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Globalisation Cultural Diversity and Multiculturalism: Australia
Abstract
The chapter examines the conflicting forces of homogenisation and division generated by globalisation and, in particular, their effect in weakening the traditional powers of the nation-state. One of these forces is the rise of various indigenous and ethnic minorities, demanding greater recognition and support for their cultural identities as well as greater autonomy. This chapter suggests that cross-civilisational dialogue can help to resolve the complex issues that face each country and the whole world order.
... Ethnocentrism, which is a lack of acceptance of cultural diversity and an intolerance for outgroups, has a strong tendency to lead to negative stereotypes, negative prejudices, and negative behaviors towards other cultural group members [29,30]. This tendency is based on differences in culture, language, religion, family structure, and the clothes worn or the food eaten [31]. Because ethnocentrism is involved in the xenophobic rejection of external influence, it interrupts intercultural communication. ...
... Furthermore, the purpose of the Hungarian community in Australia was to preserve the purity of Hungarian culture, including language, during the Communist era. As some scholars have indicated (Hatoss, 2003;Smolicz & Secombe 2005), Hungarians in Australia are language-centred: they consider their mother tongue to be one of their core values. ...
This article examines the return visits of Australian‐Hungarians to their homeland after 1989 and the different types of homecoming experiences after an extended period of separation. The focus of the paper is returnees’ perceptions of changes to Hungary or lack thereof. I analyse the distinction between the ‘desired/nostalgic past’, which Hungarian returnees nurtured during the decades of separation and expected to rediscover upon return, and the ‘disdained past’ of the Communist dictatorship, which they had fled and hoped never to encounter again. The findings demonstrate that people interpret both past and present in relation to hopes, expectations and disappointments situated within particular nationalist imaginaries, political projects and ideological prisms. This allows us to analyse the nexus between local, national and diasporic belonging through post‐socialist identities, orientations toward democracy and understandings of ‘nation’.
... Ethnocentrism, which is a lack of acceptance of cultural diversity and an intolerance for outgroups, has a strong tendency to lead to negative stereotypes, negative prejudices, and negative behaviors towards other cultural group members [29,30]. This tendency is based on differences in culture, language, religion, family structure, and the clothes worn or the food eaten [31]. Because ethnocentrism is involved in the xenophobic rejection of external influence, it interrupts intercultural communication. ...
In the era of globalization, due to the prevalent cultural exchange between countries, inflows of foreign cultural products can enrich local culture by hybridizing local and global culture together. Although there have been numerous studies on cultural hybridity using qualitative interviews with recipients of foreign cultural products in single countries, cross-national studies that examine the national characteristics that facilitate or impede cultural hybridity remain scarce. The purpose of the present study is to identify the factors that promote or hinder cultural hybridity between the Korean Wave and Muslim culture by probing the similarities and differences in social media data on Korean cultural products between Indonesia and Malaysia using a semantic network analysis. The results of the study uncovered the three factors that promote cultural hybridity (‘Asian identity’, policies emphasizing ‘unity in ethnic diversity’, and ‘local consumers xenocentrism’) and the two hindering elements (‘a conservative nature of religion’ and ‘discrimination between ethnic groups’). Theoretical contributions and practical implications are also provided for promoting cultural hybridity.
... Igualmente, su desarrollo demográfico se ha caracterizado por un grave daño o afectación de las poblaciones nativas u aborígenes y la existencia de una marcada presencia de inmigrantes que los ha llevado a ser descritos como países claramente abiertos al fenómeno de la multiculturalidad (Smolicz y Secombe, 2005;Marín, 2010). Incluso, ambos países han asumido formalmente que la ampliación del acceso a la educación de su masa poblacional es fundamental a fin de contribuir con la aparición de élites (aunque todavía muestra un considerable distanciamiento en términos de implementación de políticas y resultados) 82 , con la intención de establecer una base para un proceso sostenido de desarrollo. ...
