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Music in Movement: Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements
Abstract
After a period of interdisciplinary openness, contemporary sociology has only recently rediscovered culture. This is especially true of political sociology, where institutional and network analyses, as well as rational choice models, have dominated. This article will offer another approach by focusing on the role of music and the visual arts in relation to the formation of collective identity, collective memory and collective action. Drawing on my own research on the Civil Rights movement in the United States and the memory of slavery in the formation of African-American identity, and its opposite, the place of white power music in contemporary neo-fascist movements, I will outline a model of culture as more than a mobilization resource and of the arts as political mediators.
... Using symbols and everyday actions, members of a community unite and resist the world around them (Taylor and Whittier 1992). Ron Eyerman (2002) notes that music plays a role in creating a community or group by first "offering a sense of group belonging and collectivity as well as strength in trying situations" (447). Music in this sense can then make the group visible to others and create and establish a "sense of continuity" (Eyerman, 2002: 447). ...
... As a part of the everyday and the symbolic, musical content can also serve as an impetus for collective action (Roscigno et al. 2002). One way that social movements can promote activism through music is by bringing people together in the act of singing or being present in music performances such as concerts, church services or festivals (Eder et al. 1995;Eyerman 2002;Eyerman and Jameson 1998;Staggenborg et al. 1993-4). For example, scholars note the importance of lesbian feminist music festivals in the creation of the community and in the development and growth of feminism (see Browne 2009;Eder, Staggenborg and Sudderth 1995;Staggenborg, Eder and Sudderth 1993-4;Love 2002;Morris, 1999, Sandstrom, 2002. ...
... Indeed, what if the audience is dispersed and listens to the music individually or in small groups? Technologies such as radio, media, and recordings can spread movement music (Eyerman, 2002). Ross Haenfler (2004:791) argues that in diffuse movements, as opposed to formal organizations, "Cultural forms such as music, the Internet, and printed material form a collective identity-based 'structure' that links the individual to a collective and reinforces behavior, an especially crucial concern for diffuse movements." ...
Based on a content analysis of a compilation album released in the early years of the women’s music community, we find that music aids in the construction of collective identities by bridging the individual and collective. The women’s music community was a part of lesbian feminism and emerged in the mid-1970s and was centered around the concerts, festivals and production and consumption of music. We analyze individual themes of pride in/claiming a lesbian identity, romantic yearning to illustrate how musicians and poets presented lesbian lives and loves as desirable and without stigma. We examine how collective themes that acknowledged societal homophobia and encouraged group resistance created a sense of community and a need for change. We argue that music played a key role in the construction of a positive lesbian feminist identity in a time of homophobia and discrimination. We find that this process provides a framework for understanding how music can play a role in the construction of positive collective identities in times of societal bias and/or backlash.
... As Hield (2010) describes, a song can become locally acknowledged as the property of certain singers through a process of making it their own through rehearsal and performance in community spaces. Eyerman (2002) explores how traditional forms became adapted through several stages and generations to their eventual use in the US Black civil rights movement. Drawing on such a body of traditional knowledge that is historically possessed by the people is a source of strength. ...
... The power relations which result from some people having these abilities and others not having them can be a source of suspicion and hostility, especially where it may be necessary to employ people to organise the work instead of relying on volunteers. As Woodin (2007) found with working class writing and community publishing, there can be a suspicion of middle class people taking over the creative work of working class members and exploiting it for their own interests or as Bose (2004) argues, of intellectuals putting their arguments into others' voices, raising questions of legitimacy and supplantation (Eyerman, 2002). ...
... Everyone who sings a song must be able to keep it alive through their own interpretation (Hield 2010), something my father called "the folk process" (Pollard, 1969). This changing, adaption and reinvention of the content itself as a social action (Eyerman, 2002;Gil, 2011), which in addition to the action of singing and performing, is an important cultural aspect of occupation (Guajardo and Mondaca, 2016) and the expression of the everyday, of important life events, and the experience of change. ...
When I was so kindly invited to the XVI CCTO conference this past year in Medellin, one of the lasting impressions of that short visit was the folk cultural content, using music and dance, of many of the presentations. This made it a very different experience to other occupational therapy conferences I have attended. The significance of cultures seemed integral to practice, for example with indigenous people and with people living in rural areas, as well as to the positioning of occupational therapy in its historic place within recent Colombian history. What was very different to me as a British person was that these performances involved something that everyone seemed to know and to be able to participate in. The strength of this shared aspect of culture, which may reflect some aspects of the rich variety of traditions in Colombia, was impressive. It led me to reflect on the community focus of human purposeful occupation as t he ‘collective doing’ that constitutes culture. This reflective paper will discuss some aspects of occupation and culture as the product of collective doing for the community focus of human purpose. It will consider occupation and culture against the background of the use of occupation for health, and as a basis for socially transformative practices. It will draw on some aspects of Colombian and UK folk cultures and some of the reasons why practitioners might be careful to respect the integrity of these assets, as well as their capacity for innovation, adaptation and change as living culture.
