Sustaining Racially, Ethnically, and Economically Diverse Communities

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As the United States and other highly industrialized nations become increasingly diverse, a key question is whether they will be societies of diverse communities or contested lands of unequal and competing segregated communities. In 2000, the United States was 69.1 percent non-Hispanic white, 12.5 percent Hispanic, 12.1 percent non-Hispanic African American, 3.6 percent Asian, 0.7 percent Native American, and 1.8 percent non-Hispanic other or multiracial (Grieco and Cassidy, 2001, p. 10).1 The U.S. Bureau of the Census projects that by the year 2050 over half of the U.S. population will be “minority,” (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004) calling into question the use of the term itself. Indeed, four states are already classified as “majority minority” states—states where no one racial or ethnic group represents a majority.2 The growth of diversity has been fueled by increased immigration from Latin America and Asia, as well as by the fact that many immigrant families are young families that contribute to natural population increases.

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The gap between academic and applied/clinical sociology is well exemplified by an analysis of the sociological treatment of the concept of “community.” This concept usually rates at least a mention in introductory sociology and social problems textbooks (Broom et al., 1984; Henslin, 1999; Sullivan & Thompson, 1988). But many sociological theory textbooks make no mention of “community,” as indicated by the index and table of contents (Coser & Rosenberg, 1982; Perdue, 1986; Waters, 1994). Community discussions are largely limited to applied and clinical sociology books and journal articles (Alinsky, 1984a,ó; Anderson, 1986; Bridger, 1997; Glassner & Freedman, 1979; Schultz, 1996; Straus, 1984).
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This article connects regulation theory and the broader post-Fordist debate with an ongoing study of the emergence of tourism in the disadvantaged, racially segregated inner-city community of central Harlem, New York.(1) What are the consequences of a restructuring economy and accompanying institutional change for this beleaguered area and its residents? How will they fare socially, spatially and economically in the post-Fordist city? What is the role of tourism in this process? A regulation framework allows us to address the relation between large-scale external forces and local conditions - the issue of scale. Its focus on social/institutional structure also helps clarify the complex web of cultural, political and economic factors which are central to this case study and to tourism in general. Harlem has been chosen on methodological as well as substantive grounds. First, analyzing intra-urban difference allows us to disaggregate areas within cities in relation to tourism, thereby allowing a more complex analysis. Second, Harlem is a critical site because its rapid transformation allows us to examine the interplay of consumption and production at the heart of the new economy. Tourism - in this context - embodies the relationship between the economic development of ghettos and the marketing of diversity.
This title was first published in 2000: This work has its origins in the 1995 Congress of the International Federation for Housing and Planning, held in Belfast. The theme was “Accommodating Differences”. “Differences” were defined in broad terms, and included ethnic and social, economic and political differences. However, Frederick W. Boal’s own interest in ethnic differences motivated him to invite a number of Congress participants to make available their papers for inclusion in this book of essays. It seeks to offer experience that can be drawn on by housing practitioners who are operating in multi-ethnic contexts. It also provides empirical material that should contribute to the development of more soundly-based theoretical insights in both urban sociology and social geography.
Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, and adherents of other non-Western religions have become a significant presence in the United States in recent years. Yet many Americans continue to regard the United States as a Christian society. How are we adapting to the new diversity? Do we casually announce that we "respect" the faiths of non-Christians without understanding much about those faiths? Are we willing to do the hard work required to achieve genuine religious pluralism? Award-winning author Robert Wuthnow tackles these and other difficult questions surrounding religious diversity and does so with his characteristic rigor and style. America and the Challenges of Religious Diversity looks not only at how we have adapted to diversity in the past, but at the ways rank-and-file Americans, clergy, and other community leaders are responding today. Drawing from a new national survey and hundreds of in-depth qualitative interviews, this book is the first systematic effort to assess how well the nation is meeting the current challenges of religious and cultural diversity. The results, Wuthnow argues, are both encouraging and sobering--encouraging because most Americans do recognize the right of diverse groups to worship freely, but sobering because few Americans have bothered to learn much about religions other than their own or to engage in constructive interreligious dialogue. Wuthnow contends that responses to religious diversity are fundamentally deeper than polite discussions about civil liberties and tolerance would suggest. Rather, he writes, religious diversity strikes us at the very core of our personal and national theologies. Only by understanding this important dimension of our culture will we be able to move toward a more reflective approach to religious pluralism.