(Méndez Reátegui, Rubén, editor)
Para más información en el siguiente enlace: https://edipuce.edu.ec/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/REFLEXIONES-JUR%C3%8DDICAS-II.pdf
El libro presenta una propuesta uniforme e integral derivada de la investigación desarrollada conjuntamente por profesores nacionales y extranjeros, durante el período 2016, en atención de los encuentros celebrados al unísono con las II Jornadas Internacionales de Derecho. Su elaboración requirió un elevado nivel de coordinación y esto se refleja en su reestructuración temática y secuencial lógica. Por lo tanto, este libro constituye una contribución original, que, de modo versátil y docto, refleja el estado del arte alcanzado por la ciencia jurídica contemporánea. Este tercer volumen constituye una contribución original, que de modo versátil y docto refleja el progreso alcanzado por la ciencia jurídica contemporánea.
ISBN Serie: 978-9978-77-333-8
ISBN: 978-9978-77-335-2
... Es importante señalar que a pesar de su existencia legal las provincias como sistema de organización administrativa han perdido -hace mucho-relevancia (política) y se han constituido al igual que los departamentos, en meras nomenclaturas territoriales sin real autonomía política o económica (tributaria). 285 Igualmente, su desarrollo demográfico se ha caracterizado por un grave daño o afectación de las poblaciones nativas u aborígenes y la existencia de una marcada presencia de inmigrantes que los ha llevado a ser descritos como países claramente abiertos al fenómeno de la multiculturalidad (Smolicz y Secombe, 2005;Marín, 2010). Incluso, ambos países han asumido formalmente que la ampliación del acceso a la educación de su masa poblacional es fundamental a fin de contribuir con la aparición de élites (aunque todavía muestra un considerable distanciamiento en términos de implementación de políticas y resultados) 82 , con la intención de establecer una base para un proceso sostenido de desarrollo. ...
El objetivo de este documento es ilustrar el contexto institucional en el ámbito impositivo y fiscal que prevalece en Australia y Perú. Esta argumentación positiva está orientada a explicar el alcance (outcome) de las diferencias entre ambas experiencias. Por lo tanto, en el capítulo se recogen una variedad de políticas públicas en materia de política impositiva y fiscal introducidas en el tiempo. La finalidad es mostrar aspectos disímiles o divergencias en el nivel (estándar) de coordinación institucional de las reglas formales (Méndez, 2011 y 2013) que organizan los sectores en mención. Esta ilustración buscará respaldar la asunción que el mayor grado de crecimiento y desarrollo económico de un país con respecto del otro ha sido influenciado (en parte) por esta divergencia. Esto es, intentaremos demostrar que Australia y Perú son una “muestra representativa” de dos países ricos en recursos, pero con diferentes arreglos institucionales (North, 1990) a nivel impositivo y fiscal que ha contribuido sin duda a llevarlos a diferentes niveles en términos de desarrollo económico y social.
... Another case is Africa, where many governments are left in the dilemma of whether to keep the former colonial languages, or to co-exist with the thousands of local languages after the independence movements in the 1960s and 1970s (Brock-Utne 2005). Australia, a member of the British Commonwealth, has taken a distinct route of adopting "constructive diversity" and multilingualism for maintaining the Australian core values while removing the "sting" among people of different cultural backgrounds (Smolicz and Secombe 2005). Hornberger and Vaish (2009) compared the multilingual classroom practices in India, Singapore, and South Africa, all of which are former British colonies, and argued that the tensions in the multilingual language policy having been translated into multilingual classroom practices might benefit the students through access to Standard English together with cultivation of their own languages. ...
