ArticlePDF Available

“So, What’s a Hate Crime Anyway?” Young Adults’ Perceptions of Hate Crimes, Victims, and Perpetrators

Authors:
Kelli Craig-henderson at National Science Foundation
Kelli Craig-henderson
Craig R. Waldo
Craig R. Waldo
Craig R. Waldo
  • This person is not on ResearchGate, or hasn't claimed this research yet.
Download full-text PDF
Read full-text
Download citation

Abstract

Male and female young adults provided responses to open-ended questions about hate crimes. Results indicated considerable variability in their definitions, with perceptions of hate crimes differing with regard to demographic characteristics of both victims and perceivers. Victims may experience hate crimes differently because of who they are, why they are victimized, and with whom they share their experiences. In a separate study, males and females each evaluated a scenario of a hate crime perpetrated upon a male or female victim. Whether the crime was described as motivated by racial or religious bigotry, heterosexism, or was ambiguous was systematically varied. The demographic status of the participant appeared to determine how disruptive they regarded the crime scenario, and the likelihood that they would report personal knowledge of a victim of a similar type of assault. None of the participants was likely to report knowledge of a victim of a heterosexist assault. Policy implications of results from both studies are discussed.
Content uploaded by Kelli Craig-henderson
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Kelli Craig-henderson on Feb 01, 2015
Content may be subject to copyright.
A preview of the PDF is not available
A preview of this full-text is provided by American Psychological Association.
Learn more
Content available from Law and Human Behavior
This content is subject to copyright. Terms and conditions apply.
... A small group of studies have attempted to explore lay beliefs about hate crimes. An early attempt by Craig and Waldo (1996) revealed that participants imagined hate crimes to involve an act of violence committed by a White assailant against a minority group member. Saucier et al. (2010) found that cross-racial crimes were deemed more typical of hate than intra-racial crimes, but particularly where the offense was committed by a White male. ...
... In addition, victim blame and perpetrator blame were influenced by the victim's behavior, but these effects were stronger for Black victims than for White victims. These findings align with previous research in which hate crimes that fit the stereotypical pattern of a violent assault by a White male against a minority male are more likely to receive higher guilt ratings (Craig & Waldo, 1996;Erentzen et al., 2021;Lyons, 2006;Saucier et al., 2006). Prior research has found that participants tend to ascribe a sort of "victim halo" to victims of hate crime, wherein we see reduced victim blaming, higher victim sympathy, and more favorable emotional reactions to hate crime victims than to non-hate crime victims. ...
Prototypes of Hate and Expectations of the Model Victim
Article
Full-text available
  • Feb 2024
This research explored the content of hate crime prototypes in a North American context, with particular attention to how such prototypes might influence blame attributions. In Study 1a, participants were recruited from a blended sample of universities (n = 110) and community members (n = 102) and asked to report their thoughts about typical hate crime offenses, victims, and offenders. These open-ended responses were coded, and common themes were identified. In Study 1b, a new group of participants (n = 290) were presented with these themes and asked to rate each for their characteristics of hate crimes. Studies 1a and 1b confirmed the presence of a clear prototype of hate crimes, such that (a) perpetrators were believed to be lower status White men with clear expressions of bias, (b) hate crime offenses were believed to be acts of interpersonal violence accompanied by slurs or verbal abuse, and (c) hate crime victims were thought to be members of a marginalized group who remain passive during the offense. Study 2 explored the consequences of victim prototypes on assessments of victim blame. Participants (n = 296) were recruited from York University and presented with a case vignette that varied the prototypicality of a victim of hate, depicting him as either Black or White and either passive, verbally responsive, or physically confrontational in the context of an assault. Participants showed greatest sympathy for the Black victim who passively ignored verbal harassment but increasingly assigned blame when the Black victim spoke or reacted physically. When the victim was White, participants showed little variation in their assessment of blame as a function of the victim’s behavior. These results suggest that Black victims are subjected to greater behavioral scrutiny than White victims and that sympathy for victims of hate may be contingent on their passivity in the face of harassment.
View
... In one study that tests on Black-on-White incidents, Lyons (2008) observes high ratings for such incidents, suggesting a broader definition of racial hate crime that does not limit to the Whiteon-Black pattern. In a study with open-ended questions on hate crime, Craig and Waldo (1996) find the minority status of a victim is not associated with hate crime definitions among half of their sample. ...
... As the scenario gets more complicated, respondents' own characteristics come into play. A qualitative examination of hate crime definitions has found great variations among respondents with different demographic characteristics (Craig & Waldo, 1996). ...
Perceiving racial hate crimes: a power-relation perspective
Article
Full-text available
  • Mar 2022
  • J Exp Criminol
Objectives Bridging the power-relation framework with prejudice and bias studies, this study examines how individuals perceive and construct racial hate crimes. Methods This study employs a factorial survey experiment with randomized vignette assignments to obtain insights into respondents’ judgment principles. Participants (N = 2635) were recruited through Mechanical Turk and were asked to read a fictional scenario that could be considered a racial hate crime. Logistic regression models are estimated, followed by moderation analyses and margins tests. Results The results support an integrated model that both the power dynamics between the victims and the offenders and the prejudice and beliefs of the respondents play significant roles in perceiving a racial hate crime. Conclusions This study finds empirical evidence to establish a link between the status of incidents, respondents’ prejudice, and the perception of racial hate crimes. Future research will benefit from expanding the examination to other minority groups as well as to other bias motives.
