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Der Third-Person-Effekt — Über den vermuteten Einfluss der Massenmedien
Abstract
The third-person effect claims that people generally suppose others to be more influenced by mass media than themselves. It is one among several perceptual phenoma that offer deeper insights into the media’s role in society and media impact. Almost 100 empirical studies of the third-person effect have so far been published, mainly in North America. They consistently support the phenomenon and additionally address its causes and consequences. This article contains a systematic overview of these studies, their findings and their theoretical explanations for the third-person effect. However, extensive theoretical work on the causes for the evidently solid difference between self-perception and perception of others is still lacking. In order to close this gap we develop an integrative theoretical model in which the third-person effect is linked to other perceptual phenomena (hostile-media phenomenon, optimistic bias, pluralistic ignorance, looking-glass effect). We assume that the perception of (alleged) media impact results in real behavior and therefore should play an important role in media effect theories. Moreover, this could lead to a conceptual extension of these approaches.
... Es handelt sich um ein themenübergreifend nachweisbares Phänomen, für das es jedoch sehr un- terschiedliche Erklärungsansätze gibt (Brosius & Engel 1996;Huck & Brosius 2007). Einer davon ist der sogenannte "optimistic bias" (Gunther & Mundy 1993). ...
... Im umgekehrten Fall eines erwünschten Medieneffekts fällt der Third-Person-Effekt in der Regel geringer aus oder kehrt sich sogar ins Gegenteil. Dies wird dann als "First-Person-Effect" bezeichnet (Huck & Brosius 2007). ...
Wir leben in einer Welt, in der wir viele Dinge überhaupt nicht mehr selbst erfahren, sondern nur noch dadurch, dass sie uns durch Medien zugänglich gemacht werden. „Was wir über unsere Gesellschaft, ja über die Welt, in der wir leben, wissen, wissen wir durch die Massenmedien,“ lautet die viel zitierte Aussage von Luhmann (2009, S. 9).
... Im Zuge solcher Überlegungen greift dieser Beitrag die Parallelen zwischen der Befundlage beim Fallbeispieleffekt und der Theorie der Third-Person-Wahrnehmungen (TPW; vgl. Davison, 1983;Huck & Brosius, 2007) auf: Diesem Wahrnehmungsphänomen zufolge glauben Menschen grundsätzlich, andere unterlägen negativen Medieneinflüssen stärker als sie selbst. Es liegt nahe, dass diese verzerrte Realitätswahrnehmung auch bei der Verarbeitung medial präsentierter FB relevant sein könnte. ...
... Diese anfängliche Vermutung wurde inzwischen in einer sehr großen Zahl von Studien empirisch belegt (zusammenfassend Paul, Salwen, & Dupagne, 2000; und kann daher als ein stabiles und beinahe universelles Muster der sozialen Wahrnehmung betrachtet werden (vgl. Huck, & Brosius, 2007). Dies hat auch zu einer Beschäftigung mit den Konsequenzen solcher TPW, den sogenannten Third-Person-Effekten (TPE, vgl. ...
Der Einfluss wahrgenommener Medienwirkungen auf die Verarbeitung von Fallbeispielen Medienwirkung und Fallbeispielrezeption Die Forschung zum Fallbeispieleffekt hat wiederholt gezeigt, dass medial vermittelte Fallbeispiele und summarische Realitätsbeschreibungen einen stärkeren Einfluss auf das wahrgenommene Meinungsklima ausüben als auf die eigene Meinung von Rezipi-enten. Bisher wurde dieser Befund über vorhandene Voreinstellungen der Rezipienten erklärt. Die vorliegende Studie reproduziert das Resultat jedoch in einer Experimen-talsituation, in der keine Voreinstellungen vorhanden sind. Stattdessen zeigt sich ein Interaktionseffekt zwischen Third-Person-Wahrnehmungen und der Wirkung von Fallbeispielen: Rezipienten, die annehmen, dass andere von den Medien stärker beein-flusst werden als sie selbst, folgen bei Ihrer Einschätzung des Meinungsklimas stärker der Aussage im Fallbeispiel. Dies spricht für einen indirekten Fallbeispieleffekt. Die Konsequenzen, die sich daraus für die Fallbeispielforschung ergeben, werden disku-tiert.
... Dazu zählt hier wohl das Herunterspielen von Kompensationsgeschäften: "Ich meine, wir sprechen von Schlafsäcken, nicht von Waffen" (Öffentlichkeitsarbeiter*in 11). Zudem handelt es sich um Paradebeispiele für Optimistic Bias/Unrealistic Optimism (Huck & Brosius, 2007). Demnach haben Menschen von sich selbst ein positiveres Bild als von anderen (Huck & Brosius, 2007, S. 362). ...
Eine konstruktive Beschreibung des Spannungsverhältnisses beider Berufsfelder
Technologische ökonomische und praktische Aspekte werden anhand von zahlreichen Praxisbeispielen veranschaulicht
Die Autor*innen erläutern konkrete Beispiele für Konvergenz und Konkurrenz aus verschiedenen Perspektiven
... Although many empirical studies show that (social) media perceptions are closely related, there exist only few theoretical attempts to link (social) media perceptions (e.g., Gunther, 1998;Huck & Brosius, 2007;Post, 2019;Schulz & Rössler, 2013;Tsfati & Cohen, 2013). Probably the most prominent theoretical approach that arranges the order of several media perceptions is the persuasive press inference (Gunther, 1998). ...
... Die bisherige Forschung lässt vermuten, dass erkrankte Personen dabei die mediale Darstellung negativ verzerrt wahrnehmen, und zwar umso stärker, je mehr sie sich mit der Gruppe der Erkrankten insgesamt identifizieren (Hostile-Media-Phänomen; [34]). Gleichzeitig stellen die Betroffenen Vermutungen an, wie die Darstellung der Krankheit in den Medien auf andere wirkt -je negativer die Darstellung wahrgenommen wird, desto stärkere Effekte werden in der Regel auf andere Rezipient*innen unterstellt [35,36]. Darauf basierend führen sie das Verhalten ihres Umfelds ihnen gegenüber auf die mediale Darstellung zurück und richten wiederum ihr eigenes Verhalten an dem wahrgenommenen Einfluss aus [37]. ...
Zusammenfassung
Essstörungen gehören in westlichen Gesellschaften zu den häufigsten psychosomatischen Erkrankungen. Die Medien werden seit geraumer Zeit dafür verantwortlich gemacht, einer der Auslöser von Essstörungen zu sein. Beispielsweise konnte in mehreren Studien gezeigt werden, dass Medien ein unrealistisches Schönheitsideal vermitteln und dieses gerade bei jungen Rezipientinnen eine Unzufriedenheit mit dem eigenen Körper bewirken kann.
Allerdings wurden 2 zentrale Aspekte bisher kaum betrachtet.