After the triumphs of Montgomery and Selma, Martin Luther King, Jr., rallied his forces and headed north. The law was on his side, the nation seemed to be behind him, the crusade for civil rights was rapidly gathering momentum--and then, in Chicago, heartland of America, the movement stalled. What happened? This book is the first to give us the full story--a vivid account of how the Chicago Freedom Movement of 1965-1967 attempted to combat northern segregation. "Northern Protest" captures this new kind of campaign for civil rights at a fateful turning point, with effects that pulse through the nation's race relations to the day. Combating the outright, unconstitutional denial of basic political and civil rights had been King's focus in the South. In the North, the racial terrian was different. James Ralph analyzes the shift in the planning stages--moving from addressing public constitutional rights to private--impact legal rights--as King and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) mounted an unprecedented attack on housing discrimination, one of the most blatant social and economic inequities of urban America. A crisis in the making is unfolded as King, the SCLC, and a coalition of multiracial Chicago civil rights groups mobilize protests against the city's unfair housing practices. Ralph introduces us to Chicago's white ethnics, city officials, and business and religious leaders in a heated confusion of responses. His vibrant account--based in part on many in-depth interviews with participants--reveals the true lineaments of urban America, with lessons reaching beyond the confines of the city. The Chicago Freedom Movement is given a national context--as King envisioned it, and as it finally played out. Here, the Chicago crusade becomes emblematic of the civil rights movement today and tomorrow. Ralph argues that this new push for equality in more private realms of American life actually undermined popular support for the movement and led to its ultimate decline.
Preface Perspectives Analytical Framework The Community Level Model A: Success Indianapolis: Butler-Tarkington Neighborhood Association Rochester: Nineteenth Ward Community Association Milwaukee: Sherman Park Community Association Model B. Failure Hartford: Blue Hills Civic Association Model C. Conditional Akron: West Side Neighbors Profiles Across the Country, Models A and C The National Level Conclusions and Policy Implications Appendixes Bibliography Index
Neighborhood integration has remained a goal of public policy and popular opinion because it is seen as proof of the American ideal of equal opportunity. Unfortunately the 2000 Census shows that growing ethnic diversity in the nation is accompanied by a high degree of residential separation. The average non-Hispanic white person continues to live in a neighborhood that looks very different from those neighborhoods where the average black, Hispanic, and Asian live. The average white person in metropolitan American lives in a neighborhood that is 80% white and only 7% black. Despite a substantial shift of minorities from cities to suburbs, these groups have not gained access to largely white neighborhoods. A typical black individual lives in a neighborhood that is only 33% white and as much as 51% black. Diversity is experienced very differently in the daily lives of whites, blacks, Hispanics, and Asians. Residential segregation among blacks and whites remains high in cities and in suburbs around the country. There were some signs of progress in the 1980s, with a five-point drop in the segregation index (from 73.8 to 68.8). The change continued at a slower rate in the 1990s (a decline of just under 4 points). The good news is that these small changes are cumulating over time. The source of concern is that at this pace it may take forty more years for black-white segregation to come down even to the current level of Hispanic-white segregation. Hispanics and Asians are considerably less segregated than African Americans. But as their numbers grew rapidly in the last twenty years, there has been no change in their level of segregation. As a result these groups now live in more isolated settings than they did in 1980, with a smaller proportion of white residents in their neighborhoods. This trend is the same in both cities and suburbs.
The existence of racially and ethnically diverse urban neighborhoods is one of our Nation's best-kept secrets. Instead of telling about these places, the media regularly report on the continued legacy of racial and ethnic tensions in the United States. As the Nation is becoming more racially and ethnically diverse and the 21st century approaches, social scientists see possibilities of a patchwork of segregated urban neighborhoods or options for more diversity within our neighborhoods. Although diversity and multiculturalism are words in vogue, the current controversy about affirmative action suggests that there is hardly any consensus on the state or progress of race relations in the United States. In private conversations, out of public scrutiny, skepticism about the practicality of diversity--particularly diverse residential neighborhoods--is apparent. The politics of race is such a tinderbox that many dare not suggest a variation from business as usual, for fear of igniting caustic debates over this country's history of racism and ethno-centrism and over what our future could look like. To some, the civil rights movement has been relegated to the halls of history--it is viewed as a movement of days past to be recognized and celebrated once a year.
West Mount Airy, a neighborhood in the northwest section of Philadelphia, has achieved national acclaim as a model of stable racial integration. The paucity of such examples renders each one important for the lessons that can be learned. The experience of West Mount Airy is even more illuminating when examined in the context of the adjacent communities in northwest Philadelphia. Large portions of East Mount Airy and Germantown, which began as all-White communities, have resegregated to predominantly African-American communities, while Chestnut Hill has retained much of its enclave character as home to some of the city's wealthiest White families. Roxborough and Manayunk, which are separated from West Mount Airy by the Wissahickon Creek and the surrounding Wissahickon Valley of Fairmount Park, are largely White middle-class and working-class communities, respectively. Exhibit 1 illustrates the racial patterns in these neighborhoods between 1950 and 1990. Exhibit 2 provides 1990 racial data for these neighborhoods. Given this particular configuration, the question of how West Mount Airy created and maintained a racially and, to a lesser extent, economically diverse community becomes quite interesting and important.