This article explores the extent to which the medium of instruction (MOI) policy in Hong Kong affect ethnic minority students’ Chinese language learning in school amidst postcolonial policy changes, and how the “flexible” MOI policy affects Chinese as a second language (CSL) frontline teaching in mainstream secondary schools with reference to the three orientations to language planning, namely language-as-problem, language-as-right, and language-as-resource (Ruiz 1984). It reports on a large-scale longitudinal study on the implementation of the “flexible” MOI policy, which is targeted to address the challenges that ethnic minority students and Chinese language teachers are faced with in CSL learning and teaching. Twenty-six CSL teachers and twenty students were target-sampled from fourteen schools involved in the same study. Based on an analysis of interview data through triangulation and critical discourse analysis, the authors argue that (1) difficulties in adapting to the new MOI for the Chinese Language subject would likely lead to low motivation levels and adversely affect CSL development among the students; (2) CSL teachers also experience difficulties in helping ethnic minority students to make successful transition for reasons including huge learning differences, limited time and resources, as well as marked linguistic differences between the two Chinese language variants. The authors recommend that policy reviews be carried out to enhance the quality of CSL teaching and learning in the midst of the current attempt at language standardization.
... Some scholars, like Maureen Guirdham (2004), and Jerzy Smolicz (2005) believe that authentic and dialogical intercultural communication skills hold the key to resolve global political, social and religious conflicts. Smolicz, for instance, argued that effective intercultural communication, cross-cultural values education and intercultural transformation can influence people's perceptions and their views of the world, and may be reflected in increased metacognitive, reflective and critical thinking domains, affecting their thinking, values and action (Smolicz, 2005). His unique concept map of a human rights tree, based on the UN Declaration of Human Rights, includes such dimensions as multiculturalism, shared values, pluralist democracies, spiritual and religious rights and the rule of law. ...
... While Australia's approach to multiculturalism was, by necessity, a response to its postwar immigration programme, it has exhibited a certain elasticity in the attempts to reconcile ethno-cultural minority identity rights with universal application of core liberal values as espoused by the Australian majority (Smolicz and Secombe, 2005). However, while multiculturalism in Australia has always had its critics (Ho, 1990), greater anxiety has been voiced over its relevance, meaning and value since 9/11 and what is perceived as the global rise of militant Islamism (Levey, 2008). ...
By examining the experience of an innovative and ambitious initiative in the evolution of the interfaith movement in Australia, this article analyses three contested themes: first, how to connect religion more closely with culture, thereby placing interfaith relations within the context of intercultural awareness; second, how to develop a regional initiative which, informed by Australia's urban history and sociology, would complement and dovetail with preexisting interfaith and intercultural activities; and third, how to translate the general principles of dialogue into the operational environments of local communities. By analysing the insertion of dialogue into the modalities of ‘everyday’ life, this article illuminates how a multidimensional approach to interfaith dialogue can resonate with the cultural–political specificities of a major metropolitan concentration.
This chapter, using critical discourse analysis, examines conceptual models of historical thinking and historical narratives in school textbooks. It considers the role of historiography in the classroom and major classroom pedagogical models relevant to historical thinking, developed by such authors as Lee Shulman’s model of pedagogical reasoning and action, Sam Wineburg (USA), Peter Seixas (Canada), Stéphane Lévesque (Canada), Carla van Boxtel and Yan van Drie (the Netherlands), to name a few. The chapter analyses history as a school subject, in both local and global settings, and its significance in promoting cultural diversity, and intercultural and global understanding. It is argued that history pedagogies, grounded in discourse analysis, and constructivist, metacognitive and transformational paradigms, have the power to engage the learner in significant and meaningful learning experiences of historical thinking, informed by multiple discourses of our historical narratives and those of other nations.
This chapter, using critical discourse analysis, provides a new insight into an understanding of the nexus between ideologies, the state, and nation-building – as depicted in history school textbooks. It especially focuses on the interpretation of social and political change, significant events, looking for possible new biases and omissions, leadership and the contribution of key individuals, and continuities. Nation-building architects make extensive use of history to promote those preferred historical narratives that embody the politically correct teleology of the state. A number of countries, like the USA, China, the Russian Federation (RF), Germany and Japan, and elsewhere, use their school history textbooks and preferred historical narratives to promote desired values of nationalism, patriotism and national identity.
