedly trigger and intensify a client's shame. We conclude by providing a case description and discussing the therapeutic implications that can be helpful when working with the paradoxes of shame in couple therapy.
... However, while guilt-proneness is associated with prosocial and moral behavior (Cohen et al., 2011;Ent & Baumeister, 2015) and with inhibition of transgressive behavior , the effect of shame on offending is equivocal (Schalkwijk et al., 2016a). Mild transient shame appears to be adaptive and regulating in positive ways (Deonna et al., 2011); intense and non-mentalized shame is maladaptive (Fonagy et al., 2018), and can increase the likelihood of transgressive or aggressive behavior (Braithwaite, 1989;Stuewig et al., 2010;Tangney et al., 2007), especially when the individual tends toward externalizing coping (Elison et al., 2006;Schalkwijk et al., 2016b;Stuewig et al., 2010;Tangney & Dearing, 2002). Schalkwijk ((2009).) ...
... Guilt is, therefore, seen as more adaptive than shame, as shame can easily lead to negative effects. For example, shame often disrupts the present abilities for empathy , is positively related to tendencies to externalize blame and anger (Lewis, 1971;Wright et al., 2008), and is associated with for instance, substance-abuse, which may initiate a feedback loop of externalizing shame, substance abuse, and offending (Ferguson et al., 2000). ...
Conscience can be defined as a dynamic psychological function that regulates our behavior and identity through self-reflection, in an interplay of the constituent functions empathy, self-conscious emotions, and moral reasoning. Functions that are self-contained influences, but which together form the conscience. Compared to non-offenders, offenders have been reported to exhibit lower levels of these aspects . This study aims to provide a more dynamic understanding of how these aspects of conscience interact and constitute its functioning. Contrary to our expectation, network analysis (N = 281) revealed no significant differences in the structure or density of conscience networks between offenders (n = 123) and non-offenders (n = 158). Results of regression analyses suggest that conscience depends strongly on the development of self, on decentralization from self-centeredness to a broadened perspective, and more on capacities for affective than cognitive empathy. Cognitive distortions appeared not to be predictive of lower levels of guilt or shame. Failure of one of the constituent aspects appears to negatively affect the functioning of conscience as a whole. Diagnosing conscience functioning must therefore be aimed at all of those aspects in order to enable targeted interventions.
... Some of these theories do indeed make identity the most prominent feature of their theories. Hence, for example, Tjeert Olthof and colleagues used the notion of an unwanted identity as one's realization that when seen from the perspective of important others, one seems to be what one does not want to be (Ferguson et al. 2000;Olthof et al. 2000Olthof et al. , 2002Olthof et al. , 2004. Olthof further argues that an unwanted identity 'might not so much concern one or the other unfavourable characteristic that people might have, but rather their fear that, when seen from the perspective of a relevant audience, their behavioral or appearance-related manifestations to the outside world give the impression of not being authored by a coherent and consistent self. ...
Shame among individuals on the autism spectrum has so far received scarce attention. Only very recently have the first studies in social psychology appeared. While their results are mixed, these studies have a common focus on the proneness of individuals on the autism spectrum to feel episodic shame, as compared with neurotypical individuals. There is not in other words much literature dwelling on the quality of shame feelings among people on the spectrum. Most shame theories postulate significant connections between shame and identity (e.g., Deonna, Rodogno, Teroni 2012; Thomason 2018; Olthof this volume). In order to advance our understanding of ‘autistic shame’ it would then be relevant to ask whether there are specific connections between shame and autistic identity among people on the spectrum. To answer this question, we analyze autobiographical data on shame produced by autistic individuals and collected from specialized internet fora, blogs, autobiographies, and qualitative studies. Our analysis reveals that autistic identity triggers shame in three distinct kinds of ways: (i) shame about being autistic per se, as in ‘I am ashamed that the label “autism” (with its negative associations) applies to me’; (ii) shame triggered by features that one perceives as being connected to one’s autism, as in ‘I am ashamed of my social awkwardness’; (iii) shame triggered by features that are in fact connected to one’s autism but that the individual fails to perceive in these terms, as when one feels shame for one’s awkwardness even before receiving an autism diagnosis. In the last part of the chapter, we focus on this last phenomenon and explain it in terms of existential feelings of being (Ratcliffe 2008). In particular, we show how many autistic individuals experience the expression of their psychological differences in neurotypical society as the feeling of “being wrong”, “unfitting”, and “of lesser worth”. In the end, we connect this feeling to episodic shame and argue that the kind of pervading affective atonement that is shame according to feminist philosophers (Bartky 1990; Lehtinen 1998; Woodward 2000; Locke 2007) can indeed be understood in terms of this type of existential feeling.
