ChapterPDF Available

Shame and Pride: Invisible Emotions in Classroom Research

Authors:

Abstract

This chapter deals with the role of shame and pride in school learning and achievement situations. It discusses the proposition that these emotions are ubiquitous in academic learning, although they seem surprisingly “invisible”—not only for their protagonists, the students and teachers, but in the scientific literature on teaching and learning at school. On the one hand, it can be clearly shown that the institution of school generates a great variety of opportunities for students to experience shame and pride not only while performing its societal tasks of qualification, allocation, and socialization but also because it provides students with a peer group. On the other hand, what the sociologist Thomas Scheff called the “invisibility” of shame in Western cultures can also be shown: Shame in particular has not been a part of public and scientific discourses on academic learning. To fill this gap, we examine how far well established scientific concepts such as the academic self-concept, self-esteem, and achievement motivation, which are so relevant in the school context, are linked to experiences of pride and shame, and why it would be a worthwhile endeavor to analyze them from the perspective of a psychology of emotions.
... Shame as an emotional response has been theorized as both a psychological and sociological phenomenon (Scheff and Retzinger 2000, Scheff 2001, Shweder 2003, Holodynski and Kronast 2009, Crozier 2014). Here we adopt the view of Scheff (2001: 266 & 268) that shame is "the feeling of a threat to the social bond … crucially involved in the structure and change of whole societies." ...
... Instances of linguistic shame -shame related to language useinclude use of both mother tongues and additional languages. In settings where an additional or second language is dominant, first language use as a source of shame has been observed in the children of migrants (Holodynski and Kronast 2009) and in those who fear stigmatization as uneducated or backward (Lopez Quiroz, 1990, in Coronel-Molina 1999, McCarty, Romero-Little et al. 2006). While such examples suggest a desire to acquire and use a dominant/additional language, shame has also been documented in opposing circumstances. ...
... For shame and shaming practices to be social/self-regulators, there is a necessity for socialization processes that make shame a potent social force in the exercise of individual agency, thus, shame can only be understood in its social and cultural contexts (Fung, 1999). Social evaluation is "a precondition for the emergence of shame" (Holodynski & Kronast, 2009, p. 373), and consequent vulnerability to selfevaluation in relation to group norms. Experiences of shame are clear indications that individuals are in fact socialized into the norms of the social group involved. ...
Full-text available
Conference Paper
Perceptions and practices of linguistic shame and shaming associated with the English language use significantly affect users’ willingness to communicate (WTC) in English. This situation continues to pose significant challenges for teaching and learning the language in postcolonial contexts like Sri Lanka. These practices of linguistic shame and shaming create instructional challenges for the teaching and learning of English in many disadvantaged local contexts, placing the onus of tackling these challenges largely on teachers of English. The tacit nature in which these practices unfold within instructional settings adds an additional layer of difficulty. Awareness of linguistic shame and shaming practices and of nature and extent to which they manifest in instructional settings is seen as prerequisite for finding pedagogically viable solutions for these challenges. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews, and the findings indicated that participants’ awareness of and their ability to articulate what linguistic shame and shaming is varied considerably. We discuss the implications of these findings for teaching and learning English in contexts where practices of linguistic shame and shaming are widespread. We conclude that these findings have far-reaching consequences for language learners and should therefore have great potential to inform pre-service English language teacher education curricula. Keywords: English language teaching (ELT); English as a second language (ESL); L2 pedagogy; linguistic shame and shaming; willingness to communicate (WTC).
Article
In modern liberal society, a person is considered a ‘sacred’ entity and any violation of their dignity should produce embarrassment not only on the side of the ashamed individual but in those co-present as well. In our research, we studied public shaming in reality television (RTV), a recent popular culture product, in order to understand the mechanism that transforms otherwise degrading shaming into popular entertainment. The analysis drew on the classical concept of the ‘degradation ceremony’ (H. Garfinkel) and it covered three RTV programmes originating in different cultural contexts. We discovered that it is strong situational ritualisation of shaming which substantially attenuates the harmful consequences of being shamed for participants’ selves and thus protects viewers from uncomfortable feelings. In RTV, the shaming takes the form of a purposively unaccomplished degradation ceremony, which consists of the creation of an extraordinary situation, typification of participants, emphasis on the shared values in whose name the shaming is done, and participants’ reflexive performance in the show. The results suggest that in RTV, the social practice of the status degradation ceremony is transformed into a cultural practice of systematic shaming without real identity degradation, which makes it possible for shaming to become global mediatised entertainment.
