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Sacrifice and Ritual Body Mutilation in Postclassical Maya Society: Taphonomy of the Human Remains from Chichén Itzá's Cenote Sagrado
... The previous examinations of the Midnight Terror Cave (MTC) site, Belize, have concluded that there is strong archaeological evidence suggesting that the assemblage is accumulated due to cultural practices associated with human sacrifice (Kieffer, 2011;2015;2018). The assemblage associated with Chichén Itzá (CI), Mexico, is widely considered being accumulated primarily due to human sacrifice practices (de Anda Alanís, 2007;Tozzer, 1941;Tiesler, 2005). However, to date no research has ruled out the possibility that either site is accumulated due to a typical mortality pattern associated with horticultural populations. ...
... Numerous studies on the CI assemblage, Mexico, demonstrated large percentages of infants and men were recovered at the site (de Anda Alanís, 2007;Hooton, 1940;Tiesler, 2007). At least 127 individuals have been recovered, 88 were children or juveniles under 18 years of age (de Anda Alanís, 2007). ...
... Numerous studies on the CI assemblage, Mexico, demonstrated large percentages of infants and men were recovered at the site (de Anda Alanís, 2007;Hooton, 1940;Tiesler, 2007). At least 127 individuals have been recovered, 88 were children or juveniles under 18 years of age (de Anda Alanís, 2007). Unfortunately, this dataset could not be used in this study because de Anda Alanís has not yet published the exact age distribution of his reanalysis. ...
This paper uses a novel approach to compensate for inherent sampling biases and to compare the age profiles of two ancient Maya sacrificial assemblages to expectations from a model life table for traditional horticultural populations. It seeks to statistically rule out the possibility that either site is accumulated due to a standard mortality process experienced in horticulturalist populations. This analysis utilizes data from Midnight Terror Cave (MTC), Belize and Chichén Itzá (CI), Mexico to compare the observed versus expected death counts by age. Monte-Carlo based estimates of preservation bias were modeled assuming a normal distribution with mean and variance based on expert opinion. This model was used to up-adjust age-specific death counts for both sites to make more robust sample sizes, which were compared to those expected from a model life table at the 5th, 50th, and 95th percentiles of the resampled distribution of preservation bias. At low levels of estimated bias (5th percentile), neither MTC nor CI assemblages could be distinguished from the null-mortality model. At average to higher levels of estimated bias (50th and 95th percentiles), both populations could be statistically distinguished from the null mortality model either across all age intervals or within specific age ranges. After accounting for preservation bias, the findings suggest that both MTC and CI assemblages were unlikely to have accumulated due to a normal mortality pattern experienced within traditional horticulturalist populations, further supporting the ethnographic and archaeological evidence that indicates that the sites are accumulated due to cultural practices related to human sacrifice.
... Los cenotes registrados arqueológicamente son: Kanun, Kanun Che'en, Cueva Manitas (González, Rojas y Río, 2003), Kan Kab Chen, Xkankal, Balmi, Chacté, Cholul, Chechebak, Xmul, Mamey, Santa Pilar, La Guadalupana (Anda, 2007;Luna, 2010) San Juan, los Aluxes, la Piscina, Akula ). 6 Además de los cenotes también se han reportado en las cuevas Xnukil, Mahuitsil, Sajcamucuy, Nicté, Tajché, K'iikal, construcciones prehispánicas al interior, escalinatas, muros, tapiados, modificaciones, adaptaciones en la roca, pintura mural y petrograbados (Tec, 2007). ...
... En el fondo del cenote se colectaron: una vasija chocolatera del tipo Sierra rojo, variedad Sierra, fragmentos de ollas tipo Saban y Chancenote estriado, correspondientes al Preclásico Medio y Tardío (400 a.C-300 d.C) (Pedroza y Rojas, 2006). Las características que pudieron observarse durante el registro en este cenote, en específico la variabilidad de la deposición de los restos 6. Algunos cenotes se reportan en el Informe Culto al Cenote en la región de Sotuta y Homún (Anda, 2007) y otros en Informe y Propuesta 2009, Proyecto Atlas arqueológico subacuático para el registro, estudio y protección de los cenotes en la Península de Yucatán . 7. Los datos publicados en (Rojas, 2016), difieren de nuestra contabilización, personalmente he buceado este cenote 15 veces, y cuantificado los materiales por lo cual los datos aquí escritos son resultado de la cuantificación y registro, de la autora. ...
... Diversas teorías arqueológicas acerca de la importancia ritual de los cenotes por los antiguos mayas están fundamentadas en los hallazgos de diferentes artefactos especialmente en vasijas, ecofactos en huesos humanos y animales, estos han sido interpretados como resultado de rituales, ofrendas y sacrificios humanos (Rojas, 2007;Anda, 2007). La identificación botánica de los sedimentos o contenidos de vasijas no ha sido relacionada a ningún ritual, ofrenda o actividad específica aún. ...
This dissertation presents the investigation of underwater materials, specifically, a total of six vessels were collected, their contents and sediments from the cenotes, Kan Kab Chen and Kan Kal, located in the municipality of Homún, Yucatán, México. The research developed a wide range of analyzes applied to ceramics, sediments, pollen, phytoliths, macrobiological identification (mainly seeds), carbon-14, identification of chemical residues. The results together provided us with more precise information about the variability of uses and practices that were carried out by societies since the pre-classic around the cenotes.