Zum einen fehlt es an Studien, in denen die Erkrankten selbst im Mittelpunkt stehen und die Rolle der Medien in der Entstehungs‑, Verlaufs- und Bewältigungsphase einer Essstörung betrachtet wird. Zum anderen gibt es kaum Untersuchungen dazu, wie und in welchem Umfang die Krankheit in den Medien thematisiert wird und wie solche Darstellungen auf die betroffene Gruppe wirken.
Auf Basis der bisherigen Forschung in diesem Bereich ist zu vermuten, dass die Wahrnehmung dessen, wie die eigene Krankheit in den Medien dargestellt wird, Konsequenzen für die Selbstwahrnehmung, das Wohlbefinden und das Handeln der erkrankten Personen hat. Der vorliegende Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über die komplexe Rolle von Medien im Rahmen einer Essstörung und zeigt vor allem Lücken in der kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Forschung zu diesem Thema auf.
... The first part of Davison's hypothesis is commonly called the perception-component of the third-person effect. Single studies as well as meta-studies successfully confirmed it at various times and under different conditions (Davison, 1996;Perloff, 1999;Brosius, & Engel, 1996;Huck, & Brosius, 2007). Among other factors, the desirability of a message plays an important role in explaining the extent and the direction of third-person perceptions. ...
... Einige Autoren unterscheiden die Komponenten "Th ird-Person Perception" (Diskrepanz zwischen dem vermuteten Einfl uss auf einen selbst und Dritte) und "Th ird-Person Eff ect" als tatsächliche Auswirkungen auf Verhalten (vgl. Brosius & Engel 1997;Huck & Brosius 2007;Sun et al. 2008). Letzere wurde zwar bereits von Davison (1983) formuliert, wird allerdings wesentlich seltener empirisch untersucht und die vorliegenden Befunde sind uneinheitlich. ...
Wahrnehmungsphänomene haben vor allem in der sozialpsychologischen Forschung einen hohen Stellenwert, da sie zentrale Erklärungsansätze dafür liefern, wie Individuen ihre Umwelt wahrnehmen und sich in ihr verhalten. Das Potential einiger solcher Phänomene für die Erklärung von Medienwirkungen wurde bereits erkannt, medienspezifische Wahrnehmungsphänomene sind in der Kommunikationswissenschaft dementsprechend relativ gut erforscht (etwa der Third-Person-Effekt). Die Adaption anderer sozialpsychologischer Phänomene hingegen erfolgt nur langsam, theoretische Bezüge zwischen den Phänomenen werden selten hergestellt. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die wichtigsten psychologischen und medienspezifischen Wahrnehmungsphänomene vor und diskutiert ihre Relevanz für die Medienwirkungsforschung.
... Es liegen inzwischen viele Studien zum Third-Person-Effekt vor, denen sich entnehmen lässt, welche medialen Einflüsse warum auf wen wahrgenommen werden und 2.2 welche Konsequenzen sich daraus ergeben (im Überblick: Gunther et al. 2007, Huck & Brosius 2007, Tal-Or et al. 2009). Die erste zentrale Annahme zur Wahrnehmungskomponente kann für etliche Anwendungsfelder als bestätigt gelten (Sun et al. 2008). ...
Education is always evolving, and most recently has shifted to increased online or remote learning. Digital Learning and Teaching in Chemistry compiles the established and emerging trends in this field, specifically within the context of learning and teaching in chemistry. This book shares insights about five major themes: best practices for teaching and learning digitally, digital learning platforms, virtual visualisation and laboratory to promote learning in science, digital assessment, and building communities of learners and educators. The authors are chemistry instructors and researchers from nine countries, contributing an international perspective on digital learning and teaching in chemistry.
While the chapters in this book span a wide variety of topics, as a whole, they focus on using technology and digital platforms as a method for supporting inclusive and meaningful learning. The best practices and recommendations shared by the authors are highly relevant for modern chemistry education, as teaching and learning through digital methods is likely to persist. Furthermore, teaching chemistry digitally has the potential to bring greater equity to the field of chemistry education in terms of who has access to quality learning, and this book will contribute to that goal. This book will be essential reading for those working in chemical education and teaching.
Yehudit Judy Dori is internationally recognised, formerly Dean of the Faculty of Education of Science and Technology at the Technion Israel Institute of Technology and won the 2020 NARST Distinguished Contributions to Science Education through Research Award–DCRA for her exceptional research contributions. Courtney Ngai and Gabriela Szteinberg are passionate researchers and practitioners in the education field. Courtney Ngai is the Associate Director of the Office of Undergraduate Research and Artistry at Colorado State University. Gabriela Szteinberg serves as Assistant Dean and Academic Coordinator for the College of Arts and Sciences at Washington University in St. Louis.
Der Beitrag beschreibt das Zusammenspiel von Politik und Medien. Dabei werden unterschiedliche Perspektiven auf das dynamische Kräfteverhältnis zwischen beiden Systemen eingenommen. Zwischen den Polen einer Dominanz der Politik über die Medien und andersherum einer Dominanz der Medien über die Politik lässt sich analytisch ein funktionales Gleichgewicht beschreiben, in dem beide Systeme ihrer Funktion für die Gesellschaft gerecht werden. Dieses wird durch die Digitalisierung der Medien, der Politik und der Gesellschaft insgesamt weder besser noch schlechter, sehr wohl aber komplexer. Denn insbesondere in sozialen Netzwerken verschwimmen zunehmend die Systemgrenzen.
Die voranschreitende Automatisierung wirft in nahezu allen Gesellschaftsbereichen Wert- und Interessenkonflikte zwischen den Partikularinteressen von Organisationen und Individuen einerseits, und dem Gemeinwohl andererseits auf. Im Kontext strategischer Kommunikation wurde der (potenzielle) Einsatz von künstlicher Intelligenz, etwa in Form von Chatbots oder Mikrotargeting, bisher hauptsächlich aus ethischer Perspektive oder aus Sicht von Kommunikationspraktier:innen untersucht. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt auf Basis der Ergebnisse aus drei explorativen Gruppendiskussionen zu sechs Szenarien, die den Einsatz von algorithmischen Systemen in der strategischen Kommunikation thematisieren, erste Erkenntnisse zur Perspektive der Rezipient:innen vor. Diese verhandeln starke Wert- und Interessenkonflikte zu Fragen der Manipulation, des Datenschutzes und der Kontrolle. Zugleich ist ein eher oberflächliches Wissen über die Technik und deren Grenzen damit verbunden, dass Mythen und Dystopien reproduziert werden, und dass die Technik anthropomorphisiert wird.
Bei der Anwendung von Big Data in der Public Relations (PR) werden Kommunikator*innen mit zahlreichen ethischen Herausforderungen konfrontiert. Werte aus unterschiedlichen Bereichen können bei Entscheidungen zur genauen Ausgestaltung der datenbasierten Kommunikation in Konflikt geraten und erschweren eine ethische Entscheidungsfindung. Gerade bei Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGOs), die besonderen gesellschaftlichen Erwartungen ausgesetzt sind, spielt die Wahrnehmung von unterschiedlichen Wertvorstellungen eine bedeutende Rolle. Die bisherige PR-Forschung bietet dazu jedoch nur wenige Anknüpfungspunkte. Der folgende Beitrag stellt ein Identifikationsschema für Wertkonflikte in der PR in Anlehnung an Bommer et al. (1987) vor und verdeutlicht dieses am Beispiel von Wertkonflikten im Rahmen der Anwendung von Big Data in der PR von NGOs. Die Identifizierungen von Werten aus diversen Umfeldern sowie die Systematisierung von Wertkonflikten im Rahmen der individuellen ethischen Entscheidungsfindung stellt einen entscheidenden Schritt zur Erforschung und Bewältigung von ethischen Herausforderungen in der PR dar.