View
... Concerns about police legitimacy, however, may be particularly salient for minority hate crime victims, given that their victimization experience is, in many cases, motivated by bias against their minority status (Perry, 2002). Indeed, many hate crime victims report that concerns about police reactions play a significant role in the decision to notify the police (Barnes & Ephross, 1994;Craig & Waldo, 1996;. In one of the few direct examinations of racial differences in This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. ...
... Extending these patterns one step further, severity likely plays an important role in hate crime reporting as well, albeit in different ways (Lyons, 2008;Wong & Christmann, 2008). A distinctive characteristic of bias crimes is the motivation behind them, and whether a crime is perceived as bias-motivated is often open to individual interpretation (Craig & Waldo, 1996;Lyons, 2008; This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. ...
Severity Matters: The Moderating Effect of Offense Severity in Predicting Racial Differences in Reporting of Bias and Nonbias Victimization to the Police
Article
Full-text available
  • Feb 2022
Objective: Previous research has noted contradictory findings regarding race and police notification, such that Black people indicate higher levels of distrust in the police yet report victimization to the police at rates similar to or higher than others. We investigated the role of offense severity in accounting for these discrepancies. Hypotheses: We hypothesized that severity would moderate racial differences in reporting, such that Black victims would be less likely to report less severe victimization but more likely to report more severe victimization. We expected that these differences would be less pronounced for bias-motivated crime, regardless of other markers of severity. Method: We used data from the 2003-2016 National Crime Victimization Survey, including information on 21,510 victimization incidents, 1,105 of which were hate crimes. We conducted logistic regression analyses in which reporting was regressed on victim race, offense severity, hate crime status, and control variables. We also examined interactive effects to disentangle whether severity moderated racial differences in notification. Results: We observed a three-way interaction of Black victims, offense severity, and hate crime status. Specifically, for nonbias incidents, Black victims were more likely than White victims to report severe incidents, but there was no racial difference in reporting nonsevere incidents. Additionally, for nonsevere incidents, Black victims were more likely than White victims to report hate crimes, but there was no racial difference in reporting nonhate crimes. Conclusions: Offense severity plays an important role in the victim decision-making process. These patterns are different, however, by race and for hate crime victims, suggesting that people perceive hate crimes as important to report, regardless of their severity. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
View
... In general, there appears to be variability in what people perceive to be a hate crime (e.g. Craig and Waldo 1996). The potential detrimental effects of hate crimes are not limited to those which end up reported to the police. ...
View
Investigating Jurors’ Lay Theories About Hate Crimes, Offenders, and Victims: Do They Match the Law?
Chapter
  • Apr 2025
Hate crimes are bias motivated acts committed against a person because of their race, ethnicity, gender, gender identity, sexual orientation, religion, and disability. There is no specific crime type that constitutes a hate crime and can be committed against either a person or their property. Similar to how the type of crime can vary, there is ambiguity in who is a hate crime offender and victim. A hate crime offender can be a single individual (e.g., Buffalo grocery store shooter) or a group of people (e.g., Proud Boys). A hate crime victim can also be a single individual (e.g., Ahmaud Arbery) or a group of people (e.g., Pulse nightclub shooting). This ambiguity in what constitutes a hate crime could cause confusion for jurors and subsequently affect whether they render a legally sound verdict. This chapter will begin by summarizing current hate crime legislation. Next, we will describe how psychological theories and concepts (i.e., biases, schemas/stereotypes, lay theories, social cognitive theory, priming, group categorization) can form inaccurate perceptions of hate crimes and affect jurors’ decisions. Finally, the chapter will include suggestions for future research and propose methods to reduce hate crime misconceptions in the courtroom.
View
Racial Structural Conditions and Anti-Asian Hate Crimes
Article
  • Mar 2025
  • SOCIOL PERSPECT
The present study utilizes a conceptual framework derived from Blau’s structural theory to assess the effects of racial group size, racial heterogeneity, racial inequality, and racial segregation on anti-Asian hate crimes. The analysis is performed using data from California law enforcement agencies (2002–2021) and U.S. census and American Community Survey data. Results show that the sizes of the White and Black populations positively affect anti-Asian hate crimes, while the Hispanic population size has a negative impact. Racial heterogeneity is negatively associated with anti-Asian hate crimes, whereas racial inequality between Whites and Asians has a positive effect. Residential segregation between Whites and Asians reduces anti-Asian hate crime rates, while segregation between Hispanics and Asians increases them. The implications of the findings are discussed.
View
Constructing Hate Crimes: Does Respondent's Racial/Ethnic Identity Matter?