Esta disertación expone la investigación de materiales subauáticos, específicamente, se colectadas un total de seis vasijas, sus contenidos y sedimentos provenientes de los cenotes, Kan Kab Chen y Kan Kal, ubicados en el municipio de Homún, Yucatán, México. La investigación desarrollo un amplio rango de análisis aplicados a la cerámica, sedimentos, polen, fitolitos, identificación macrobiológica (principalmente semillas), carbono-14, identificación de residuos químicos. Los resultados en conjunto nos proporcionaron de información más precisa acerca de la variabilidad de usos y prácticas que se llevaron a cabo por las sociedades desde el preclásico entorno a los cenotes.
... Several are dominated by the remains of victims of vio-lence and thus are unlikely to be representative of the wider population. These include the samples from Iximche (Whittington 2003), Zacpeten, Ixlu (Duncan 2005, 2009, 2011), Champoton (Gómez et al. 2003Hurtado et al. 2007) and the Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza (Beck and Sievert 2005;de Anda 2007). A related issue is the focus on monumental centers, which is true of many Maya samples. ...
... Varios están constituidos por los restos de víctimas de violencia y, por lo tanto, es poco probable que sean representativos de la población general. Estos incluyen las muestras de Iximche (Whittington 2003), Zacpetén, Ixlu ( Duncan 2005, 2009, 2011), Champoton (Gómez et al. 2003Hurtado et al. 2007) y el Cenote Sagrado de Chichén Itzá (Beck y Sievert 2005;de Anda 2007). Otro problema relacionado es el enfoque de estudios en los centros monumentales, lo cual es cierto para muchas muestras mayas. ...
Mayapan archaeology - chapters on art, architecture, dwellings, archaeological survey, artifact analysis, human osteology and mortuary patterns.
Free download pdf here (Open Access): https://sites.pitt.edu/~ccapubs/books/m027.html
... More than 200 individuals have been identified among the skeletal remains from the cenote (Alanís, de Guillermo, & Zabala, 2004;Beck & Sievert, 2005;de Anda Alanís, 2007;Saul & Saul, 1989) and there are no doubt many more still unrecovered. Beck and Sievert (2005) report that half of the individuals in the human remains (51 of 101) they examined were below the age of 18 and most were between 4 and 6 years of age. ...
... Beck and Sievert (2005) report that half of the individuals in the human remains (51 of 101) they examined were below the age of 18 and most were between 4 and 6 years of age. Another study of the paleopathology manifest in the human remains revealed traumatic injuries consistent with human sacrifice (de Anda Alanís, 2007;Tiesler, 2017;Tiesler & Cucina, 2006. ...
Objectives:
The ancient city of Chichén Itzá in the northern Yucatán of Mexico was one of the most important in the Maya area, but its origins and history are poorly understood. A major question concerns the origins of the peoples who founded and later expanded the ancient city. Hundreds of people were ritually executed and their bodies thrown into the waters of the Sacred Cenote at Chichén.
Materials and methods:
In this study, we use strontium and oxygen isotopes to study the place of origin of a large sample of these individuals. Isotopes are deposited in human tooth enamel. Enamel forms during the first years of life, remains largely unchanged long past death, and can provide a signature of the place of birth. If the isotope ratios in enamel are different from the place of death, the individual must have moved during his/her lifetime.
Results:
Comparison of our results from the cenote with information on isotope ratios across the Maya region and elsewhere suggests that the individuals in the cenote came from a number of different parts of Mexico and possibly beyond.
Discussion:
It is not known if all of the sacrificial victims resided in Chichén Itzá, but their suggested origins likely reflect patterns of population movement and social networks that existed between Chichén Itzá and both neighboring and distant regions. Various lines of evidence point to places in the Yucatán, along the Gulf Coast, Central America, or even in the Central Highlands of Mexico.
... It consists of decontextualized commingled skeletal remains recovered from the bottom of the site's main cenote (sinkhole). Chichén Itzá was one of the major centers in the Early Postclassic and its Sacred Cenote constituted an important center for pilgrimage (de Anda, 2007). A large number of human remains were thrown into this sinkhole as part of funerary as well as sacrificial rituals; individuals were even transported for many kilometers to the site to be "deposited" in the Sacred Cenote (de Anda, 2007). ...
... Chichén Itzá was one of the major centers in the Early Postclassic and its Sacred Cenote constituted an important center for pilgrimage (de Anda, 2007). A large number of human remains were thrown into this sinkhole as part of funerary as well as sacrificial rituals; individuals were even transported for many kilometers to the site to be "deposited" in the Sacred Cenote (de Anda, 2007). Ethnographic reports indicate that the custom of using the cenote as a receptacle for funerary and sacrificial practices continued well into Colonial times (Tozzer, 1941), which indicates that the skeletal assemblage formed during a relatively long -and may be heterogeneous -period of time. ...
The present paper proposes a new approach to the estimation of intra-site variability of dental morphological traits when they are dichotomized into presence vs absence. It rests on the assumption that (1) higher intra-site variability is the expression of intense population dynamics and gene flow; and (2) maximum variability is reached when each trait is expressed in the population with a frequency of 50%. The approach simulates the calculation of frequency of heterozygotes in Mendelian traits (2xiyi), where xi and yi are the frequency of presence and absence of the trait. For every population, the final value corresponds to the average of (2xiyi) calculated from all the scored traits. Two separate analyses were performed using 50 and 40 traits recorded in 11 Prehispanic Maya skeletal collections from the Yucatán Peninsula. Resulting average values were related to the sites' positions within the region's social, political and economic sphere of influence. Dental collections that were obtained from important city centers or by grouping many sites from a single region present the highest values of internal variability, followed by sites known to have played an important role in trade activities or in other socio-political contexts. At the other end, dental collections that represent smaller communities or more isolated, kin-related groups are set at the lower ranks of internal variability. One-way ANOVA tests for both 50 and 40 variables show that sample means present significant differences between the extreme ends of the ranked set of samples.