... Unlike other forms of bonding (e.g., grooming, play), music production and appreciation allow people to concurrently bond with large groups and, importantly, implicitly signal shared social and cultural knowledge. To illustrate, music artists like Pete Seeger and Bob Dylan played key roles in developing and proliferating counterculture ideologies prevalent during the 1960s to 1970s, and political music, such as national anthems and protest songs, inspires patriotism and mobilizes activists (Eyerman, 2002;Futrell et al., 2006). Moreover, music often amplifies and coheres social movements: Songs' lyrical themes and stylistic patterns have reflected the experiences of (often marginalized) social groups throughout history, thereby helping people to develop, express, and reinforce their social identity (Martiniello & Lafleur, 2008;Pettijohn & Sacco, 2009). ...
... This limitation echoes criticism that music-based subgroups only exist to the extent that people perceive and treat them as distinct subcultures (Zillmann & Gan, 1997). By recognizing the importance of music preferences to cultural and social movements (Eyerman, 2002;Futrell et al., 2006), future research may examine how impressions of targets' (sub)culture (rather than just traits) underlie impressions of their music preferences or cultural tastes more broadly. ...
Disclosing idiosyncratic preferences can help to broker new social interactions. For instance, strangers exchange music preferences to signal their identities, values, and preferences. Recognizing that people’s physical appearances guide their decisions about social engagement, we examined whether cues to people’s music preferences in their physical appearance and expressive poses help to guide social interaction. We found that perceivers could detect targets’ music preferences from photos of their bodies, heads, faces, eyes, and mouths (but not hair) and that the targets’ apparent traits (e.g., submissiveness, neatness) undergirded these judgments. Perceivers also desired to meet individuals who appeared to match their music preferences versus those who did not. Music preferences therefore seem to manifest in appearance, regulating interest in others and suggesting that one’s identity redundantly emerges across different types of cues. People may thus infer others’ music preferences to identify candidates for social bonding.
... For the R.A.C. scene, this means the histories, language, ideals, and materials of both punk and white supremacy shape the scene's ideological basis. By combining these elements, members of the R.A.C. scene reinvent their own unique history, incorporating both punk and white supremacy, creating a manufactured heritage (Eyerman, 2002;Fangen 1998). However, the underlying assumptions of both cultures are not alien to each other. ...
... The need to preserve an autonomous culture is essential in the context of R.A.C. Members of the scene find themselves forced to manufacture their own history (Brown, 2004;Eyerman, 2002). D.I.Y. practices can keep this manufactured culture insular and protect it from external threats. ...
The sociological study of white power music often focuses on music scenes as key to larger social movements, downplaying the cultural and aesthetic aspects of the scenes. Through a qualitative analysis of 41 fanzine interviews with band members, this paper builds upon past research by analyzing how band members view the Rock Against Communism scene not only as a social movement but also as a punk music scene. The results indicate that bands regularly express their participation as being part of a larger music scene rather than a social movement and that they incorporate punk aesthetics to reinforce and validate white supremacy. Simultaneously, white supremacist ideologies justify the need to be an authentic punk, thus helping to boost punk credentials, and creating a symbiotic relationship between the two.
... As previously, in social movement theory, the original concept of cognitive praxis was proposed by Eyerman andJamison (1989, 1991). In their view, a social movement in a particular place at a particular time produces culturally and socially specific knowledge (cognition) in the form of practice (praxis in Gramsci's terms 1 ) -hence cognitive praxis, or the knowledge produced in and through the practice of activism informed by areflexive consciousness anchored in the local socio-cultural context. ...
... He said 'Wow, this song fired up morale on the road. To me it felt like my emotions were ignited as we sang those lyrics.' 3 This suggests the powerful role of a song in evoking collective emotions in social movements, a phenomenon also identified by Eyerman (2002). ...
In 2007, Babakan Siliwangi city forest in Bandung came under threat of privatisation from a local corporation, PT EGI, which proposed hotel and commercial development. In the period 2012–2013, the anti-corporatist, environmentalist group Backsilmove emerged to fight a successful campaign to save the forest for public use. Employing the ‘cognitive praxis’ approach pioneered by [Eyerman and Jamison (1991. Social movements: a cognitive approach. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press)] to understand the work of social movements, this article explores the tactics and ideology used by young city forest activists in Bandung as they sought to educate and mobilise local residents. Through in-depth interviews and fieldwork from 2014 to 2015 with young activists from Backsilmove it became evident that, as a manifestation of cognitive praxis, certain repertoires of protest were mobilised to inculcate environmental values in the public about protecting the forest from commercialisation. Repertoires included: (a) a ‘long march’ to attract public interest; (b) an enacted pantomime to draw attention to the profit-seeking capitalist alliance between the city government and the private sector; (c) production and free distribution of a scientific research publication outlining the impact of destructive development of the city forest. These protest repertoires had been acquired by the activists through previous structured training and actions with Greenpeace.