Chapter
Zunehmend werden in der ethnographischen Differenzforschung Fragen der machtvollen Beteiligung von Schule und Unterricht an der Herstellung von Heterogenität und Normalität fokussiert. In diesem Kontext nimmt der vorliegende Beitrag eine Beschämungspraktik aus dem Unterricht einer Grundschule in den Blick und arbeitet diese als Modus des „doing difference“ (Fenstermaker & West 2001) heraus.
Article
This study examined the direct association between parental educational expectations and adolescents’ academic self‐efficacy, as well as the moderating influence of parental academic socialization messages. Participants were 148 Latino parent–adolescent dyads with the majority of Mexican origin (80.4%). Most of the parent participants were mothers (85.8%). Adolescents were 13 (46%) or 14 (54%) years of age, and 53% identified as female. Adolescents reported their academic self‐efficacy and perceptions of their parents’ educational expectations; parents reported on their academic socialization messages of shame/pressure and effort regarding academics. The results suggest that, after accounting for parents’ level of education and immigrant status, parental educational expectations were positively associated with adolescent academic self‐efficacy. This association was stronger among adolescents whose parents reported transmitting fewer messages of shame/pressure and academic effort. These results point to the importance of nuances in the content and type of academic socialization messages within Latino families.
Article
The role that specific emotions, such as pride and triumph, play during instruction in science education is an underresearched field of study. Emotions are recognized as central to learning yet little is known about the way in which they are produced in naturalistic settings, how emotions relate to classroom learning during interactions, and what antecedent factors are associated with emotional experiences during instruction. Data sources for the study include emotion diaries, student written artifacts, video recordings of class interactions, and interviews. Emotions produced in the moment during classroom interactions are analyzed from video data and audio data through a novel theoretical framework related to the sociology of human emotions. These direct observations are compared with students’ recollected emotional experiences reported through emotion diaries and interviews. The study establishes links between pride and triumph within classroom interactions and instructional tasks during learning episodes in a naturalistic setting. We discuss particular classroom activities that are associated with justified feelings of pride and triumph. More specifically, classroom events associated with these emotions were related to understanding science concepts, social interactions, and achieving success on challenging tasks.
Article
Dieser Beitrag fokussiert die soziale Dimension von Emotionen und Gesten, die auf das körperlich-sinnliche Eingebundensein des Menschen in seinen sozialen Kontext verweist und im institutionellen Rahmen der Schule oftmals zugunsten kognitiv-intellektueller Kompetenz-Bildung und ergebnisorientierter Qualitätserfassung in den Hintergrund tritt. Zunächst werden auf der Grundlage der aktuellen Emotions- und Gestenforschung Emotionen und (emotive) Gesten als sozial-dynamisches Phänomen konzeptualisiert, das als körperlich-sensueller Indikator zwischen interner und externer Welt fungiert und die institutionellen Beziehungen nicht nur gestaltet, sondern signifikant beeinflusst. Sodann wird skizziert, inwiefern eine prozess- und praxisbezogene Perspektive die empirisch-rekonstruktive Erfassung zirkulärer Wirkungen ermöglicht. Schließlich wird anhand exemplarischer Samples aus dem erhobenen Datenmaterial herausgearbeitet, wie Emotionen und Gesten in sozialen Performances ihre performative, wirklichkeitskonstituierende Kraft entfalten und wie ‚Emotionsepisoden‘ schulische Verbindlichkeiten hervorbringen, indem feeling rules ausgehandelt, Gemeinschaftserlebnisse bearbeitet und Statuspositionen (re)präsentiert werden. Der Beitrag entwirft Emotionen als bedeutsame Komponenten von Sozialität, die im erziehungswissenschaftlichen Diskurs eine spezifische Aufmerksamkeit verdienen.
Full-text available
Article
Jugendliche erleben im Schulalltag vielfache Scham- und Beschämungssituationen, die mit wichtigen Prozessen sozialer Inklusion und Exklusion einhergehen. Scham lässt sich dabei als eine Form ‚sozialer Angst‘ verstehen und stellt als solche eine emotionale Dimension dar, die in besonderer Weise soziale Konformität befördert. Erstaunlicherweise wird dem Thema in erziehungswissenschaftlichen und schulsoziologischen Arbeiten kaum Bedeutung zuteil. Im Rahmen einer emotionsethnologischen Studie in einer ‚multikulturellen‘ Schulklasse haben wir Scham und Beschämung deshalb besondere Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet. Die zentrale Fragestellung für diesen Beitrag lautet: Welche sozialen Funktionen erfüllt Scham im Kontext Schule? Und ferner: Inwiefern beeinflussen unterschiedliche kulturelle Orientierungsmaßstäbe Erleben und Ausdruck von Scham? Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Schamsituationen im Schulalltag unter anderem durch Peernormen definiert werden. Des Weiteren lassen sich emotionale Reaktionsformen als sozial und kulturell vermittelte Verhaltensweisen aufzeigen. Scham und Beschämung stellen wichtige emotionale Dimensionen im Schulalltag dar, deren Untersuchung und Benennung uns – gerade auch in heterogenen Kontexten – gewinnbringend für Schüler und Lehrer erscheint.