... Furthermore, there seems to be a predominance of male individuals among those presenting bony marks of cultural processing. Inversely, assemblages without signs of processing show an equal representation of both sexes (see also Anda 2007). Looking at the age distribution, among individuals bearing signs of body processing in rockshelters, crevices, caves, and cenotes, adults tend to prevail over subadults, while individuals without those marks seem to be equally divided into adults and subadults. ...
... On the contrary, cenotes are less likely to yield articulated remains for analysis (Tiesler 2005); the majority of the skeletal remains originated from secondary disposal or from the gradual decomposition of body parts or of whole bodies, which were either intentionally discarded (therefore whose presence does not respond to ritual funerary purposes) or had accidentally fallen into the sinkhole. All of these situations tend to generate bone assemblages with little or no anatomical connection (Anda 2007) that often have been further disturbed, dispersed, or mixed by the uncontrolled presence of cenote diving, tourism or exploration, or in cases like the Sacred Cenote at Chichen Itza, by destructive archaeological recovery methods. In some rare cases, undisturbed contexts in cenotes may preserve articulated remains in relative anatomical position (Anda 2006). ...
The ancient Maya regarded dry caves, crevices, rockshelters, and cenotes as sacred spaces and accesses to the earthen womb of the cosmos, thresholds through which the living communicated with natural powers. To test different hypotheses for context-specific or diverse mortuary use of Maya caves, cenotes, crevices, and rockshelters, we describe sex and age profiles, note the presence and types of cranial modifications, compare patterns of posthumous body manipulation, and reconstruct mortuary pathways in 35 human bone assemblages from the Maya realm, spanning the Preclassic to Colonial/Modern times, the latter represented by the Lacandon Maya in the forest of Chiapas. Combining anthropological, taphonomic, and contextual data sets, we test the hypothesis that different ritual practices and associated mortuary behaviors may be recognized by profiling burial populations from caves, crevices, rockshelters, and cenotes, and both wet and dry cave deposits. The documented scope of mortuary practices involving hidden places indicates that every single context went through its own history of use and reuse, regardless of the specific type of context. These results suggest the need for a reevaluation of the generalized roles of such sites as human depositories and for the application of more precise techniques in the recovery and subsequent analyses of human deposits directly related to access to the underworld. © 2014 Springer Science+Business Media New York. All rights are reserved.
... Rather than displaying a J-shaped mortuary distribution, MTC has an irregular distribution of ages with a noticeable peak of children ages 5-9 years and predominately young adults (Figure 1). This pattern is an expected pattern in post-sacrificial deposits (Tiesler, 2007) that has been documented ethnographically (Tozzer, 1941) and archaeologically at the Sacred Cenote at Chichén Itzá (De Anda, 2007). ...
... An adult and juvenile were distributed throughout five sublots in Lot 2, with the bulk of the skeletal material recovered from sublot B. The juvenile in the deposit was approximately 5-6 years of age based upon the stage of fusion for the thoracic vertebrae and the size of the long bones present in the deposit. This juvenile had perimortem cut marks present on one of his or her humeral fragments consistent with other post-mortem sacrificial body treatment documented at Chichen Itza (De Anda, 2007), further indicating a sacrificial context. ...
The archaeological record indicates that the ancient Lowland Maya sacrificed a wide variety of people in caves for various reasons. Ritual theorists have proposed that individuals chosen for sacrifice cross-culturally are typically outsiders either geographically or socially with slaves, prisoners of war, children (typically orphaned), sorcerers, and the physically handicapped. Prior to this study all but the physically handicapped were documented as sacrificial victims at cave sites. The site of Midnight Terror Cave in the Cayo District of Belize contains at least 118 individuals and is now one of the largest sacrificial assemblages ever discovered in the Maya Lowlands. This assemblage supports previous notions of who the ancient Maya chose for human sacrifice and documents the first cases of physically handicapped sacrifices. Two individuals with probable Klippel-Feil syndrome, a physically debilitating pathological condition with many associated abnormalities that would have made certain aspects of social life difficult, were documented in the assemblage. Ultimately, these results suggest that ritual theory predicts all the types of social outcasts chosen for sacrifice Maya caves. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
... Several are dominated by the remains of victims of vio-lence and thus are unlikely to be representative of the wider population. These include the samples from Iximche (Whittington 2003), Zacpeten, Ixlu (Duncan 2005, 2009, 2011), Champoton (Gómez et al. 2003Hurtado et al. 2007) and the Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza (Beck and Sievert 2005;de Anda 2007). A related issue is the focus on monumental centers, which is true of many Maya samples. ...
... Varios están constituidos por los restos de víctimas de violencia y, por lo tanto, es poco probable que sean representativos de la población general. Estos incluyen las muestras de Iximche (Whittington 2003), Zacpetén, Ixlu ( Duncan 2005, 2009, 2011), Champoton (Gómez et al. 2003Hurtado et al. 2007) y el Cenote Sagrado de Chichén Itzá (Beck y Sievert 2005;de Anda 2007). Otro problema relacionado es el enfoque de estudios en los centros monumentales, lo cual es cierto para muchas muestras mayas. ...