... Numerous studies examined the gender differences in shame. While some studies found that females were more prone to experience and express feelings of shame [41], others studies have shown that shame is equally experienced across gender [42,43]. For instance, a recent study [42] showed that gender did not affect the pathways linking shame and the shame-coping styles to internalizing/externalizing the symptoms. ...
Shame is an intense, difficult to regulate, self-conscious emotion that predicts aspects of poor psychological functioning and is also strongly related to early relationships. Attachment insecurities, which constitute non-specific risk factors for psychological maladjustment, have been associated with an individual’s tendency to experience shame. In this study, we sought to examine the serial mediating roles of dispositional shame and shame-coping styles (i.e., attack other, attack self, withdrawal and avoidance) in the association between anxious and avoidant attachment, and psychological distress. Using a cross-sectional design, self-reported data were collected. The study sample included 978 respondents (57% female) with a mean age of 32.17 ± 13.48 years. The results of the path analysis indicated that both attachment dimensions were sequentially associated with dispositional shame and then with the attack self shame-coping style, which was, in turn, positively related to psychological distress. Further, attachment insecurities were sequentially associated with dispositional shame and then with the avoidance shame-coping style, which was, in turn, negatively related to psychological distress. The model was gender invariant, suggesting that the serial mediation worked in a similar way for men and women. The practical implications of these findings are discussed.
... Culturally, religion is a core aspect of one's identity, and this is one area in which the clinician-client relationship previously could have been affected. Identity threats, or when the image or personal identification with a group is challenged, are associated with feelings of sadness, anger, and shame (Ferguson et al., 2000;Matheson & Cole, 2004;Ysseldyk, 2011). Identity threat may have been experienced by the marginalized Palestinians and Catholic Irish. ...
... For instance, it appears that women demonstrate increased cortisol levels when facing social rejection, whereas men tend to be more reactive when confronted with achievement-based stressors 101 . Moreover, many societal messages of shame are organized and centered around gender and social norms 102 . For women, many contradictory expectations (e.g., strong yet sensitive men) are sources of distress, especially if they are not met. ...
Cardiovascular diseases are leading causes of mortality and morbidity in adults worldwide. Multiple studies suggest that there are clinically relevant sex differences in cardiovascular disease. Women and men differ substantially in terms of prevalence, presentation, management, and outcomes of cardiovascular disease. To date, however, little is known about why cardiovascular disease affects women and men differently. Since many studies do not differentiate the concept of sex and gender, it is sometimes difficult to discriminate what constitutes as sociocultural or biological contributors that drive observed clinical differences. Female sex has some biological advantages in relation to cardiovascular disease, but many of these advantages seems to disappear as soon as women develop cardiovascular risk factors (e.g., type 2 diabetes, hypertension, dyslipidemia). Furthermore, stress and allostatic load could play an important role in the relationship between sex/gender and cardiovascular diseases. In this narrative review, we argue that chronic stress and psychosocial factors might better encompass the patterns of allostatic load increases seen in women, while biological risk factors and unhealthy behaviors might be more important mechanisms that drive increased allostatic load in men. Indeed, men show allostatic load patterns that are more associated to impaired anthropometric, metabolic, and cardiovascular functioning while women have greater dysregulation in neuroendocrine and immune functioning. This gender-related factors might contribute to the pathogenesis of cardiovascular disease especially through stress mechanisms. It is important to continue to study the mechanisms in which gender influences chronic stress, because chronic stress could influence modifiable gendered factors to promote cardiovascular disease prevention.
... In this sense, the experience of the body impacts on the manifestations of shame in multiple ways, with stereotypes of gender taking place in the interpretation of such manifestations. As Ferguson et al. (2000) point out, when discussing issues of gender, shame and unwanted identities, gender-role stereotypes are well integrated in the literature when analysing the socialisation of emotion, pointing out to gender-defined expectations in relation to identities, emotions and behaviours, with women being more shame-prone in comparison to men (Reimer, 1997), something that reflects back to the masculine and feminine gender-role socialisation (Crick & Zahn-Waxler, 2003;Rosenfield, 2000). In this context men are seen more active, dominant, stronger and tougher than women, with the latter being more passive and powerless and more susceptible towards shame, feeding the gender stereotype differences in experiences of shame. ...
... Extant research indicates that persons with chronic pain often view pain as shameful, which hinders their ability to incorporate pain into a positive sense of self or identity. [51][52][53][54][55] The prominence of this type of content in the OPSGs suggests that difficulties reconceptualizing a positive identity in the context of FM are common, distressing, and potentially an issue that is neglected by both researchers and support providers. The rare posts describing efforts to reconceptualize a positive identity that incorporates FM indicates that a select few members may be using the Facebook group as a source of information and support while navigating identity loss and reconceptualization. ...