This original Ancient Chinese proverb has been popularised as ‘I hear and I forget, I see and I remember, I do and I understand’. This popular quote, by referring to doing, as the best form of learning, evokes the idea of experiential learning, the corner stone of constructivist theory of learning, and its relevance to the current twenty-first century learning paradigm of the Knowledge Society. The twenty-first century, affected by ubiquitous information communication technologies (ICTs), and forces of globalisation, redefining the global imperatives of education quality, standards and performance in schools, was characterised by a significant shift in educational reforms. The traditional passive transmission-based learning approach, still used in some countries, was no longer adequate for the twenty-first century learning paradigm of the Knowledge Society. According to UNESCO (2013) policy document Knowledge societies: The way forward to build a better world, knowledge societies must build on four pillars: freedom of expression; universal access to information and knowledge; respect for cultural and linguistic diversity; and quality education for all (UNESCO, 2013; see also Bindé, 2005).
The chapter explores the nexus between globalisation, intercultural dialogue and the state, against the background of comparative education research and a clash of civilizations. The chapter attempts to answer the following question: How can we contribute to the creation of a more peaceful, equitable, and just society for everyone? Recent global events depicting violence, conflicts, and war, demonstrate the need for a more visible comparative education research, which needs to focus more on emerging significant issues in intercultural and cross-cultural understanding globally. Such a paradigm needs to focus more on emerging significant issues in intercultural and cross-cultural understanding globally, affecting identity politics, liberty and democracy. The chapter argues that a better knowledge of intercultural dialogue could be used as a means for delivering an empowering paradigm of peace and harmony globally.
This paper investigates if the cultural indoctrination of architects impacts their use of colour in their designs. Here, cultural indoctrination is considered as the process by which an architect's socio-cultural background informs their design ideas and attitudes. Specifically, a survey of 274 architects, architectural academics and postgraduates in Australia and Iran addressed the question: does an architect's cultural background affect their general attitudes to colour and their use of colour when designing and, if so, how? A series of quantitative and qualitative analyses were conducted to answer these questions. The findings reinforce evidence from other studies indicating that colour use is influenced by culture and elucidate for the design community greater understanding about the relationship between culture and colour use in architecture. In particular, it is demonstrated that architects' preferences towards more colourful designs are informed by practice influences; such as contemporary trends and demands, facilitated by new material and representational technologies, for more colourful buildings in our cities. Moreover, although climatic conditions, light intensity, heritage context and local materials were contextual factors influencing colour use both in Iran and Australia, a large difference was found between the two countries on the impact, and especially imposed limitations, of socio-cultural factors on colour cognition, preferences and use.
This chapter provides evidence of how the Chinese language, hanzi, as the foundation of Chinese culture, has profoundly impacted on the group of Chinese background teachers who participated in the research project reported in this book. Through analysing these teachers’ explanations of the meaning of hanzi, an in-depth understanding of the importance of hanzi is gained, especially regarding how hanzi forms the root of Chinese culture and how it has sustained, renewed and transmitted Chinese cultural elements over time. This chapter also explores how hanzi reflects the way Chinese people understand and live in the world, and how hanzi records a collective view of Chinese aesthetics, morality, values, customs and experiential and intellectual knowledge. The argument made is that hanzi has powerfully structured key Chinese cultural attributes in its written form and has been inherited by hanzi users over generations. This is despite experiencing changes and reforms since its origin.
The Hungarian immigrant community in Australia is struggling with cultural survival. The diaspora has experienced a general decline in community participation as a result of the aging of the émigré population and the rapid assimilation of subsequent generations. Using data derived from the series of annual community-organised conferences called Megmaradásunk Konferenciák, this article compares the different discourses articulated by community leaders in Australia seeking to preserve and strengthen the diaspora community. I examine how newly emerged narratives of ‘diaspora death’ and cultural survival are debated and how possibilities of strengthened connections with Hungary have impacted these discussions.