... Es relativamente desconocido lo ocurrido durante el Posclásico Temprano, tanto a nivel arqueológico como en las fuentes etnohistóricas, en comparación con el Clásico y el Posclásico Tardío (Serafín y Peraza, 2007;Nájera, 1993). En general, durante el Posclásico las investigaciones sobre el tema se concentran mayormente en las Tierras Bajas del norte y del sur (Gómez et al., 2003;Medina y Sánchez, 2007;Anda, 2007;Serafín y Peraza, 2007). ...
Se dan a conocer nuevos datos osteológicos sobre la práctica del sacrificio humano entre los mayas del Posclásico, a través del estudio arqueotanatológico de un depósito masivo u osario en la antigua ciudad de Toniná, en las Tierras Altas del occidente del Área Maya. El hallazgo arqueológico se suscitó en 1991, cuando se exploraba uno de los templos de la quinta plataforma de la Acrópolis. Se aplicaron varios análisis: morfológicos y arqueométricos, que dan cuenta del perfil biológico y permiten documentar la práctica del sacrificio humano y los tratamientos póstumos de las víctimas. Así también los análisis isotópicos aportan información sobre la historia residencial y los conflictos internos en el valle de Ocosingo.
... De acuerdo con los datos arqueológicos recabados en el Área Maya sabemos que en el periodo Clásico el sacrificio humano estaba dirigido principalmente a acompañantes de dignatarios importantes y para ofrendas conmemorativas (Cucina, Tiesler y Romano, 2004;Tiesler y Campaña, 2006;. No obstante, después del colapso de la cultura maya, se presenta un cambio que es perceptible en el registro arqueológico, tanto en los procedimientos empleados como en la masificación del sacrificio humano, probablemente como una expresión del ejercicio del poder por parte del Estado para legitimar su autoridad política sobre otros grupos (Anda, 2007;Gómez, Morales, Tiesler y Folan, 2003;Miller, 2007;. Como bien refieren Barret y Scherer (2005:111) faltan contextos rituales masivos en las Tierras Bajas del Clásico maya, lo cual no es congruente dada la gran importancia que se le otorgó a la guerra y al sacrificio en el registro epigráfico. ...
... It is important to note that there are numerous discussions of ancient Maya human sacrifice that outline evidence for the use of children and adults (Anda Alanis, 2007;Barrett & Scherer, 2005;Beck & Sievert, 2005;Domenici, 2014;Duncan, 2011;Geller, 2012;Houston & Scherer, 2010;Lucero & Gibbs, 2007;Massey & Steele, 1997;Prout & Brady, 2018;Saul & Saul, 1989;Scherer, 2017;Tiesler, 1998Tiesler, , 2007Tiesler & Cucina, 2007). MTC provides a means of testing hypotheses regarding the age and sex distribution, in a large collection. ...
The prurient element in the popular notion of the Maya sacrifice of “beautiful virgins” during the first half of the twentieth century (Frost and Arnold 1909; Willard 1926) appears to have made researchers wary of studying women in human sacrifice. Interest in human sacrifice arose in the 1990s along with the formulation of the warfare hypothesis for the collapse of Maya civilization so that models of human sacrifice often assumed that victims were largely male war captives. The present study reports on the detailed examination of all the pelvises in the Midnight Terror Cave skeletal assemblage, using osteological and paleogenomic techniques to shed light on the age and sex composition of sacrificial victims. Our analysis demonstrates the presence of both males and females ranging from subadult to older adult ages. All four paleogenomic sex determinations on samples from subadults were determined female. Additionally, results indicate females fall into two age categories suggesting that sacrificed females may have served as deity impersonators in rituals dedicated to female deities.
... In addition to extracting suhuy ha' (pure water), the Maya also left offerings in watery portals. A well-known cenote, the Sacred Cenote of Chichén Itzá in the northern lowlands, yielded items from throughout Mesoamerica including ceramic vessels and figurines, masks, copper bells, jade, de-animated objects, representations of Chahk, gold and silver items, copal incense balls, wood items, shell, textiles, chert and obsidian objects, rubber, and human remains (Coggins 1992; see Anda 2007). Watery portals served as repositories critical in a rainfall-dependent society whose members continuously needed to supplicate gods and ancestors during seasonal torrential downpours and months-long drought (e.g., Bassie-Sweet 1996;Lucero 1999Lucero , 2006Moyes 2006;Moyes et al. 2009). ...
The Classic Maya of the southern lowlands were one with world rather than one with nature, a view that promoted the conservation of their world for millennia, what I term a cosmology of conservation. I explore how their cosmocentric worldview fostered biodiversity and conservation by discussing the ceremonial circuit and pilgrimage destination of Cara Blanca, Belize. Here the Maya left a minimal footprint in the form of ceremonial buildings from which they performed ceremonies, doing their part to maintain the world at several of the 25 water bodies/portals to the underworld. The Maya intensified their visits when several prolonged droughts struck between 800 and 900 ce; it was to no avail, and many Maya emigrated and have successfully renegotiated their relationship in the world to the present day. Their history of engagement serves as a lesson for present society, one that cannot be ignored.
... Finally, chop marks near the preauricular sulcus of the os coxa are consistent with dismemberment at the hip joint. The observed pattern of post-mortem processing in the comingled remains is consistent with ethnographic, iconographic, and osteological evidence from Mesoamerica, which indicate that dismemberment, defleshing, and flaying are characteristic of sacrificial deposits throughout the region (e.g.,Anda 2007; ...