Im Rahmen von Public Affairs spielen Medien als Vermittler zwischen Politik und Unternehmen eine entscheidende Rolle. Im Zentrum dieses Kapitels steht die sich mediatisierende und medialisierende Politik als Rahmenbedingung von Unternehmenskommunikation. Der Beitrag unterscheidet Medialisierung und Mediatisierung, betont aber auch die Notwendigkeit der Verbindung beider Ansätze in Bezug auf die Politik und versucht darüber hinaus, Rückschlüsse für Unternehmen und Organisationen zu ziehen, die sich aus der Medialisierung und Mediatisierung der Politik für sie ergeben.
Der Beitrag behandelt die Frage, wie unsere mediatisierte Gesellschaft mit den Schattenseiten einer digitalen Ökonomie der Aufmerksamkeit umgeht. Im öffentlichen Diskurs, aber auch in der wissenschaftlichen Psychologie und Pädagogik, wird auf die zunehmende Überlastung von Mediennutzern durch eine stark zugespitzte und grenzenlose Online-Kommunikation hingewiesen. Darunter fallen Suchterscheinungen, Erschöpfungssyndrome und Angstzustände. Im theoretischen Teil wird deshalb erläutert, wie die Mediatisierung die Funktionslogik der öffentlichen und privaten Kommunikation verändert. Wichtige Basiskonstrukte sind hierbei Uwe Schimanks Akteur-Struktur-Dynamiken in gesellschaftlichen Teilsystemen, der Medienlogik-Ansatz nach David Altheide und Robert Snow sowie die systematisierenden Beiträge zur Mediatisierung der Gesellschaft nach Michael Meyen und Friedrich Krotz. Ausgehend vom stark prozessbezogenen empirischen Forschungsstand wird hier eine kritische Folgenperspektive eingenommen. In 19 Leitfaden-Interviews mit Experten aus der praktischen Psychologie, Pädagogik und Massenkommunikation zeigt sich: Mentale Grenzüberschreitungen in einer digitalen Ökonomie der Aufmerksamkeit sind eine reale und gesamtgesellschaftliche Herausforderung, die der einzelne Nutzer oft nicht bewältigen kann. Appelliert wird deshalb an intensivere Medienkompetenzvermittlung über alle Altersgruppen hinweg. Befürwortet werden zudem interdisziplinäre Projekte, die den Nutzer und sein soziales Umfeld präventiv und kurativ begleiten.
Von Dezember 2015 bis Januar 2016 wiederholten wir unsere Befragung zu den Einstellungen gegenüber Muslimen und dem Islam. Das Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (BAMF) vermeldet am 6. Januar 2016, dass im Jahre 2015 insgesamt 476.649 formelle Asylanträge gestellt worden seien. Allein 162.510 Asylbewerber kämen aus Syrien (Bundesministerium des Innern 2016).
Stellen wir uns eine gesunde und figurbewusste junge Frau vor, die an einem Werbeplakat vorbei geht, welches auf eindringliche Weise den unvergleichlichen Geschmack einer neuen Schokoladenmarke anpreist. Die Frau ist überzeugt davon, dass dieses Plakat ihre Konsumentscheidung nicht beeinflussen wird. Andererseits geht sie davon aus, dass die meisten Menschen sich von diesem Plakat beeinflussen lassen und mehr Schokolade essen. Angesichts des steigenden Anteils übergewichtiger Menschen in der deutschen Bevölkerung hält sie es für sinnvoll, Werbung für Süßigkeiten stärker zu regulieren oder zumindest mit Warnhinweisen zu versehen.
Der Beitrag fragt nach langfristigen Medienwirkungen zweiter Ordnung: Wie reagieren individuelle und kollektive Akteure auf die Ausdifferenzierung eines Mediensystems, das nach einer eigenen Handlungslogik arbeitet? Der deutsche Spitzenfußball eignet sich für eine solche Studie, weil er von der Präsenz in den Massenmedien abhängig ist und weil sich hier die mediale Konstruktion der Realität seit den 1980er Jahren in Richtung kom-merzielle Logik verschoben hat. Gestützt auf eine Vielzahl von Quellen (Regeln, Statis-tiken, Autobiografien, Experteninterviews, Aufzeichnungen von herausragenden Spie-len) sowie Schimanks Ansatz der Akteur-Struktur-Dynamiken wird gezeigt, dass sich mit der medialen Konstruktion auch das Spiel selbst in jeder Hinsicht verändert hat. Der Fußball ist schneller und ästhetischer geworden. Spieler und Trainer wissen um die Prä-senz der Kameras, werden entsprechend beraten und zum Teil nach Medienaffinität ausgewählt. Die Vereine haben heute in jeder Hinsicht fernsehtaugliche Stadien und be-treiben professionelle PR, und sowohl die Spielregeln als auch der Ansetzungsrhythmus sind ständig an die sich wandelnde Handlungslogik der Massenmedien angepasst worden. Ein Teil dieser Veränderungen erschwert kritischen Journalismus.
Judges, state prosecutors and lawyers use media reports about their lawsuits very intensively and expose themselves to accordant influences. Most important sources are local papers at the seat of the court. Media reports about criminal proceedings with their attendance have a strong influence on themselves and especially on lay judges, the accused, victims, witnesses etc. This influence is reflected in the courtroom atmosphere and the degree of penalty. Prosecutors and lawyers should use this influence and practice an active information policy.
The paper applies social psychology’s results on the theory of social comparison to media content. The finding that people tend to evaluate themselves better than they evaluate others, even if there is no foundation for that in reality, presents the starting point of these considerations. Such an optimistic bias can also be observed in social groups. It is established and distributed in small groups by interpersonal communication and contributes to the individuals’ identification with the group and, thus, to the group’s stability. The paper argues that this phenomenon should be applicable to larger social groups such as religious and ethnic groups or social strata. In these cases, the optimistic bias would have to be communicatively distributed through the media. We introduce a theoretical model that combines the role of media content, its individual reception and processing, and the reciprocal effect of processing on social structure. Subsequently, first empirical evidence of optimistic-bias presentations in media discourses is presented, and resulting problems for future research are discussed.