When in 2013 the New South Wales (NSW) State Parliament unanimously passed a motion recognizing the ‘Armenian, Assyrian and Greek Genocides’,1 many were perplexed over the political potency of events that transpired nearly a century ago in a far and distant land. The polarized conversation that ensued managed to stir those nascent nuances often hidden in Australia’s multicultural mosaic. This was not the first time that ‘denialists’ and ‘perpetuators’ of the Ottoman discourse had caught Australia’s public attention. Every so often, they kept reminding Australians that somewhere in the Gallipoli narrative, these Ottoman diasporas — their memories, stories, and anxieties — have been overlooked.
In this chapter it is argued that schools that are fit for purpose in these new times require a strengthening of educational polices to implement programs that are holistic, flexible and based on social justice. Educational and socio-demographic data are marshaled to point to deep systemic inadequacies in the educational assumptions and practices that currently organize schooling in developed countries. Positive ways forward are outlined that are aimed at the more equitable and appropriate preparation of young people for the challenges that face them in the future.
Recently, in a number of countries, teaching and learning history, as a curriculum discipline, has been characterised by political, economic, cultural and ideological imperatives, whose teleological goal is one of the nation-building process and one of cultivating a modern dimension of national identity in the global culture (Baques, 2006; Janmaat & Vickers, 2007; Macintyre & Clark, 2003; Nicholls, 2006; Simpson & Halse, 2006; Taylor, 2006; Zajda, 2007). In the United States, history continues to be a “ staple of the American curriculum in both elementary and secondary schooling ” (Thornton, 2006, p. 15). Similarly, in the Russian Federation, history lessons in schools play a significant role in the nation-building process, citizenship education, patriotism, and values education, which is closely monitored by the state (Zajda, 2007, p. 291).
In Italy, political debates surrounding the content of school history teaching, during the 1980s and the 1990s had noticeably affected the task of Italian history teachers. In 1995, the government created a commission to evaluate history textbooks, as many, it was believed, tended to “ falsify or ignore certain pages of Italian history ”, thus hindering “ the reconstruction of a national identity common to all Italians ” (Cajani, 2006, p. 37). The polemic surrounding history teaching in schools continues in many countries. For instance, ideologically-driven goals are found in history classrooms in Japan, where student learn “ official ” stories of the past, or politically-correct historical narratives, and are encouraged to internalise “ common identity and values ” (Ogawa & Field, 2006, p. 56). Learning history helps to develop one ” s “ sense of place ” in the global, national and local community. It also contributes to students ” learning a “ more complete understanding of the present ” and a “ compression of past and present moral and ethical issues ” (Taylor, 2006, p. 44; Zajda, 2002).
Recent global events depicting violence, conflicts, and war demonstrate the need for a more visible paradigm of intercultural
dialogue in comparative education research [1]. Such a paradigm needs to focus more on emerging significant issues in intercultural
and cross-cultural understanding globally, affecting identity politics, liberty, and democracy. Informed and balanced intercultural
dialogue can help us to define, explain, and critique what is achievable, especially within the current imperatives of globalisation,
the politics of change, and education reforms (Bourdieu & Passeron 1990). The chapter explores the problematic relationship
surrounding globalisation, intercultural dialogue, and the State against the background of comparative education research
and a clash of civilizations (Appadurai, 1990, Robertson, 1992, Huntington, 1996, Arnove & Torres, 1999, Carnoy 1999, Stiglitz,
2002, Zajda, 2005, 2007). The chapter is an attempt to answer the following question: How can we contribute to the creation
of a more peaceful, equitable, and just society for everyone?