... Arkeologer har hittat guld, jade, keramik och mänskliga kvarlevor med skador som är förenliga med mänskliga offer (de Anda Alanís, 2007). ...
... Bioarchaeological studies of osteological remains from numerous Maya sites reflect evidence for violent spectacle and human sacrifice, as well as more general evidence for violent trauma, of which state-sponsored warfare is one possible cause. Researchers have identified osteological evidence for flaying (Massey, 1989;Massey and Steele, 1997); decapitation (Buikstra et al., 2004;Whittington, 2003;Wurster, 2000); heart extraction (Tiesler and Cucina, 2006); trophy-taking (Duncan and Schwarz, 2015;Tiesler et al., 2010);dismembering (Martín and Vargas, 2007;Serafin and Peraza Lope, 2007); defleshing (Barrett and Scherer, 2005;De Anda Alanis, 2007;Hurtado Cen et al., 2007;Saul and Saul, 1991), parry fractures Nystrom et al., 2005); and depressed cranial fractures (Hooton, 1940;Serafin et al., 2014a;Tiesler and Cucina, 2012). ...
This article presents evidence from a mass grave at the Itzmal Ch’en administrative group, an outlying ceremonial center at the Postclassic period Maya political center of Mayapán, Yucatan, Mexico. The grave contains the remains of at least 20 individuals, likely the group’s elite patrons. The remains were subject to extensive postmortem treatment that included butchering, burning, and scattering, along with ritual paraphernalia and midden debris. The deposit is significant in the context of the city’s prolonged sociopolitical collapse, as radiocarbon evidence suggests that the deposit predates the final abandonment of the city. The shallow grave is instead associated with an ethnohistorically-documented period of internal conflict from between CE 1302 and 1400. More broadly, we evaluate the Itzmal Ch’en mass grave as a rare form of mortuary deposit in the Maya region, an example of desecration and ritual violence. The abandoned ceremonial plaza and grave site would have represented a macabre monument to a period of violent conflict in the city’s history that would have been visible to the city’s remaining occupants for the last half century prior to Mayapán’s final abandonment.
... Significantly, this basal panel is framed by the stylized pincers of a centipede, here possibly denoting a cenote (Taube 2003:413-418). The use of cenotes for human sacrifice has been confirmed by bioarchaeological investigations (Anda Alanís 2007;Beck and Sievert 2005;Rojas Sandoval et al 2008, p. 148;Tiesler 2005) although comparable documentation is limited to only a few sites. While the testimony by Landa (Tozzer 1941, p. 180) suggests that sacrifices associated with a "cenote cult" were relatively common in the northern Yucatan, it is not certain whether these practices had direct antecedents in Classic period Southern Lowlands culture. ...
Bioarchaeological analysis of mortuary deposits from Je'reftheel, a small cave located in the Roaring Creek Works of central Belize, focused on characterizing the nature of mortuary activities conducted in the cave to determine whether the site was used for funerary or sacrificial purposes. In contrasting caves and cenotes, ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and epigraphic accounts of cave use by the Maya fairly consistently mention mortuary events that occur in caves, as funerary. The combined osteological and isotopic analyses from Je'reftheel are also consistent with models of funerary behavior among the Maya. The skeletal deposits comprise both primary, articulated bodies, and secondary deposits. Other data suggest that most of the individuals were of local origin and may have been closely related. Together, these results provide a strong analogy to funerary behavior documented in tombs throughout the Maya region and beyond. © 2014 Springer Science+Business Media New York. All rights are reserved.
... People sacrificed objects and also human beings into the cenotes as a form of worship to the Maya rain god Chaac. Archaeologists have found gold, jade, pottery and human remains with wounds consistent with human sacrifice (de Anda Alanís, 2007). ...
This book includes examples of artefacts where the creators have used combined and effective verbal and visual messages, and examples of people who have served as inspirers and sometimes as guides in the design of messages with words, images and form. The word predecessor is used for people who are unknown to us today. The word pioneer is used for people who we know by their names.
You can download the previous edition of this book from IIID Public Library < http://www.iiid.net/public-library/iiid-library/ > (almost at the bottom of the page).
IIID will soon upload the new editions here./Rune Pettersson
... Edward H. Thompson dredged the cenote between 1904 and 1911 and removed ceramic vessels and figurines, masks, copper bells, jade, ritually 'killed' objects, representations of the Maya rain god Chaak, gold and silver items, textiles , copal incense balls, wood items, shell, chert and obsidian objects including sacrificial knives, rubber, and both human and faunal remains from throughout Mesoamerica (Coggins 1992; Coggins & Shane 1984; Tozzer 1941, 180, n. 951). Osteological studies on remains collected in the early 1900s and later in the 1960s (total: 228) indicate that 61 per cent of the 'inhabitants of the well' comprised sub-adults, and that both sub-adults and adults, predominantly male, show evidence for perimortem violence — that is, ritual violence (Anda 2007; Beck & Sievert 2005). The Maya may have sacrificed the young in times of trouble , as Bishop de Landa noted in the sixteenth century when the Maya offered both adults and children to Chaak in times of severe drought (Tozzer 1941, 180, n. 948). ...