Medieneinflüsse auf die Politik werden allgemein als selbstverständlich unterstellt. Unter welchen Bedingungen und mit welchen
spezifischen Folgen diese eintreten, sind seit jeher zentrale kommunikationswissenschaftliche Forschungsthemen. In der Politikwissenschaft
jedoch spielen diese Fragen nur eine vergleichsweise geringe Rolle. Max Kaase (1998) mutmaßt, dass dies möglicherweise auf
die Allgegenwart der Massenmedien zurückzuführen sei, die „als soziale Selbstverständlichkeiten unterhalb der für Forschung
notwendigen Aufmerksamkeitsschwelle“ blieben. Wendet man das Argument, dann qualifiziert es zugleich das überragende Interesse
der Kommunikationswissenschaft dahingehend, dass diese sich mit Selbstverständlichkeiten abgibt – und sich dabei auch noch
ziemlich schwertut. Dass sie sich schwertut, bestimmt ihr Bild in der Laienöffentlichkeit wie auch in Teilen der wissenschaftlichen
Literatur.
Die Szenerie trug bisweilen bizarre Züge: Hermetisch abgeschirmt die beiden Kanzlerkandidaten, sichtlich unwohl im Korsett
ihrer maßgefertigten und wählergetesteten Anzüge, und noch unwohler im strengen Korsett des Regelwerks für die Wahlkampfduelle,
die die Delegationen der Kontrahenten zuvor in wochenlangen Auseinandersetzungen minutiös ausgehandelt hatten. Derweil saß
die Journalistenmeute in einem anderen Gebäude, ohne Chance zur Rückfrage ihrer Funktion weitgehend beraubt, und versuchte
anhand der Fernsehbilder zu entscheiden, wer denn nun wohl als Gewinner oder Verlierer des Kanzlerduells zu gelten habe.*
Weshalb diese starre, mitunter ins Lächerliche abgleitende Inszenierung?
This article covers the questions how forest scientists com- municate in different styles and how scientists with different communication styles vary. Four different types of commu- nicational behaviour are found. Scientists with these diffe- rent styles of communication differ in their academic status and their motives for communication. The perceptions of media effects don't differ between the scientists with diffe- rent communication styles. A third-person-perception is cle- arly detectable, but it has no effect on the communicational behaviour of scientists. keine einheitliche Sichtweise über den Stellenwert der Wis- senschaftskommunikation. Diese unterschiedlichen Sicht- weisen sind empirischen Untersuchungen zugänglich. Wenn wir den Standpunkt vertreten, dass bestimmte Maßnahmen die Wissenschaftskommunikation günstig beeinflussen könnten, dann bedeutet das nicht, dass wir die oben aufge- führte normative Entscheidung mittragen. Vielmehr wollen wir Wege aufzeigen, wie Forschungstransfer und Wissens- vermittlung aus der Wissenschaft in die Gesellschaft gelin- gen kann, sofern man dies möchte. Dafür blicken wir in den folgenden Kapiteln auf die bestehen- den Erkenntnisse aus der Forschung über Wissenstransfer. Wir erläutern unsere theoretische Herangehensweise an die Untersuchung und stellen Forschungsfragen, welche die vor- liegende Studie leiten. Im zweiten Teil des Beitrags erläutern wir unsere Forschungsmethoden und beschreiben die Er- gebnisse. Zuletzt werden diese Ergebnisse analysiert und Empfehlungen für die Kommunikation forstwissenschaftli- cher Erkenntnisse abgeleitet.
Zu den Ritualen der politischen Kommunikationsforschung gehören die gegenseitigen Vorwürfe der beteiligten Disziplinen, die
jeweilige Gegenseite vernachlässige bei der Untersuchung politischer Kommunikationsprozesse die Mikro- bzw. die Makroperspektive.
Durch diese Engführung würde wesentliches Erklärungspotenzial für die untersuchten Phänomene der politischen Kommunikation
vertan (Neidhardt 2005). Dass keine der beiden Seiten bislang eine klare Öffnung beiden Perspektiven gegenüber systematisch
vorangetrieben hat, liegt allerdings nicht nur an ideologischer Sturheit, sondern an der tatsächlichen Schwierigkeit, politische
Kommunikationsprozesse sowohl auf individueller Ebene als auch auf gesellschaftlicher Ebene gleichermaßen befriedigend zu
erklären.
Die Ziele von Strafprozessen bestehen in der Feststellung der Tatsachen und ihrer Beurteilung anhand des geltenden Rechts. Untersucht wird, wie Medienberichte den Ablauf und das Ergebnis von Strafprozessen beeinflussen. Grundlage ist eine Online-Befragung von 447 Richtern und 271 Staatsanwälten. Ermittelt wurden die Nutzung der Berichte über eigene Verfahren; die wahrgenommenen Fehler der Berichterstattung; die Intensität der erlebten medialen Kritik; die emotionalen Reaktionen auf mediale Kritik; der wahrgenommene Einfluss der Berichte auf Laien und Experten im Gerichtssaal; die Orientierung des eigenen Verhaltens an der Öffentlichkeit sowie der wahrgenommene Einfluss der Berichte auf das Strafmaß. Das darauf beruhende Strukturgleichungsmodell weist einen signifikanten Einfluss der Nutzung von Medienberichten auf das Strafmaß aus. Ein schwächerer Pfad verläuft direkt von der Nutzung zum Strafmaß, ein stärkerer Pfad vermittelt über Emotionen, die die Berichterstattung hervorgerufen hat. Die Ergebnisse werden vor dem Hintergrund der Theorien der Generalprävention und der ihnen zugrunde liegenden Annahmen über die Bedeutung der Öffentlichkeit für Strafprozesse diskutiert.
Der Begriff „Mediatisierung“ bezeichnet die Anpassung der Akteure in Politik, Wirtschaft, Wissenschaft und zahlreichen anderen gesellschaftlichen Subsystemen an die Erfolgsbedingungen der Medien.1 Die Mediatisierung erstreckt sich theoretisch auf mindestens drei miteinander verbundene Aspekte – den Autonomieverlust der Subsysteme, den Funktionsverlust der Subsysteme sowie die Machtverlagerung von den Subsystemen auf die Medien. Ein Autonomieverlust liegt dann vor, wenn die Medien die Rekrutierung des Nachwuchses, die Karrierechancen der Akteure und die Ausrichtung beruflichen Handelns in anderen Subsystemen maßgeblich beeinflussen. Eine Machtverlagerung ist dann gegeben, wenn die Medien durch die Art ihrer Sachdarstellung den Entscheidungsspielraum in anderen Subsystemen so einengen, dass nur noch wenige Alternativen akzeptabel sind oder sogar nur noch eine Möglichkeit legitim erscheint. Von einem Funktionsverlust kann man dann sprechen, wenn die Akteure in anderen Subsystemen aufgrund ihrer Anpassung an die Erfolgsbedingungen der Medien ihre eigentlichen Aufgaben nicht optimal wahrnehmen. Für die Richtigkeit dieser Annahmen gibt es inzwischen empirische Belege, vor allem durch quantitative Befragungen.2
The integration of formerly isolated theoretical concepts is probably one of the most challenging tasks in the development
of media effects theory. While agenda setting has already been linked to priming and framing via the concept of second level
agenda-setting, this article takes a closer look into perceptual phenomena within the agenda-setting process, thus linking
micro-level psychological theories with macro-level theories of political communication. Starting with third-person perceptions,
we argue that part of the agenda-setting function of the mass media is to inform recipients what other people believe to be important. Along these lines of thought, a theoretical model of agenda-setting effects is outlined in which
perceptual components play an important role in the conceived process of media influence.