Full-text available
Book
Die Monografie dokumentiert die Entwicklung des Konzepts der Bezugsnorm-Orientierung (BnO). Lehrer unterscheiden sich darin, ob sie die Leistungen ihrer Schüler bevorzugt im interrindividuellen Vergleich, also z.B. im Querschnittvergleich der Leistungen in einer Schulklasse oder ob sie bevorzugt den einzelnen Schüler mit sich selbst vergleichen, also im intraindividuellen Längsschnitt seiner bisherigen Leistungsentwicklung. Aus dem Wechselspiel zwischen theoretischen Annahmen, Beobachtungen der Unterrichtspraxis und empirischen Befunden kristalisierte sich sukzessive das motivierungsbedeutsame Variablensystem aus Leistungsvergleich, Ursachenerklärung von Schülerleistungen, Erwartungsbildung, Sanktionierungsstrategie und Individualisierungstendenz heraus, das das BnO-Konzept bildet. Die Monografie stellt die einzelnen Schritte dieser Forschung dar und berichtet über schülerseitige Motivationseffekte dieser Lehrervariable. Das Buch ist seit vielen Jahren vergriffen. Allerdings bewirkt die hohe Leistungsheterogenität in integrierenden bzw. inkludierenden Schulklassen eine bleibende Aktualität der Bezugsnorm-Thematik bei der schulischen Leistungbeurteilung. Von daher schien es angezeigt, den Text wieder verfügbar zu machen, der die Grundlage bildete für viele nachfolgende Projekte, Weiterentwicklungen und Praxisempfehlungen.
Chapter
Dem Schamgefühl kommt im menschlichen Dasein eine äußerst wichtige Bedeutung zu, denn selbst die rudimentärste Form menschlicher Zivilisation ist ohne Scham und ihre entsprechenden Hemmschwellen schlechthin unvorstellbar. Scham entspricht einem Grundaffekt1, der dem Menschen angeboren ist und sich in vielen Varianten, sei es in Gefühlen der Minderwertigkeit oder des Gedemütigtseins, sei es in Form von Schüchternheit, „Hemmungen“, Peinlichkeitsgefühlen etc. äußert. Es ist den Betroffenen nicht immer klar, das diese Gefühle Varianten der Scham sind. Neben akuten Scham- und Beschämungserlebnissen, die von den Betroffenen auch als solche benannt werden, sticht ein Phänomen hervor, das subjektiv mehr als Angst denn als Scham imponiert. Es ist treffend als Scham-Angst zu bezeichnen, das heißt als Angst vor Schamerlebnissen oder Beschämungssituationen, die eintreten könnten, und zwar durch eigenes Ungenügen, Versagen, durch erniedrigende Umstände oder dadurch, das man sich vor anderen zu sehr „exponiert“, sich lächerlich macht. Es ist die Angst, in negativer Weise aufzufallen. Meines Erachtens ist es diese Schamvariante, die uns im Alltag am meisten begegnet und deshalb vor allem zur Sprache kommen soll.