The Classic Maya (ad 250-950) landscape was imbued with sacred, animate qualities. Of particular significance were openings in the earth, such as caves and pools because, as portals to the underworld, the Maya could communicate with gods and ancestors to petition for plentiful rain and crops. The 25 pools of Cara Blanca, Belize embody such a place; their isolation from settled communities and the relatively sparse but unique architecture near pools suggest that it served as a pilgrimage destination. Growing evidence from exploratory dives and excavations at a possible water temple indicate that the Maya increased their visits in response to several prolonged droughts that struck between c.ad 800 and 900. Not only do we present results from a type of site that has been little explored, we also detail how non-elites dealt with climate change via ritual intensification and pilgrimage. It also serves as a lesson for how we deal with climate change today — that relying on traditional means rather than changing our course of action can have detrimental repercussions.
... Researchers have approached the study of nonfunerary deposits from a variety of viewpoints. The first and most prominent is the identification of taphonomic signatures associated with specific types of trauma, mortuary processing, and modification for display (Anda Alanís 2007;Beck and Sievert 2005;Me-dina Martín and Sánchez Vargas 2007;Pijoan Aguadé and Mansilla Lory 1997;Tiesler 2002;Tiesler andCucina 2005, 2006). Tiesler (2007) has done this most recently and thoroughly, detailing specific taphonomic correlates that should reflect various types of perimortem and postmortem processing and disposal in a larger model. ...
Excavations at the site of Ixlú in northern Guatemala recovered a series of skulls and dismembered postcrania from a Post-classic (ca. A. D. 1000-1525) Maya temple. The current study considers demography, taphonomy (including mortuary processing), cultural modification and biological
distance among the remains in light of ethnohistoric and archaeological data. Doing so addresses who made the deposits, why they were made, and who was interred, and informs on the use of ritual violence in the Postclassic Southern Lowlands. Six skulls were arranged in pairs on the east-west
midline of the building, and fifteen skulls were placed in rows in the center of the building. All of the skulls faced east. Four postcrania were placed perpendicular to the skull rows. The skulls and postcrania were primarily late adolescent to young adult males. Three of the individuals
exhibited a rare dental trait, supernumerary teeth, indicating that at least some of the individuals were related. The most likely scenario to account for the deposits is that the Itzá, a dominant political group in the area, sacrificed enemy combatants drawn from raiding and buried
them as a part of a dedicatory ritual in the temple.
... How did the silt get there? Because Maya Blue is a postfire fugitive paint, it is easily removed, when in water, from pottery, any other material and the more than 100 people who were apparently dispatched into the cenote over time (Hooton 1940; Anda Alanís 2007). All of the copal offerings look like they had been heated to the melting point because the copal took on the shape of each bowl. ...
Maya Blue is a colour that is more than a pigment; it had roles in status, ritual and performance, being daubed onto pots and people before sacrifice. Here researchers use experimental and historical evidence to discover how it was made, including direct scientific analysis of Maya Blue on a pot thrown into the sacred well at Chichén Itzá. The results indicate that the formation of the colour was actually part of the ritual.
Toniná fue una ciudad maya, localizada entre dos áreas culturales hacia los Altos de Chiapas. Se ha planteado de manera generalizada que el colapso maya implicó la desaparición y despoblamiento de muchas ciudades; en esta investigación se aborda la pervivencia de Toniná hacia el umbral del Posclásico. Para ello se analizaron 15 956 huesos humanos hallados en la Estructura 15 de la quinta plataforma en la Acrópolis de Toniná. El análisis de osteología antropológica permitío conocer el perfil biológico y documentar la tafonomía cultural, a través de la cual se evidenció la práctica del sacrificio humano y los tratamientos póstumos de las víctimas. Así también la aplicación de análisis de isótopos estables y de estroncio permitió conocer el perfil dietario de los sacrificados, su origen geográfico y movilidad a lo largo de su vida. Se vislumbró un cambio en las prácticas rituales en el área maya, al encontrar influencias ideológicas posiblemente de la Costa del Golfo en el culto a otras deidades, es el caso de Xipe Totéc; la Costa del Golfo tuvo gran influencia en el área maya desde tiempos remotos y se ha constatado en este sitio a través de la cerámica.
Islam is the only biblical religion that still practices animal sacrifice. Indeed, every year more than a million animals are shipped to Mecca from all over the world to be slaughtered during the Muslim Hajj. This multi-disciplinary volume is the first to examine the physical foundations of this practice and the significance of the ritual. Brannon Wheeler uses both textual analysis and various types of material evidence to gain insight into the role of animal sacrifice in Islam. He provides a 'thick description' of the elaborate camel sacrifice performed by Muhammad, which serves as the model for future Hajj sacrifices. Wheeler integrates biblical and classical Arabic sources with evidence from zooarchaeology and the rock art of ancient Arabia to gain insight into an event that reportedly occurred 1400 years ago. His book encourages a more nuanced and expansive conception of “sacrifice” in the history of religion.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Speleology, Speleoarchaeology, Heritage Management, Algarve, Portugal
Recent salvage excavations conducted in the Early Postclassic city of Tula, Hidalgo, exposed a residential compound containing an open patio, beneath which was discovered a massive burial, designated Feature 5. Human remains involving a minimum of 49 individuals were discovered, many of whom were arranged in a sitting or squatting position. The majority of individuals, including all of the latter, were young children. The bioarchaeological analysis suggests that they were sacrificed. Many individuals exhibited anthropogenic modification, including cut marks on the skull and postcranial skeleton, indicating the children had been flayed. Some individuals were represented only by the skull and cervical vertebrae, suggesting decapitation. The individuals appeared to be in bad health, a common attribute of children sacrificed to Tlaloc by the Aztecs. According to ethnohistorical sources, children offered to Tlaloc commonly had their throats slit, although this practice was not identified among the individuals in Feature 5, possibly owing to their young age. Sacrifice also may have been made to Xipe Totec, as suggested by the evidence of flaying and the presence of a large hollow sculpture of the deity located in an adjacent residential compound, a deity who has been also linked to human sacrifice related to regeneration and fertility.