After viewing identical samples of major network television coverage of the Beirut massacre, both pro-Israeli and pro-Arab partisans rated these programs, and those responsible for them, as being biased against their side. This hostile media phenomenon appears to involve the operation of two separate mechanisms. First, partisans evaluated the fairness of the media's sample of facts and arguments differently: in light of their own divergent views about the objective merits of each side's case and their corresponding views about the nature of unbiased coverage. Second, partisans reported different perceptions and recollections about the program content itself; that is, each group reported more negative references to their side than positive ones, and each predicted that the coverage would sway nonpartisans in a hostile direction. Within both partisan groups, furthermore, greater knowledge of the crisis was associated with stronger perceptions of media bias. Charges of media bias, we concluded, may reflect more than self-serving attempts to secure preferential treatment. They may result from the operation of basic cognitive and perceptual mechanisms, mechanisms that should prove relevant to perceptions of fairness or objectivity in a wide range of mediation and negotiation contexts.
It is a common assumption that in many countries mass media censorship is imposed by an authoritarian government on an unwilling
public. This study examines public opinion about television censorship in the island nation of Singapore. More specifically,
we tested the third-person effect hypothesis, which suggests that people expect media content to have more negative influence
on others than on themselves, and that some support for censorship is based on that perceptual bias.
Data for the study came from face-to-face interviews with 506 randomly selected Singaporeans who evaluated ten categories
of ‘sensitive’ television content. Results revealed (1) a substantial perceptual bias in all content categories; (2) generally
strong opinion favoring censorship of television content; and (3) a significant relationship between these two factors, suggesting
that people may support censorship of media in part because of a tendency to overestimate its negative influence.
The authors posit that 2 distinct perceptual dimensions underlie the third-person effect hypothesis: judgments of susceptibility to communications (a cognitive process) and severity of communications (an affective process). To explore this, 194 adults were asked (a) to estimate their own and others' susceptibility to various types of advertising content and the severity of such advertising's effects on themselves and others, and (b) to express their willingness to censor these classes of commercials. The advertising content fell into 2 broad categories: controversial products (cigarettes, liquor, and beer) and gambling services (casinos and lotteries). Findings indicate that third-person perceptions exist in terms of susceptibility and severity, and that both of these perceptual biases are related to individuals' willingness to censor advertising.
Along with the rapid growth experienced by the gaming industry in the United States has come increasing calls to restrict or ban gambling advertising. To date, little is known about what motivates people to support such restrictions on advertising. However, one recent theory, the third-person effect, offers a possible explanation. The third-person effect states that when confronted with negative messages, people will overestimate the messages' effect on others relative to themselves. Additionally, it suggests that it is this misperception that motivates them to take action against such messages. This study investigates whether a third-person effect occurs for gambling advertising and if this effect is related to pro- censorship attitudes for lotteries and casinos. The results suggest there is a sizable gap between perceptions of the effect of gambling advertising on one's self versus others, and that the perceived effect on others is related to a willingness to restrict such advertising. 2000 John Wiley and Sons, Inc.
While the third-person effect has proved to be a persistent and robust finding, most research on this phenomenon has employed media stimuli with potentially harmful consequences for its audience. We hypothesized that underlying the third-person phenomenon is a human tendency to see the world through optimistic or self-serving lenses. Such an optimistic bias predicts that people will estimate greater media effects on others than on themselves for messages with harmful outcomes, but no difference in effect for beneficial messages.
Although numerous studies have shown the third-person perception, explanation of why and how self-other perceptual gaps occur remains underdeveloped. Conceiving message-effect perceptions as a form of social judgment under varying degrees of uncertainty, this study attempts to demonstrate the responsiveness of the perceptual gap to information on message effectiveness and to explicate the uncertainty-reduction interpretation of social distance corollary. Analyzing data from a survey and an experiment, this study finds that credible information on overall message ineffectiveness leads to reductions in estimated effects of the messages on both self and various others and in self-other perceptual gaps when the other is most distant from self. Consistent with the uncertainty reduction argument, the self-other perceptual gaps are related to perceived similarity of the others and vary in response to labels of the others that cue different degrees of similarity with self. Directions for future studies and practical implications are discussed.
The study explores the relationship between heuristic and systematic processing and first-, second-, and third-person effects. Controversy surrounding a referendum over the Confederate battle emblem appearing on the Mississippi state flag served as a backdrop for a survey of residents (N = 520) concerning the perceptions of the media's influence on self and others. Results suggest that accuracy-motivated heuristic and systematic processing shows a limited relationship to third- and first-person effects while at the same time demonstrating a robust relationship with transpersonal (second-person) effects. The study revealed that inferred attention of others to the flag issue accounted for additional variance beyond inferred exposure. In addition, systematic processing and second-person effects emerged as significant predictors of indicators of civic participation, discussion and voting, and media censorship. Implications of using the heuristic-systematic model in areas such as political campaigns, social capital and trust, agenda-setting, framing, and the spiral of silence are discussed.
The perceived effects of advertising on body-image factors were tested in both Black and White college-age women. After seeing magazine ads that portrayed either Black fashion models or White fashion models, respondents rated perceived effects of these ads on body-image factors. The effects were rated on self, on other Black women on campus, and other White women on campus. When projecting perceived effects on others—of the same race or a different race—both Blacks and Whites indicated that media effects would be maximal when the race of the model matched the race of the respondent. However, when rating perceived effects on self, whereas Blacks identified strongly with Black models, there was no significant difference in the way Whites identified with fashion models of either race. The results are examined within the framework of social distance and social identification.
Researchers have proposed a social distance corollary to the third-person perception to explain the common finding that as comparison groups become more different from the self or more generally described, the size of the third-person perception increases (i.e., media messages are perceived to have greater negative impact on others than self). The two studies presented here investigate whether third-person perceptions are influenced by social distance or perceived likelihood of exposure. We differentiate three ways of operationalizing social distance and examine whether perceived impact increases along each dimension of social distance. The results of our studies demonstrated that perceived likelihood of exposure was a strong predictor of perceived impact, whereas the perceived social distance of the comparison group was not. These findings indicate that previous social distance findings may actually be an artifact of inferences about how likely comparison groups are to be exposed to the media content in question.
Although there is consistent evidence indicating that people perceive themselves to be less influenced than others by negative media content and persuasive communications with negative intent (viz., a third-person effect), much less is known about the perceived impact of positive media content and public service advertisements. This study investigated the perceived impact of 11 AIDS advertisements promoting a common message for safe sex, in an attempt to clarify the conditions in which people might judge themselves as more, rather than less, influenced than others. Results indicated that student respondents perceived themselves as less vulnerable than others to low-quality AIDS advertisements, but as more influenced than others by high-quality AIDS advertisements. Respondents who believed strongly that it is good to be influenced by AIDS campaigns saw themselves as relatively vulnerable to such messages, whereas other respondents did not distinguish between the level of impact on self and other. Results are consistent with motivational accounts that emphasize the ego-enhancing function of social comparisons.