Article
  • Nov 2024
This study explores whether and how respondents’ racial/ethnic identity affects racial/ethnic hate crime perception, considering the races/ethnicities of the offender and the victim. The data of this study comes from a factorial survey experiment with random vignette assignments among U.S. adults from MTurk ( n = 2,021). A set of logistic regression models with robust standard errors was estimated to test the two-way and three-way moderation effects of the races/ethnicities of the offender, victim, and respondent. Results reveal how racial/ethnic groups recognize hate crimes, considering not only the identities of the offenders and victims but also the respondents’ own backgrounds. Subgroup analyses further revealed different patterns of racial/ethnic hate crime recognition among minority respondents and non-Hispanic white respondents. Integrating a power-relation perspective and social identity theory, this study concludes that there are racial/ethnic variances in the recognition of racial/ethnic hate crimes, which not only concern the race/ethnicity of the offender and victim but are also related to respondents’ identity. Social identity theory partially explains the observations through group image management and ingroup favoritism. Additionally, the perception of racial/ethnic hate crimes is primarily driven by the Majority–Minority pattern, regardless of the group membership. This study calls for further efforts not only in researching the role of race/ethnicity in relation to racial/ethnic hate crime recognition but also in advancing the practice of hate crime reporting and data collection by an enhanced understanding of group identity among individuals as well as law enforcement.
View
Punishing Hate: Examining Individual Variation in Support for Hate Crime Laws
Article
  • Apr 2024
  • CRIME DELINQUENCY
While first implemented in the 1980s, hate crime legislation remains divisive in America; yet, most research examining differences in support for hate crime laws was conducted decades ago. This research addresses this gap by examining individual differences in support for hate crime laws using information from 3,503 survey respondents across the U.S. The results indicate that most respondents (66%) support hate crime laws, and that only roughly 12% of respondents actively oppose them; 22% had no opinion. Results further suggest there are significant gender differences in support; however, these differences are no longer significant after controlling for differences in individual attitudes, including prejudice and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), which are strong predictors of opinions toward hate crime laws.
View
Empowering Communities: Proactive Strategies to Combat Hate Crime Victimization
Chapter
  • Mar 2024
Hate crimes are reprehensible acts driven by animosity and bias against specific target groups, transcending borders and geographical boundaries. Effectively addressing hate crimes necessitates a profound understanding of the victims impacted by prejudice and hostility. To combat crimes rooted in prejudice, it is crucial to delve into the experiences of the victims. A comprehensive understanding of their needs, characteristics, and perspectives becomes paramount for conducting thorough investigations, countering criminal activities, and preventing further victimization. Within this framework, this chapter encompasses the identification of victim groups affected by hate crimes and a detailed exploration of the requisite measures to eradicate victimization. This multifaceted approach aims not only to address the immediate consequences of hate crimes but also to implement proactive strategies that contribute to the prevention of recurrent victimization.
View
View
Hate Crimes Against Lesbians and Gay Men
Article
Full-text available
  • Jun 1989
Antigay hate crimes (words or actions that are intended to harm or intimidate individuals because they are lesbian or gay) constitute a serious national problem. In recent surveys, as many as 92% of lesbians and gay men report that they have been the targets of antigay verbal abuse or threats, and as many as 24% report physical attacks because of their sexual orientation. Assaults may have increased in frequency during the last few years, with many incidents now including spoken references to the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome by the assailants. Trends cannot be assessed, however, because most antigay hate crimes are never reported and no comprehensive national surveys of antigay victimization have been conducted. Suggestions are offered for research and policy.
View
Stereotypes and Prejudice: Their Automatic and Controlled Components
Article
Full-text available
  • Jan 1989
Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study 1 supported the model's assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotyped group and that low-prejudice responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the effects of automatic stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects' ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects' responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed.
View
View
View
View
Smile when you call me that!: The problems with punishing hate motivated behavior
Article
  • Jan 1992
During the last several years, many jurisdictions have enacted laws meant to punish behavior motivated by racial hatred or other forms of bigotry. The actual impact of these laws is probably largely symbolic. These laws, which are often called 'hate crime' laws, have a number of problems. Hate crime laws may violate the constitution, but this problem can usually be avoided through careful drafting. More importantly, there are a number of practical and policy problems with hate crime laws; not only are these crimes difficult to identify, but they involve the problematical consideration of the offender's motive. In addition, social scientific theories suggest that the laws may actually increase bigotry and disempower minorities. For these reasons, it is recommended that policy-makers explore other means of reducing bigotry.
View
View
View
Category-Based and Individuating Processes as a Function of Information and Motivation: Evidence from Our Laboratory
Chapter
  • Jan 1989
When do people form impressions of others based on the stereotypes and prejudices associated with the others’ category memberships, and when instead do they form impressions based on the others’ own particular individuating characteristics? Although people seem to think they should not respond to others on the basis of social group memberships, such category-based responses continue in subtle and not-so-subtle ways (e.g., Crosby, Bromley, & Saxe, 1980; Pettigrew & Martin, 1987). Moreover, while it is clear that people are also fully capable of individuating others, it appears that they do so only when certain conditions are met. Our intent in this chapter is to explicate these conditions and to address some of the factors that elicit them. In this manner, we hope to contribute to interventions aimed at reducing the incidence of impressions formed on the basis of stereotypes and prejudices.
View
View