Imagining human corporeality [and I would argue, all corporeality] as trans-corporeality,
in which the human is always intermeshed with the more-than-human world, underlines
the extent to which the substance of the human is ultimately inseparable from “the environment.” It makes it difficult to pose nature as mere background, as Val Plumwood would put it, for the exploits of the human since “nature” is always as close as one’s own skin—perhaps even closer. Indeed, thinking across bodies may catalyze the recognition that the environment, which is too often imagined as inert, empty space or as a resource for human use, is, in fact, a world of fleshy beings with their own needs, claims, and actions. By emphasizing the movement across bodies, trans-corporeality reveals the interchanges and interconnections between various bodily natures. But by underscoring that trans indicates movement across different sites, trans-corporeality also opens up a mobile space that acknowledges the often unpredictable and unwanted actions of human bodies, nonhuman creatures, ecological systems, chemical agents, and other actors.
–Stacy Alaimo, Bodily Natures
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
Los habitantes de Monte Albán estaban organizados en una sociedad jerárquica compleja; la integración a la sociedad estuvo determinada por factores sociales, económicos, políticos, así como de género y edad. El objetivo central del estudio radica en identificar la posición social de los niños y su integración como miembros de la comunidad. Con este fin analizamos los patrones funerarios y el uso del espacio en dos unidades domésticas de estatus medio/alto del periodo clásico (200–750 d.C.). De acuerdo con el análisis e interpretación de los resultados, los niños más pequeños fueron enterrados en los patios centrales, algunos en fosas y otros sobre cajetes cubiertos con otro plato. A partir de los cuatro a cinco años se inhumaban bajo el piso de los cuartos y sólo unos cuantos al interior de la tumba familiar. Esta metodología permite conocer las diferencias sociales y de género al interior del grupo social y quizá como reflejo también en la sociedad zapoteca.
Investigations of Midnight Terror Cave, Belize between 2008-2010 recovered a human osteological assemblage of over 10,000 bones, the largest reported for a cave in the southern Maya lowlands. Analysis indicates that approximately a quarter of the bones belong to subadults, which make up 43% of the minimum number of individuals (MNI). Determination of age at death produced a mortality curve that differs significantly from a normal curve with the numbers peaking between 5-10 years of age, when mortality is generally low. These figures are similar to those produced from the Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichen Itza. The large percentage of subadults suggests that children were much more important in Maya human sacrificial practices than generally recognized.
The aim of this thesis is to examine a particular type of ritual deposit of the ancient Maya, called a body part cache. Based on the examination of the body part caches which have been recorded in numerous archaeological site reports, I created a categorization system of eight types of body part caches. These are skull pits, skull rows and deliberately arranged skulls, single skull caches, skull pairs and skull trios, tooth caches, phalange caches, infant and juvenile caches, mixed caches, and a category of questionable caches. Further study of religious ideology, modern ethnographies, and sixteenth century sources aided in the interpretation of the cache deposits. It was suspected that each type of deposition was the result of a different ritual and served different religious or ceremonial aims for the Maya. Each category of body part caches revealed at least one possible particular purpose. The interpretation of these cache types will allow for future archaeologists to identify the cache types during excavation and understand what rituals or ceremonies were possibly being performed at the site.
The aim of this thesis is to examine a particular type of ritual deposit of the ancient Maya, called a body part cache. Based on the examination of the body part caches which have been recorded in numerous archaeological site reports, I created a categorization system of eight types of body part caches. These are skull pits, skull rows and deliberately arranged skulls, single skull caches, skull pairs and skull trios, tooth caches, phalange caches, infant and juvenile caches, mixed caches, and a category of questionable caches. Further study of religious ideology, modern ethnographies, and sixteenth century sources aided in the interpretation of the cache deposits. It was suspected that each type of deposition was the result of a different ritual and served different religious or ceremonial aims for the Maya. Each category of body part caches revealed at least one possible particular purpose. The interpretation of these cache types will allow for future archaeologists to identify the cache types during excavation and understand what rituals or ceremonies were possibly being performed at the site.
The aim of this thesis is to examine a particular type of ritual deposit of the ancient Maya, called a body part cache. Based on the examination of the body part caches which have been recorded in numerous archaeological site reports, I created a categorization system of eight types of body part caches. These are skull pits, skull rows and deliberately arranged skulls, single skull caches, skull pairs and skull trios, tooth caches, phalange caches, infant and juvenile caches, mixed caches, and a category of questionable caches. Further study of religious ideology, modern ethnographies, and sixteenth century sources aided in the interpretation of the cache deposits. It was suspected that each type of deposition was the result of a different ritual and served different religious or ceremonial aims for the Maya. Each category of body part caches revealed at least one possible particular purpose. The interpretation of these cache types will allow for future archaeologists to identify the cache types during excavation and understand what rituals or ceremonies were possibly being performed at the site.