Along with the rapid growth experienced by the gaming industry in the United States has come increasing calls to restrict or ban gambling advertising. To date, little is known about what motivates people to support such restrictions on advertising. However, one recent theory, the third-person effect, offers a possible explanation. The third-person effect states that when confronted with negative messages, people will overestimate the messages' effect on others relative to themselves. Additionally, it suggests that it is this misperception that motivates them to take action against such messages. This study investigates whether a third-person effect occurs for gambling advertising and if this effect is related to pro-censorship attitudes for lotteries and casinos. The results suggest there is a sizable gap between perceptions of the effect of gambling advertising on one's self versus others, and that the perceived effect on others is related to a willingness to restrict such advertising. © 2000 John Wiley and Sons, Inc.
This study examines variations in perceptions of media influence based on the locus of impact (self vs. other) and the valence of the message (pro-social vs. anti-social). After reading one of four versions of rap lyrics either advocating or condemning violence or misogyny, 406 undergraduates filled out a survey measuring the perceived impact of songs with that type of lyrics on themselves and on other students. Results replicated previous findings of a third-person perception for the anti-social messages. Based on an ego-enhancement motivational explanation, it was predicted that there would be a reverse third-person perception for the pro-social messages. The findings did not support this hypothesis, and for the pro-social message regarding the treatment of women, a traditional third-person perception was found. However, consistent with the ego-defensive motivational explanation, the size of the third-person perception differential was significantly greater for anti-social than for pro-social messages. Implications of these findings for explanations of the third-person perception were discussed.
Researchers have proposed a social distance corollary to the third-person perception to explain the common finding that as comparison groups become more different from the self or more generally described, the size of the third-person perception increases (i.e., media messages are perceived to have greater negative impact on others than self). The two studies presented here investigate whether third-person perceptions are influenced by social distance or perceived likelihood of exposure. We differentiate three ways of operationalizing social distance and examine whether perceived impact increases along each dimension of social distance. The results of our studies demonstrated that perceived likelihood of exposure was a strong predictor of perceived impact, whereas the perceived social distance of the comparison group was not. These findings indicate that previous social distance findings may actually be an artifact of inferences about how likely comparison groups are to be exposed to the media content in question.
A nationwide telephone survey in the United States was conducted to investigate the impact of question order on the perceptual
and behavioral hypotheses of the third-person effect. The perceptual hypothesis posits that individuals perceive other people
to be more vulnerable than themselves to persuasive media messages, whereas the behavioral hypothesis predicts that perceiving
others as more vulnerable increases support for message restrictions. Key questions included estimated effects of media issues
on self, perceived effects on others, and support for restrictions on media content. Four question-order condition (restrictions—others-self,
restrictions-self-others, others-self-restrictions, and self—others—restrictions) were tested with three media issues (television
violence, televised trials, and negative political advertising). In line with past research, the order of the self, others,
and restrictions questions did not affect the perceptual hypothesis. However, the sequencing of the self, others, and restrictions
questions affected support for the behavioral hypothesis in some conditions. The results suggest that, consistent with a saliency
effect, placement of self and others questions prior to the restrictions question might heighten respondents' willingness
to endorse restrictions on the media and increase support for the behavioral hypothesis.
Three studies tested a self-categorization theory explanation for the third-person effect. In Study 1 (N = 49) undergraduate students judged the influence of the National Enquirer, Wall Street Journal, and TV show Friends on themselves, relative to low- and high-status outgroup members, and other undergraduate students. The profile of first- and third-person perceptions was largely consistent with predictions, and the size of the third-person effect decreased as perceived similarity to target others increased - but only for media that were normative for comparison others. Study 2 (N = 49) provided evidence for this process with different media and showed that the profile of first- and third-person perceptions matched closely with perceived norms of media consumption - but not the social desirability of those media. Study 3 (N = 64) showed that the third-person effect for the same media and target other shifts with the frame of reference in which the judgment is made. Taken together, the findings are consistent with self-categorization theory and difficult to reconcile with other explanations.
Previous research has documented third-person effects (persons presuming that others will be more susceptible to media effects than they themselves are) and explored moderators such as social desirability (the effect reverses when the media effects are undesirable) and social distance (the effect increases as the social distance from the self increases). In a study of environmental news coverage, the authors observed the general third-person effect and the moderating role of social desirability; however, they also found that social distance affected presumed influence in complex ways reflecting varying perceptions of issue relevance for the comparison groups. A new variable, presumed behavior (the presumed effect of media coverage on others' behavior), was found to be independent of presumed influence and to offer improved prediction of perceivers' behavioral intentions.
Three investigations are reported that examined the relation between self-appraisals and appraisals of others. In Experiment 1, subjects rated a series of valenced trait adjectives according to how well the traits described the self and others. Individuals displayed a pronounced “self-other bias,” such that positive attributes were rated as more descriptive of self than of others, whereas negative attributes were rated as less descriptive of self than of others. Furthermore, in contrast to C. R. Rogers's (1951) assertion that high self-esteem is associated with a comparable regard for others, the tendency for individuals to evaluate the self in more favorable terms than they evaluated people in general was particularly pronounced among those with high self-esteem. These findings were replicated and extended in Experiment 2, where it also was found that self-evaluations were more favorable than were evaluations of a friend and that individuals with high self-esteem were most likely to appraise their friend...
This article examines the role of message context in third-person perceptions. Results challenge the assumption that context desirability is linearly related to the magnitude of self-other disparities. Rather, the interplay between message context and specific "others" who may be in the audience is an important determinant. Judgments about perceived exposure are one way this interplay manifests itself, but stereotypes about the relative susceptibility of particular groups may also play a role.
Surveys conducted in two midwestern cities investigated the hypothesis that says people will perceive effects of mass media as being greater on others than on themselves. Findings demonstrate this, with almost 90% of respondents judging they were less influenced than were others. Respondents with more education saw others as being even more influenced, but not themselves so much. Older respondents were most likely to feel mass media influenced them less than others, perhaps because older people feel they have other sources of information.
Results of two studies provide the first evidence of third-person effect among children. In Study 1 (a survey of 571 seventh-grade students), children believed that cigarette advertisements influenced others more than themselves (third-person perception). Moreover, when children compared themselves with peers, the discrepancy between self and others was larger than when children compared themselves with their best friends (social distance corollary). In Study 2, children from Grades 4, 6, and 8 (n = 666) watched a 10-minute video portraying either cigarette or anti-smoking advertisements. Regardless of which video they watched, children believed that cigarette ads have greater influence on others than on themselves. The opposite was true for anti-smoking advertisements, however. Children believed that anti-smoking ads have greater influence on themselves than others (a reverse third-person perception). Children did not perceive uniformly greater impact of persuasive messages on people other than themselves. Instead, children's judgments of media influence were consistently self-serving. These findings corroborate a theory that third-person perception is the product of a superiority bias—the tendency to see ourselves as better, or better off, than others.