Polity/mobilization theorists argue that social movements grow out of struggles over membership in the polity. They also maintain that group solidarity facilitates the mobilization process. Relative deprivation theorists argue that feelings of deprivation account for social movement participation. Data on the Boston anti-busing movement provide support for both theories. Based on this finding, a model is developed that incorporates both sets of factors.
This article develops and tests two alternative methods for measuring stable racial integration. One method is based on the use of a comparative standard in which the racial composition of tracts is judged relative to the racial proportions of the county. The second method is based on the comparison of actual to expected in-movers to a tract, by race, where the expected number of in-movers is determined by housing costs and the distribution of each racial group among the income classes that can afford this housing. The methods are then applied to census tracts in 26 metropolitan counties of Florida, 1980–1990. Of the initial 1,637 tracts, 13 are identified as stably integrated by race using both methods jointly. Tests for alternative hypotheses—that the tracts are internally segregated and that they represent suburban black to white transitional tracts—are performed. The results show that these tracts are indeed integrated by race, although not necessarily by income.
This article discusses the appropriate measurement of neighborhood racial integration and proposes a new operational definition. A neighborhood is integrated if currently (1) its stock of households may be classified as “mixed” (no single group comprises more than 75% of the neighborhood's population), and (2) the flow of households into and out of this stock is such that it will be so classified for a decade in the future. The article mathematically develops stability boundaries that researchers and policy makers can use to assess the degree to which contemporaneous flows of households into and out of mixed neighborhoods will render them integrated in the future.
This article presents some findings of a five year study of the neighborhood stabilization movement since 1956 in 15 urban communities across the U.S. This movement, an outgrowth of the civil rights movement, is the organized effort to maintain racial diversity in U.S. urban neighborhoods. Based on field research, historical review, and census data, the study offers three analytical models representing success, failure, and conditional efforts in this movement. Internal and external factors of success and failure are discussed and nine inductive hypotheses serve as speculative conclusions about the probability of success in maintaining neighborhood diversity.
"[Keating] chronicles efforts to break down suburban racial barriers in housing throughout the United States.... Keating's data also point up our urgent need to focus public policy on depopulated and increasingly impoverished and homogeneous urban centers. As he convincingly demonstrates, private and government attempts at suburban integration, as well as special urban integrationist projects, have achieved spotty results at best." —Publishers Weekly Whether through affirmative housing policies or mandatory legislation, there have been numerous efforts to integrate America's neighborhoods, especially the historically white, affluent suburbs. Though much of suburbia has rejected such measures out of a fear of losing their communities to an influx of low-income, inner-city, and primarily African American residents, several metropolitan areas have been successful in creating greater racial diversity. W. Dennis Keating documents the desirability, feasibility, and legality of implementing housing diversity policies in the suburbs. At the heart of this book is the troubling dilemma that the private housing market will inevitably resist race-conscious policies that can be effective only if embraced and supported by individual home buyers and renters, politicians, realtors, financial institutions, and insurers. In the Cleveland, Ohio, metropolitan area, pro-integrative policies have resulted in some examples of long-term racial diversity, particularly in Cleveland Heights and Shaker Heights. Keating compares Cleveland's suburbs to suburbs around the country that have both failed and succeeded in reducing housing discrimination. While there have been occasional fair housing victories over the last three decades, Keating's analysis points toward strategies for greater progress in the future.
In the decades following World War II, cities across the United States saw an influx of African American families into otherwise homogeneously white areas. This racial transformation of urban neighborhoods led many whites to migrate to the suburbs, producing the phenomenon commonly known as white flight. In Block by Block, Amanda I. Seligman draws on the surprisingly understudied West Side communities of Chicago to shed new light on this story of postwar urban America. Seligman's study reveals that the responses of white West Siders to racial changes occurring in their neighborhoods were both multifaceted and extensive. She shows that, despite rehabilitation efforts, deterioration in these areas began long before the color of their inhabitants changed from white to black. And ultimately, the riots that erupted on Chicago's West Side and across the country in the mid-1960s stemmed not only from the tribulations specific to blacks in urban centers but also from the legacy of accumulated neglect after decades of white occupancy. Seligman's careful and evenhanded account will be essential to understanding that the "flight" of whites to the suburbs was the eventual result of a series of responses to transformations in Chicago's physical and social landscape, occurring one block at a time.
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