The aim of this thesis is to examine a particular type of ritual deposit of the ancient Maya, called a body part cache. Based on the examination of the body part caches which have been recorded in numerous archaeological site reports, I created a categorization system of eight types of body part caches. These are skull pits, skull rows and deliberately arranged skulls, single skull caches, skull pairs and skull trios, tooth caches, phalange caches, infant and juvenile caches, mixed caches, and a category of questionable caches. Further study of religious ideology, modern ethnographies, and sixteenth century sources aided in the interpretation of the cache deposits. It was suspected that each type of deposition was the result of a different ritual and served different religious or ceremonial aims for the Maya. Each category of body part caches revealed at least one possible particular purpose. The interpretation of these cache types will allow for future archaeologists to identify the cache types during excavation and understand what rituals or ceremonies were possibly being performed at the site.
The aim of this thesis is to examine a particular type of ritual deposit of the ancient Maya, called a body part cache. Based on the examination of the body part caches which have been recorded in numerous archaeological site reports, I created a categorization system of eight types of body part caches. These are skull pits, skull rows and deliberately arranged skulls, single skull caches, skull pairs and skull trios, tooth caches, phalange caches, infant and juvenile caches, mixed caches, and a category of questionable caches. Further study of religious ideology, modern ethnographies, and sixteenth century sources aided in the interpretation of the cache deposits. It was suspected that each type of deposition was the result of a different ritual and served different religious or ceremonial aims for the Maya. Each category of body part caches revealed at least one possible particular purpose. The interpretation of these cache types will allow for future archaeologists to identify the cache types during excavation and understand what rituals or ceremonies were possibly being performed at the site.
Every year, there are over 1.6 million violent deaths worldwide, making violence one of the leading public health issues of our time. And with the 20th century just behind us, it's hard to forget that 191 million people lost their lives directly or indirectly through conflict. This collection of engaging case studies on violence and violent deaths reveals how violence is reconstructed from skeletal and contextual information. By sharing the complex methodologies for gleaning scientific data from human remains and the context they are found in, and complementary perspectives for examining violence from both past and contemporary societies, bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology prove to be fundamentally inseparable. This book provides a model for training forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists, not just in the fundamentals of excavation and skeletal analysis, but in all subfields of anthropology, to broaden their theoretical and practical approach to dealing with everyday violence.
The present study reports on the cultural marks encountered in three (possibly four) skeletons retrieved from primary deposits of the Maya Classic period at Palenque, Calakmul, and Becán, Mexico. We propose that the patterns of cut and stab lesions encountered in the trunks of these individuals stem from perimortem violence that accompanied heart removal from below the rib cage rather than from postmortem evisceration. We confirm the feasibility of this procedure by experimental replication in modern corpses. The interpretation of those procedures synthesizes information obtained from osteological, archaeological, and iconographic sources and leads to a broader discussion concerning the techniques, impact, and meanings of human heart sacrifice and associated body manipulations in Classic period Maya society. Methodologically, we conclude that direct skeletal evidence of heart sacrifice can be rare, imposing a cautionary caveat on the current discussion of mortuary remains in the Maya area.
Informe de los trabajos arqueológicos realizados en Chichen Itzá para descubrir el antiguo centro ceremonial maya situado en la parte noreste de la península.
Cenotes, espacios sagrados y la práctica del sacrificio humano en Yucatán
- G Anda
- De
- V Tiesler
- P Zabala
- G. Anda de
Mortuary Pathways Leading to the Cenote at Chichén Itzá
- L A Beck
Representaciones de sacrificio en Chichén Itzá
- V Miller
Ceremonial Trash? In Expanding Archaelogy
- W H Walker
- W.H. Walker
Método para el registro de marcas de corte en hue-sos humanos
- C M Pijoan
Osteobiography: A Maya Example
- F Saul
The Iconography of Toltec Period Chichén Itzá
- K A Taube
Análisis osteotafonómico de rasgos óseos sumergidos en cenotes: una visión desde el Cenote Sagrado de Chichén Itzá. Monograph for the Specialization in Skeletal Anthropology
- G Anda
- De
- G. Anda de
El Cenote de los sacrificios. Translation by J. Ferreiro, Fondo de Cultura Económica
- C C Coggins
- C.C. Coggins
El sacrificio humano entre los Mexicas, Fondo de Cultura Económica
- Y González
- Y. González
Análisis de restos óseos expuestos al fuego en Calakmul y Becán
- C Medina
- C. Medina
Evidencias de sacrificio humano y canibalismo en restos óseos
- C M Pijoan
- C.M. Pijoan
Método para el registro de marcas de corte en hue-sos humanos
- C M Pijoan
- C A Pastrana
- C.M. Pijoan
Los cenotes y su reconocimiento, una aportación metodológica. Undergraduate thesis
- G Anda
- De
- G. Anda de
Las antiguas historias del Quiche, Fondo de Cultura Económica
- A Recinos
- A. Recinos
Landa's Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán
- A M Tozzer
- A.M. Tozzer
Mortuary Pathways Leading to the Cenote at Chichén Itzá
- L A Beck
- A K Sievert
- L.A. Beck
Skeletons from the Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichén Itzá
- E A Hooton
- E.A. Hooton
Representaciones de sacrificio en Chichén Itzá. In Antropología de la eternidad: La muerte en la cultura maya
- V Miller
- V. Miller
El don de la sangre en el equilibrio cósmico. Centro de Estudios Mayas
- M I Nájera
- M.I. Nájera
Osteobiography: A Maya Example
- F Saul
- J M Saul
- F. Saul