The third-person effect hypothesis suggests that people systematically overestimate the extent to which others are affected by mass media messages. It also proposes that people act in accordance with their estimates of effects on others. This study set out to test both estimations and actions and to explain the phenomenon in terms of attribution theory. An experimental design manipulating the trustworthiness of the source of a defamatory newspaper article produced a third-person effect. Subjects' estimates of the damaging effects of the article, however, did not correspond to their assessment of a penalty against the newspaper. They took more account of source motivation than of impact on the audience when taking action.
This study investigated the third-person effect of pornography on the Internet. The study was conducted in Singapore, a conservative nation that looks askance at sexuality in media. Congruent with the third-person effect, respondents judged pornographic material on the Internet to have a greater impact on others than on themselves. This “perceptual bias” predicted support for censorship. In addition to general tests of the third-person effects of perceptual and behavioral components, the study also examined factors that may enhance or mitigate the third-person effect. Findings revealed evidence for a perceived social distance corollary with children to be more influenced by pornography. The perceived greater effect on children, however, did not increase the likelihood of support for censorship on children. This finding supports McLeod, Eveland, and Nathanson's assertion that perceived likelihood of exposure to content may affect third-person perception.
People often assume that, because of their special knowledge, others will be influenced by mass media messages while they remain relatively untouched. This experiment uses negative political advertisements to find that when subjects saw their own candidates attacked, they reported they were not much influenced, but they said others would be. Conversely, when they saw an attack on a candidate they disliked, they reported themselves to be influenced but were less likely to think others would be. These trends worked more for negative advertising about Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis than those about the Republican winner George Bush.
The Third-Person Effect - the tendency to see others as more influenced than self by a mass media message - is replicated with a jury sample and extended to interpersonal communication. The effect on perceived other is found to be exaggerated when a message is reported through a newspaper rather than delivered directly by the message source. This finding is discussed in regard to its implication for inflated libel awards.
This study tested the “third-person effect” during the O.J. Simpson double-murder trial. The perceptual component of the third-person effect predicts that people judge themselves to be less susceptible to media influence than other people. Findings from a nationwide telephone survey indicated that respondents' self-perceived knowledge about the legal issues involved in the Simpson trial was correlated with third-person perception of a perceived “neutral” media message. Self-perceived knowledge was not correlated with third-person perceptual bias of a perceived “biased” message. It was suggested that the biased message primed respondents' perceptions of Simpson's guilt or innocence. The relative contributions of various predictors of third-person perception were assessed using regression analysis.
This study explored the third-person effect in the context of direct-to-consumer (DTC) advertising. A survey of 264 adults examined perceptions of DTC ad effects and their relationship to support for DTC ad regulation. Results support the third-person-effect perceptual component. The study revealed that for DTC advertising, the third-person effect operates in a multidimensional fashion through four factors (Negative DTC Ad Effects, Learning and Involvement, Patient/Provider Interaction, and Distrust of DTC Ad Information) and that negative content-based third-person effects were greater than positive effects. However, the current study showed weak support for the third-person effect behavioral component. Only perceived self-effect for Distrust of DTC Ad Information and attitude toward DTC advertising were significant predictors of regulatory support. The findings are discussed in relation to existing theoretical work, and future research recommendations are provided.
This study examines the effects of social distance, perceived exposure, and perceived predispositions on perceived media effects for desirable and undesirable health messages. It finds support for the effect social distance as traditionally measured; that is, groups that are more socially distant from the self, like the public, are perceived to be more affected by cigarette ads than close groups, such as friends. However, individual measures of respondents' social distance from any given comparison group generally are unrelated to perceived effects on the group. The influence of a group's perceived exposure on perceived message effects is confirmed for cigarette ads but not for desirable messages. Perceived attitudes of comparison groups toward message-relevant behaviors emerge as a factor that deserves inclusion in models of perceived effects.
Recent theoretical models propose that mass media, apart from any influence they may have on personal opinions, can also influence an individual's perceptions of what other people are thinking. But how this influence on perceived public opinion might take place remains a question. One answer proposed here—the persuasive press inference—suggests that people infer public opinion from their perceptions of the content of media coverage and their assumptions of the persuasive impact of that coverage on others. Data were gathered in an experiment measuring participant responses to news stories on two current issues, each presented with either a favorable or unfavorable slant. The slant of both news articles had a significant effect on participants' judgments of public opinion on those issues, even when adjusted for the effect of projected personal opinion. Findings supported the hypothesis that people appear to estimate public opinion based on their own reading of press coverage—an indirect effect of mass media that can have significant consequence.
Research on social perception and a reassessment of findings from third-person research suggest that an individual's tendency to third-person perception is constrained by his or her perceptual position. For some people (e.g., the less well educated), it is probably less easily possible to perceive others as more susceptible to media effects than themselves. These kinds of constraints were investigated using data on third-person perception of television viewing behaviors (which is analogous to third-person perception of media influences). The authors found that people indeed showed a weaker tendency to third-person perception if they were in a less favorable position to do so, given their own viewing behavior and their attitudes. The limits / possibilities perspective seems useful for integrating research findings and may enhance our understanding of individual differences in third-person perception.
This study investigates the third-person perception and both preventive and punitive explanations for support for media censorship in the context of a controversial sexual video compact disc (VCD) that exposed the private sex life of a Taiwanese politician. The preventive explanation views support for censorship as a preventive action to protect others from threatening media effects; the punitive explanation argues that individuals’ favorable attitudes toward media censorship reflect their intention to penalize the media for the harm done to the subject of the communication. The study shows strong support for the third-person perception of media effects and suggests a punitive explanation for support for government’s censorship. The preventive explanation received only partial support. In addition, support for censorship was also extended from attitudes toward government restrictions to behaviors. Findings indicate that individuals’ reluctance to disseminate sexual content was predicted by exposure to the communication and self-efficacy in using new technology.
A recent but robust phenomenon described in communication literature has been the third-person effect—the finding that in response to mass media messages, such as news stories and programs, people estimate themselves to be less affected than others. The present experiment asked whether this self-other pattern would characterize responses to two types of product commercials (i.e., those that did and those that did not engender emotion) and to public service announcements (PSAs). The authors were also concerned with how accurately people could estimate the effects of these types of ads on themselves and others. Results indicated that for neutral ads, people estimated themselves to be more resistant than others, but for emotional ads, people estimated themselves to be more yielding to influence than others. For PSAs, there were no differences in perceived self and other influence. In addition, judgments of persuasive influence on self and others were markedly overestimated. Perhaps most interestingly, there was both a directional (yielding vs. resistance) and a magnitudinal impact of emotion on the influence estimates.