... As noted in the earlier section describing participants' experiences of hate crime, research suggests that such hateful online venues outlets have the capacity to both mobilize and polarize (Schulze, 2020;Sunstein, 2018;Wasilewski, 2019). Their aim is to both disseminate their views, but also to encourage viewers/readers to engage in direct action, both peaceful and violent (Eyerman, 2002;Wasilewski, 2019). Williams et al. (2020) suggest that not all of those exposed to online hate engage in offline hate crime, but that it is highly likely that all hate crime offenders have been exposed to online hate (see also Peddel et al., 2016). ...
Both federal government and civil society organization data point to consistently rising incidents of antisemitic narratives and acts across Canada. In spite of this, antisemitic hate crime has not been the focus of any academic research here, some would argue because Jews are not typically thought to be an at-risk community. Rather, the Jewish community is thought to occupy a relatively privileged place in society which shields them from bias motivated attacks. Countering this narrative, our study, based in Ontario and Quebec, reveals that Jewish individuals and institutions are highly vulnerable to discursive, physical, and property violations. Many of those we spoke with felt embattled by the narrative attacks that rendered the community vulnerable to corollary physical attacks. Of particular significance are the enabling images of Jews that equate “Jewish privilege” with excessive power and control. We explore these themes, concluding with calls for strategies intended to counter hateful narratives.
... Sabin (1999:214) has argued that WPM "amplified" elements of first-wave punk, including "the politics, the music, the subcultural infrastructure," such as the use of fascist and racist symbols. Punk's DIY ethic also became an ideological cornerstone of WPM (see Eyerman 2002;Katz 2020) with early-WPM fanzines modeled on first-wave punk fanzines. Furthermore, "many of the fascist skins had originally been punk fans" (Sabin 1999:213). ...
... La cultura-arte está correlacionada con la antiestructura, la inversión simbólica y la inversión potencial (Turner 1969: 41). Concierne, por lo tanto, las músicas (Eyerman 2002, Eyerman & Jamison 1998, las actuaciones teatrales, el graffiti (Wacquant 2000, Kramer 2009, Petropoulou et. al. 2019, los juegos de malabares. ...
... This includes compositions that either commemorate a conflict or shed light on latent conflicts. Eyerman (2002) opines that music is also used to clarify and disseminate ideology. Music which is used for peaceful purposes can also be opened to abuse by those who attempt to create conflicts. ...
Despite the global recognition of political messages in music, it is evident that such expressions often lead to friction and disagreement among the warrior groups. This study aims to investigate the political expressions and conflicts within the music of the Asafo companies in Winneba. The research utilizes participant observation and semi-structured interviews as its primary methods, drawing inspiration from existing literature. The perspectives of 10 Asafo company leaders are examined to discern the factors contributing to conflicts in their songs. The data collected through participant observation and interviews is subjected to textual analysis. The study’s findings reveal a consistent theme across all Effutu songs emphasizing conflicts and wars. These musical expressions are characterized by explicit elements of rivalry, provocation, and challenge. The study suggests that stakeholders should redirect their efforts towards using music as a means to foster peace and harmony among the Asafo groups in Winneba, rather than allowing them to serve as tools for conflict. This implies a need to rethink and restructure the current approach to musical expressions within these communities, emphasizing their potential for promoting unity rather than discord.
... In Emil's case, he suggests that he was 'fascinated' by the aesthetic of the extra-206 parliamentary left and began to listen to music that was associated with anarchists and even produced by them. The connection between social movements and music is well-known (Eyerman, 2002(Eyerman, , 2007Eyerman & Jamison, 1998). Possessing taken-for-granted leftist habits, as I discussed above, Emil starts to seek out what he sees as a more subcultural form of leftism. ...
The prevalence and character of political action has changed throughout the Global North, as individuals increasingly turn away from more conventional forms of political participation towards more everyday, continuous types of actions. In this study, I conceptualize one form of everyday political action as a politics of community. A politics of community describes a form of purposeful, collective action that individuals engage in in their attempts to challenge, change, or maintain the social organization of society. In a politics of community, individuals form a distinct and recognizable group that attempts to build community spaces, or interactions in which individuals experience a sense of intimacy and feelings of belonging and being at home. One group that engages in a politics of community is the extra-parliamentary left in Sweden.