Article
In this chapter, I describe a model of shame and guilt development that highlights the importance of these emotions for regulation of both the individual's transactions with the environment and the individual's devel­opment of self. The model is described in terms of seven basic principles. Principle 1: Shame and guilt are "social emotions." As such, they are (1) socially constructed, (2) invariably connected with (real or imagined) social interaction, (3) endowed with significance by social communication and/or relevance to desired ends (see below), and (4) associated with appreciations (appraisals) regarding others, as well as the self. Principle 2: Shame and guilt serve important functions. The shame "family" and the guilt "family," like other emotion "families" (groups of related emotions), are defined in terms of the intrapersonal-, interpersonal-, and behavior-regulatory functions they serve for the individual. Shame reflects and organizes different transactions between individuals and environment more than guilt does. Moreover, the differences in functions served by shame versus guilt are observable. For example, shame functions to distance the individual from the social environment; guilt functions to motivate reparative action. Principle 3: Shame and guilt are associated with particular appreciations (appraisals), and these appreciations are different for shame than they are for guilt. Appreciations are intimately connected to the functions that the emotions serve for the individual in the environment. Principle 4: Shame and guilt each are associated with particular action tendencies, which make sense given the appreciations and functions they involve. Shame is associated with avoidance and withdrawal Guilt, on the other hand, is associated with outward movement, aimed at reparation for a wrongdoing. Principle 5: Shame and guilt aid in the development of a sense of self. Shame and guilt experiences contribute in important ways to the child's development of a sense of self. Such experiences highlight the importance and consequences of a child's behavior, including successes and failures. As a result, they highlight the kind of behaviors the child can (or cannot) and does (or does not) do. In addition, such experiences highlight how others view the child and his or her behavior, which also helps the child to learn how to evaluate himself or herself. Principle 6: Cognitive understandings do not determine the emergence of shame and guilt. Broad cognitive understandings, such as of "the categorical self," standards and rules for behavior, or personal responsibility for behavior are neither necessary nor sufficient for the emergence of guilt nor shame. Such understandings do, however, contribute to the nature of shame and guilt experiences as well as the conditions under which these emotions can occur. Principle 7: Socialization is crucial to the development of shame and guilt. Socialization experiences play a major role in the development of shame and guilt. Socialization causes the child to care about the opinions of others, making the child want to follow social standards. It teaches the child about rules and standards for behavior, and endows particular standards with significance. All of these are central to the development of shame and guilt.
Healthy brain development takes place within the context of individual experience. Here, we describe how certain early experiences are necessary for typical brain development. We present evidence from multiple studies showing that severe early life neglect leads to alterations in brain development, which compromises emotional, behavioral, and cognitive functioning. We also show how early intervention can reverse some of the deleterious effects of neglect on brain development. We conclude by emphasizing that early interventions that start at the earliest possible point in human development are most likely to support maximal recovery from early adverse experiences. For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website.
Chapter
Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird skizziert, daß es gute Gründe gibt, sich als Sozialwissenschaftler und/oder analytischer Philosoph mit dem Thema Scham zu befassen, und dargelegt, daß seitens analytisch ausgerichteter Autoren schon eine Reihe interessanter Überlegungen dazu angestellt wurden.1 In Anlehnung an Überlegungen des Sozialtheoretikers Jon Elster wird argumentiert, daß wir kaum umhin können, auf soziale Normen zu rekurrieren, wenn wir erfolgreich soziale Phänomene erklären wollen. Sodann wird auf den Zusammenhang zwischen Normen und Schamgefühle eingegangen und behauptet, daß wir uns dem Gefühl der Scham zuwenden müssen, wollen wir soziale Normen ernst nehmen. Ferner wird auf die Frage nach der Bewertung von Scham eingegangen und behauptet, daß Schamgefihle einen wichtigen Beitrag zur sozialen Ordnung leisten. Zunächst aber einige Bemerkungen zum Schambegriff.
Chapter
Suppose that in your next conversation with a stranger, instead of looking at his eyes or mouth, you scrutinize his ear. Although the deviation from ordinary behavior is slight (involving only a shifting of the direction of gaze a few degrees, from the eyes to an ear), its effects are explosive. The conversation is disrupted almost instantaneously. In some cases, the subject of this experiment will seek to save the situation by rotating to bring his eyes into your line of gaze; if you continue to gaze at his ear, he may rotate through a full 360 degrees. Most often, however, the conversation is irretrievably damaged. Shock, anger, and vertigo are experienced not only by the ‘victim’ but, oddly enough, by the experimenter himself. It is virtually impossible for either party to sustain the conversation, or even to think coherently, as long as the experiment continues.
Article
With the exception of research on test anxiety, we lack knowledge about students' academic emotions. Results of four studies on students' emotional experiences, their development and their relations to learning, achievement, student personality, and teacher and parent behavior are reported. (1) Findings of Study I demonstrate that students experience many different positive and negative emotions in situations of classes, learning, and exams (exploratory interview study, N=56 students, grades 11 through 13). (2) In Study II (N=1.867 students, grades 5 to 13) and Studies III and IV (N=250/151 university students), learning-related emotions (e.g., enjoyment of learning, boredom) correlated closely with interest, academic effort, task-irrelevant thinking, and achievement. Correlations for test anxiety and other test emotions were weaker. (3) Results of Study II implied that average values for some emotions (e.g., test-related joy) tended to decline from grade 5 to 13, whereas others stayed at about the same magnitude (e.g., test anxiety). (4) In Study II, students' test emotions correlated closely with self-concepts and subjective values of academic achievement, and with teacher enthusiasm, classroom competition, and teachers' and parents' achievement-related pressure, reinforcement and punishment. Implications for the enhancement of students' emotions are discussed.