Ten years ago Davison formulated the third-person effect hypothesis, a novel approach to the study of public opinion. Davison
proposed that individuals typically assume that mass communications exert a stronger impact on others than the self, and he
derived some interesting ideas from this notion. Over the past decade, a number of studies have tested predictions derived
from Davison's formulation. This paper reviews and synthesizes research on the third-person effect. A systematic review of
third-person effect studies indicates that there is abundant support for the notion that individuals assume that communications
exert a stronger influence on others than on the self. However, the third-person effect does not emerge in all circumstances
and for all people. The effect appears to be particularly likely to emerge when the message contains recommendations that
are not perceived to be personally beneficial, when individuals perceive that the issue is personally important, and when
they perceive that the source harbors a negative bias. Considerably less is known about the processes that underlie the third-person
effect. This paper proposes several explanations for the effect, and it suggests some directions for future research in this
area.
The tendency for individuals to perceive a greater impact of media messages on others than on the self, Davison (1983) argues, has led to a number of policy decisions in which élites have exercised control of mass media messages in order to 'protect' vulnerable others. The third-person effect has been well-documented in experimental research with little attention to its theoretical underpinnings, or its antecedents or consequences. This article argues that the third-person effect can be understood through attribution theory, especially through the concepts of self-serving bias and effectance motivation. Second, it demonstrates that the third-person effect is influenced by certain social structural factors, media use patterns, and perceived harm of content. Finally, while perceptions of harm are related to perceptions of influence, influence does not play a role in predicting support for external control of media content, while perceived harm has a significant impact.
This study examines variations in perceptions of media influence based on the locus of impact (self vs. other) and the valence of the message (pro-social vs. anti-social). After reading one of four versions of rap lyrics either advocating or condemning violence or misogyny, 406 undergraduates filled out a survey measuring the perceived impact of songs with that type of lyrics on themselves and on other students. Results replicated previous findings of a third-person perception for the anti-social messages. Based on an ego-enhancement motivational explanation, it was predicted that there would be a reverse third-person perception for the pro-social messages. The findings did not support this hypothesis, and for the pro-social message regarding the treatment of women, a Lraditional third-person perception was found. However, consistent with the ego-defensive motivational explanation, the size of the third-person perception differential was significantly greater for anti-social than for pro-social messages. Implications of these findings for explanations of the third-person perception were discussed.
According to the third person hypothesis, people believe that the media have a greater effect on other people's attitudes and behaviours than on their own attitudes and behaviours. A self-enhancement explanation for the third person effect was tested, stating that people perceive their own responses to the media not as weaker but as more appropriate than other people's responses.Subjects rated the relative attitudinal impact of messages that are generally considered to be desirable to be influenced by and of messages that are generally considered undesirable to be influenced by on themselves as compared to the average peer. Both attitudinal impact in the direction advocated by the message and in the opposite direction was rated. A ‘classic’ third person effect was obtained in those cases in which attitudinal media impact was considered undesirable only. In cases in which attitudinal media impact was considered desirable a ‘reversed’ third person effect occurred, thus supporting the self-enhancement explanation and suggesting a reconceptualization of the third person effect in terms of an ‘optimal impact phenomenon’.
This study investigated the proposition that self-perceived knowledge or self-expertise is a primary theoretical construct in understanding third-person perception of television violence effects. Consistent with most past research, the findings confirm people's third-person tendencies to attribute greater media effects of television violence on other people than on themselves. As hypothesized, self-perceived knowledge was a stronger predictor of third-person perception than sociodemographic variables (demographics, ideology, and media use). The study also found that self-perceived knowledge was more likely to moderate than mediate the relationship between sociodemographic variables and third-person perception. Whereas a moderator affects the strength of the relationship between an independent variable and a dependent variable, a mediator explains the relationship between the two variables. In sum, the findings indicate that respondents' judgments of their superior self-perceived knowledge of television violence might be of theoretical significance in third-person effect research.
This paper reviews research on the third-person effect--the perception that communications exert a stronger effect on others than on oneself It is concluded that the third-person effect is a reliable and persistent phenomenon that emerges across variations in question order, format, and wording. The effect is also more situationally specific than originally believed, as illustrated by evidence of first-person effects in response to socially desirable messages. Self-enhancement biases, although not the only processes that underlie the effect, provide a parsimonious explanation of message-desirability recruits. Other delimiting conditions such as social distance are critically reviewed, evidence for behavioral effects is discussed, and methodological shortcomings are noted. Six directions for research are articulated.
Recent calls for censorship of rap music have demonstrated the need to test the perceptual and especially the behavioral components of Davison's third-person effect hypothesis. The hypothesis states that people perceive media content to have a greater impact on others than on themselves (perceptual component), and that these perceptions lead people to take actions, such as censorship, to prevent the impact (behavioral component). Results of a survey of college students (N = 202) using rap lyrics as the context revealed strong support for both components of the hypothesis. Limited support was found for the social distance corollary of the perceptual component, while the knowledge corollary of the perceptual component was not supported. A new target corollary to the perceptual component was proposed; it predicts that those groups seen as likely targets of a communication will produce larger third-person perceptions than will generalized others.
Communication scholars describe a pervasive ‘third person effect’ wherein people see mass media as more likely to affect other people than themselves. Two experiments are reported demonstrating that this effect is not a universal response to the issue of social influence, but occurs in specific social comparative contexts. In Experiment I respondents judged the impact on self and other of three types of media content-negative content, positive content, and public service campaigns. Comparison others varied on two dimensions, vagueness and closeness. A third person effect was found for both negative and positive content, but was more pronounced for negative content. The effect was also more pronounced in comparisons with vague and distant others. In contrast, respondents saw themselves as relatively vulnerable to influence from public service campaigns. Moreover, the direction of perceived self-other differences varied with respondents' perceptions of the desirability of the intended influence. In Experiment 2 respondents judged the impact on self and other of media violence and drink-driving campaigns. Results confirmed a perception of relative invulnerability to negative content and indicated that comparisons with vague others, and particularly with vague-distant others like ‘the average person’, facilitate such perceptions. Perceived self-other differences on the issue of drink-driving were less evident and varied with the perceived desirability of the intended influence. Results are discussed in terms of the ego-defensive and self-enhancing functions of social comparisons.
Two studies were conducted to determine the conditions under which the third person effect (Davison, 1983) operates. It was hypothesized that the effect would be accentuated as target groups of others became more remote from the self. A second objective was to determine whether the effect operates in the absence of overtly persuasive intent in the media. Television programmes concerned with moral themes were employed as stimuli. The results further support Davison's claim that overestimation of media effects is greater when people imagine the responses of others whom they do not know than those of familar individuals. The results also indicate that the third person effect does operate in the absence of perceived persuasive intent, but is accentuated when bias is perceived by viewers.
This study assesses the third-person effect and its alternatives, a first-person effect and equal media effects, among a panel of respondents following the prediction of a severe earthquake and after the earthquake failed to materialize. The theoretical perspectives are provided by social comparisons and cognitive adaption theory. The findings indicate that both third-person and first-person effects result from downward social comparisons following from differences in belief in the message, accuracy of information about the predictability of earthquakes, and perception of the beliefs of others about the message. These media effects and their correlates are interpreted as illusions people create to cope with a predicted disaster and later revise to reflect situational contingencies.