Background
Fibromyalgia (FM) is a diagnostically controversial syndrome characterized by chronic widespread pain, fatigue, sleep difficulties, cognitive dysfunction, and mental health symptoms. Though online peer support groups (OPSGs) may help persons with FM access support and information, there are concerns that such groups can be harmful.
Aims and Methods
Using a nonparticipatory observational stance, the authors analyzed discussions in three Facebook FM OPSGs (approximately 15,000 members, mostly women) to determine what themes best characterize their discussion content and whether being in a particular group was related to the type of thematic content to which they were exposed.
Results
Two themes were identified that represented explicit reasons group members participated in the OPSG (trying to understand FM and seeking/offering emotional support). Six themes represented underlying reasons members sought informational and emotional support in FM OPSGs (fighting FM, learning to live with FM, struggling with identity, distressing thoughts and feelings, judgment, empowerment-seeking). No salient differences were identified between the thematic content of each group.
Conclusions
The findings suggest that FM OPSGs may provide much needed psychosocial and emotional support regarding important aspects of psychological adjustment to living with FM while also inadvertently encouraging approaches to living with FM that do not align with evidence-based FM management recommendations (e.g., investment in fighting rather than accepting FM). These findings may be useful to patients considering joining an FM OPSG and to health providers helping patients navigate to resources that can address their emotional or psychological support needs.
Black women experience disproportional rates of cardiovascular disease (CVD) warranting further exploration of CVD risk factors. Growing evidence suggests acute stress reactivity studies may elucidate the mechanisms driving psychosocial correlates of CVD risks. Race‐related stress has been identified as a CVD risk factor among Black women though recent evidence suggests emotions may facilitate these risks. Black women may be vulnerable to shame related to frequent racist experiences. Yet, no study to date has examined racism, shame, and stress reactivity in this population. The current study utilized mixed linear models to test for time and group effects of racism and shame on stress reactivity (e.g., cortisol and c‐reactive protein [CRP]) among 34 Black women who completed the Trier Social Stress Test. Tests for two‐way interactions (i.e., shame by racism) were also performed. Significant time and group effects were observed for shame and racism on stress reactivity. Black women who experienced greater lifetime racism, stress appraised, but lower racism during the past year, exhibited greater CRP responses. Black women who experienced high levels of shame and racism during the past year and their lifetime demonstrated greater cortisol reactivity. These results prompt further research on racism and shame as CVD risk factors among Black women. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
The question of when moral identity first develops in childhood deserves more considered investigation. In this article, we examine the claim that moral identity first emerges in middle-childhood (8-12 years). An approach is taken here whereby a tendency to attribute moral shame under conditions entailing moral identity failure is considered as indicating the presence of an emerging moral identity. Differences in the emotion attributions (i.e., ashamed, guilty, scared) of 7-and 9-year-olds under moral and non-moral identity failure conditions were examined. Results showing that older children tended to attribute shame under all identity failure conditions while younger children did not, and furthermore that both age groups tended to attribute predominantly guilt under accidental harm conditions , lend weight to the suggestion that moral identity may first emerge in middle-childhood. Implications of this study and its novel approach are discussed.
When do people call someone emotional? Why is it generally accepted that women are emotional and men are not? What are the actual differences between men and women with regard to specific emotions? Under what circumstances are these differences most pronounced? How can we explain these alleged differences? In this book a distinguished international group of scholars seek to address these and other questions in an attempt to disentangle the complex and fascinating relationship between gender and emotion. Presenting a systematic overview of the most recent social psychological research in this field, the contributors combine empirical evidence and theoretical explanations to examine a wide range of emotions and emotional expressions and how they vary according to gender and context.
This poster was focused on the development of a new measure of guilt and shame: The Affective Sentence Completion test (ASC: Ferguson, Sorenson, & Eyre, 1996).
List of contributors Preface 1. Introduction: emotion, discourse, and the politics of everyday life Lila Abu-Lughod and Catherine A. Lutz 2. Shifting politics in Bedouin love poetry Lila Abu-Lughod 3. Moral discourse and the rhetoric of emotions Geoffrey M. White 4. Engendered emotion: gender, power, and the rhetoric of emotional control in American discourse Catherine A. Lutz 5. Topographies of the self: praise and emotion in Hindu India Arjun Appadurai 6. Shared and solidarity sentiments: the discourse of friendship, play, and anger in Bhatgaon Donald Brenneis 7. Registering affect: heteroglossia in the linguistic expression of emotion Judith T. Irvine 8. Language in the discourse of the emotions Daniel V. Rosenberg 9. Untouchability and the fear of death in a Tamil song Margaret Trawick Index.