Under the impact of economic, political and cultural globalisation, one could expect that the whole world would tend to become more and more culturally homogeneous until a convergence of cultures eventuated. Such homogenising forces have impinged upon nation-states causing them to lose some of their traditional omnipotence and charisma. The rising significance of international organisations has eroded some of the states’ powers, as has the increasing acceptance of dual citizenship and the virtually uncontrollable migratory flows across the globe. An example taken from Australia illustrates the dimensions of the latter problem facing many states, even one such as Australia that was formerly proud of its ability to control immigration inflow, with immigrants carefully classified as ‘skilled’, ‘family reunion’, ‘refugees’ and ‘humanitarian need’ cases. Australia has no official category for asylum seekers who arrive without official papers by boat, by air or inside cargo containers. This ‘illegal’ migration flow was no longer a minor problem. In 2000, 4,174 asylum seekers were washed up on Australian shores, arriving in 75 boats (a substantial increase from the 157 people who came in 1997–1998) (Hugo, 2001, p. 188). The weakening authority of the nation-state in the face of such crises has paradoxically generated forces that counteract the homogenising effects of globalisation. As control slips out of its grasp, the state faces the rising demands of its local, regional and various other minority groups, which are gaining confidence and demanding their ‘place in the sun’. We are witnessing round the world a renaissance, a resurgence of ethnicity (Huntington, 1996). While political boundaries are tending to become more permeable, especially in places like Western Europe, cultural boundaries are becoming accentuated within countries. In this context, it is important to realise that the cultural and political boundaries between states do not
The cultural aspects of globalisation are often overshadowed by its economic impact, although both impinge upon the pattern of interaction among national and ethnic cultures within the state (see Smolicz & Secombe, 2005; Zajda, 2005, 2007, Zajda et al. 2008). In this chapter, Australia is taken as an example of a multi-ethnic state which is in the process of building a nation based upon a multicultural, rather than monocultural framework. The Australian case study is discussed as a possible model for other multi-ethnic countries in their search for a solution to the pluralist dilemma of how to achieve a resilient and stable nation state which does not negate the persistence of cultural pluralism along ethnic lines. Such a search has universal significance, since it calls for stability based upon the interdependence of peoples and cultures, and ultimately of whole regions and civilisations. The key lies in a global interculturalism that transcends national/ethnic affiliations by overcoming borders that have a cultural meaning, as well as those of solely political and administrative significance.
This chapter investigates the Learning to Be concept through a transdisciplinary action research conducted in a Year 6 French class in Australia. The purpose of this
research was to participate first-hand in the construction of knowledge of what might be the Learning to Be dimension in teaching. The methodology was adapted to include a transdisciplinary approach facilitated by the work of Ron
Ritchhart on intellectual character (2002). This transdisciplinary research favoured the understanding of the Learning to Be dimension and its implications in class.
Walker Connor was a ground-breaking scholar in the study of nationalism. While nationalism studies began to emerge in the 1980s as a distinct field of research, Connor had already begun to write trend-setting articles by the late 1960s.
These contributed to establishing the conceptual grounding that is still currently used and they are seen as landmarks for their accuracy and precision. Although he largely published within political science, the roots of Connor’s approach reach deeply into human and political geography. Connor’s pioneering work methodically and thoroughly identified some of the most significant issues and hurdles in the field, diagnosing its principal fault lines. Besides his efforts at conceptual clarification,beginning by scrutinizing multifaceted concepts like ‘self-determination’, his core contributions include identification of the ‘economic fallacy’ approach that dominates the field – that is, the notion that economic factors are central to explaining the origin and cause of ethnic conflict – the virtues of autonomy vs. separation, an emphasis on political and emotional factors as an indirect attack on rational choice, and a powerful explanation linking the rise of nationalism to the decline of political legitimacy – some of these articles were included in his Ethnonationalism: The quest for understanding.
Genuine peaceful contact presupposes a mutual will to try to understand the other party's signed or spoken signals and symbols; to accommodate, and to learn at least some of them (often using a pidgin, an auxiliary simplified language), or to learn a common lingua franca, foreign to both. For dominant groups, their own rights have often been, and still are, invisible: they take them for granted. Even today, this is one of the problems when discussing and trying to formulate linguistic/language rights (LRs). Dominant linguistic groups often feel a need to formally codify their language rights only when dominated groups, for example indigenous/tribal peoples, or minorities of various kinds (ITMs), start demanding LRs for themselves. Most people connect LRs mainly to ITMs, and most LRs are found among special minority or indigenous rights rather than general human rights (HRs). This article discusses LRs as HRs, LRs versus linguistic human rights (LHRs), LHRs for linguistic majorities and minorities, collective LHRs, justifications for LHRs, individual positive LHRs, and LHRs and the role of indigenous peoples.
Without even considering the 150 Aboriginal languages still spoken, Australia has an unparalleled mix of languages other than English in common usage, languages often described by the term 'community'. Drawing on census data and other statistics, this book addresses the current suitation of community languages in Australia, analysing which are spoken, by whom, and whereabouts. It focuses on three main issues: how languages other than English are maintained in an English speaking environment, how the structure of the languages themselves changes over time, and how the government has responded to such ethnolinguistic diversity. At a time of unprecedented awareness of these languages within society and a realisation of the importance of mutlilingualism in business, this book makes a significant contribution to understanding the role of community languages in shaping the future of Australian society.
Presents the often neglected cultural aspects of attempts at development, which are beginning to be recognised now that simple economic goals, particularly capital formation and the raising of GNP have not been achieved in many parts of the Third World. The author argues for increased consideration of cultural values and traditions as positive factors within development plans, rather than as barriers to the development process which are to be ignored or removed. -P.Hardiman
Asks: is there a future for the political economy of development? The scientific status of the political economy of development, never much to begin with, has shrunk to vanishing point. For expositional convenience classifies approaches to the political economy of development into two categories, namely the neo-classical and the neo-Marxist. -from Author
"European" identities may be politonymic, toponymic, ethnonymic or linguonymic. Each dimension may influence whether migrant minorities are treated as "European", and influence their schooling, integration, and rights to citizenship and to form national minorities. Treatment and terminology vary in different states and periods of migration, and different scenarios can be envisaged. However, the position for immigrated minorities is that they are still largely seen as workers rather than human beings with equal rights. Thus Turks, despite their numerical strength and length of residence, are still "foreigners" in Germany. Lack of success in schools is blamed on migrants rather than the German/Danish/... school system. This construction of migrants as being deficient dovetails with educational practice which falls within a UN definition of linguistic genocide, and contributes to mis-education. If current efforts in supranational fora to codify educational linguistic human rights were to lead to greater support for minorities, this could assist in a redefinition of national identities corresponding to the de facto diversity of these societies, and a reduction of racism and conflict.
The paper investigates the relative significance of family collectivism and minority languages as possible core values among four ethnic groups in the context of Australian society in which the English language and social structures of the majority group are dominant. The respondents were young adults drawn from Greek-, Latvian-, Italian- and Chinese-Australian backgrounds. The analysis of the personal statements gathered revealed a generally positive evaluation of minority languages for most groups, although the source of support for these languages varied. While a collectivist family orientation and the minority languages concerned were mutually supportive in three of the groups under investigation, the Latvian group showed a greater reliance upon ethnic school and other community structures for its survival and development. In the attempt to preserve their cultures in Australia, respondents from particular minority groups varied in the relative emphasis which they placed upon their language and family as the core value (s) of their culture. The findings revealed the possibility of a single, double or even triple set of core values which could support a minority group in Australia.
While political borders in the modern world are often attenuated, cultural borders between groups are reinforced through the resurgence of ethnic identity and the renaissance of cultural values which underpin it. Such developments need not be regarded as divisive, but as an opportunity for border crossing by individuals who augment their cultural valence through acquiring competence in and positive attitudes towards other cultures. Australia's multicultural policy has sought to encourage this development by building a society that is both cohesive and supportive of the country's cultural diversity. This paper reports on two studies carried out according to the principles of humanistic sociology and based on memoirs written by university graduates. Those of non-English speaking background showed evidence of bivalence in that they had crossed the cultural border to participate in mainstream Australian society, while maintaining aspects of their home languages and cultures. Those of English-speaking background in Study A activated only the dominant culture and hence were classified as univalent, although about half revealed positive attitudes to cultural pluralism in Australia. Over two-fifths of the younger writers in Study B had actually crossed the minority cultural boundaries to participate in another culture and three of these could be classified as bivalent.
Languages are today being killed at a much faster pace than ever before in human history and linguistic diversity is disappearing relatively faster than biological diversity. Still, linguistic diversity is as necessary for the existence of our planet as biodiversity, and the two are correlated. Linguistic human rights are a necessary (but not sufficient) prerequisite for the maintenance of linguistic diversity. Violations of linguistic human rights, especially in education, may lead to both ethnically articulated conflict and to reduction of linguistic and cultural diversity on our planet. The article analyses to what extent present linguistic human rights, especially in education, are sufficient to protect and maintain linguistic diversity and to function as the necessary corrective to the `free' market.
In his 1985 address to Asian social scientists, the Rector of the United Nations University, Professor Soedjatmoko, expressed the view that what was important in a society was not stability enforced by the government, but resilience on the part of society itself.
The first half of this article presents five related explanations of ethnonational conflict which flow from western political thought, particularly from liberalism, utilitarianism and Marxism. These explanations are that ethnonational conflict is: related to social primitiveness, promoted by social segregation, caused by manipulative self‐interested elites, rooted in material interests, and caused by discrimination. The second half of the article explains that these explanations are flawed because they are rooted in a philosophical tradition which exaggerates the importance of self and class‐interest and downplays the importance of ethnonational bonds in people's lives.
One can distinguish two Europes, especially from the point of view of national construction, stability of frontiers, national integration, maturity of the nation‐state and nationalistic feelings. Six contrasts between Eastern Europe and Western Europe are considered: (1) New states with disputed frontiers versus old states with recognized frontiers; (2) Conflicting ethnic intermingling versus consensual pluralism; (3) National churches versus secularization of the State; (4) Hostile confinement versus multiple exchanges; (5) Reciprocal mistrust between immediate neighbours versus mutual trust; (6) National armies versus supranational armies. Ethnonationalism but not racism in the East.
Estudio sobre el fenómeno de la migración internacional visto desde el punto de vista de los cambios globales y del desarrollo de las naciones a partir de los años ochenta del siglo XX. Se analizan los factores económicos, políticos y sociales sobre los que tiene efecto el movimiento de la población; en particular, se estudian la formación de minorías étnicas, los migrantes y las minorías en las relaciones laborales, las políticas migratorias y la globalización de la migración internacional.
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Traditions and cultures of indigenous people: Continuity of indigenous people in Asia. Paper presented at the Indigenous People-Spirituality and Peace Forum. Retrieved from: www. asiapacificymca. org/ statements
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Quoted by D. ShanahanHoward: this Bill is Necessary to Protect our National Interest
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The Basques, the Catalans and Spain
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Globalism, Nation-State and Local Cultures
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Howard: this Bill is Necessary to Protect our National Interest
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The Universal Declaration for Human Rights: Fifty Years On. Sydney: Australian National Commission for UNESCO
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Youth and Society: Viewpoints for the Future: An Indonesian Experience, Paper presented at the Sixth General Conference of the Association of Asian Social Science Research Councils (AASSREC), Bali. Youth and Society: Viewpoints for the Future
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Cultural Democracy and Ethnic Pluralism: Multicultural and Multilingual Policies in Education
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