Adopting a theoretical perspective with roots in interactionist thought, this study analyzes the social world of the extra-parliamentary left in southern Sweden. The extra-parliamentary left, a political group with radical left-libertarian principles, is a stigmatized actor within the arena of Swedish politics. Utilizing an ethnographic method, this study focuses not only on how this stigma arises, but also how individuals become and maintain an identity as extra-parliamentary leftists. I show that extra-parliamentary leftists often achieve stigma in interactions with other political actors, allowing the extra-parliamentary left to become a distinct and recognizable community. In these interactions, extra-parliamentary leftists engage in self-stigmatization to achieve not only a radical identity in Swedish politics, but also as a means of pursuing social change. Second, this study shows that individuals only become extra-parliamentary leftists through participation in the activities of the extra-parliamentary left. I demonstrate that individuals often first encounter extra-parliamentary habits in orbiting social worlds and learn to view these habits as desirable only in interaction with significant others. Third, I explore how extra-parliamentary leftists use self-segregation in their attempts to create community spaces, attempting to create interactional patterns removed from the dominant patterns in Swedish society. I demonstrate that these community spaces remain fragile and vulnerable to interruption, and that the extra-parliamentary left must constantly find ways to address these breaches and recreate community spaces or risk disintegration.
The dissertation concludes in noting both the inherent contradictions and challenges involved in radical political action as well as the importance of context in understanding radicality. I argue that focusing on routine, everyday action and interaction allows us to better examine and understand how individuals join and recreate groups involved in collective political action. Finally, I argue that studying the accomplishment of collective action, rather than solely its consequences, allows us to not only better understand changing patterns of political behavior but even the power relations and structures at work within our societies.
... Political speeches can only go so far in appealing to potential recruits to a social movement, especially among young people, whereas music has the potential to penetrate lives more deeply and steadily. Lyrics can be memorized and sung, concerts are collective, effervescent events to look forward to and remember (Eyerman, 2002), and records can be owned and played repeatedly. Music and lyrics sneak into our private lives, defining our identity and often unconsciously shaping our taste, values and beliefs. ...
White Power music (WPM) expresses the ideology of white people who see themselves as an embattled minority at risk of extinction in the increasingly multicultural societies of Europe and North America. WPM is an important cultural resource used to promote, spread, and fund a decentralized and loosely coupled movement and is best identified by its lyrical content. WPM emerged in the late 1970s among radical right‐wing political parties in Great Britain and has expanded globally since. Originating from a small scene tightly connected to larger youth movements, particularly punk and skinhead, it has developed a distinct identity that facilitates and disseminates supremacist thinking and tactics. To understand WPM's relationship to the larger far‐right movement, scholars often studied it as a loose collection of geographically differentiated local music scenes. WPM scenes are collections of events and experiences bridging varying social contexts, yet strategically designed to promote the resilience and longevity of the White Power (WP) movement. WPM events are defined by the performance of musicians whose song lyrics express movement‐specific ideologies and promote WP goals and behaviors. The supremacist messages of WPM are authenticated by the social activities of the community surrounding the music. Related events, such as shows or festivals, serve as venues of recruitment, socialization, and commitment, as well as generators of material resources.
... Daha geniş anlamda festivallere katılma eylemi, Batılı üretkenlik değerlerine karşı bir protesto biçimi olarak da yorumlanmıştır (Rojek, 1999). Direniş ve muhalefet için bir araç olarak hizmet etmenin yanı sıra festivaller, toplumsal değişim için daha örgütlü hareketlerle de ilişkilendirilmiştir. Hareketin üyelerine ağlar kurma ve dayanışmayı kutlama fırsatı sunmaktadır (Eyerman, 2002). 20. ...
... By contrast, right-wing protests are often a platform to express anger about society at large (Chermak, Freilich, and Suttmoeller 2013) and more often involve violent elements (Della Porta 2006). More generally, music and cultural expression have been shown to serve as facilitators of collective identity, which fosters solidarity within a movement (Danaher 2010;Eyerman 2002). In so doing, culture can function as an effective lever to overcome free-rider incentives and reinforce participation intentions in light of growing protest turnout. ...
Many social movements face fierce resistance in the form of a countermovement. Therefore, when deciding to become politically active, a movement supporter has to consider both her own movement’s activity and that of the opponent. This paper studies the decision of a movement supporter to attend a protest when faced with a counterprotest. We implement two field experiments among supporters of a right- and left-leaning movement ahead of two protest–counterprotest interactions in Germany. Supporters were exposed to low or high official estimates about their own and the opposing group’s turnout. We find that the size of the opposing group has no effect on supporters’ protest intentions. However, as the own protest gets larger, supporters of the right-leaning movement become less while supporters of the left-leaning movement become more willing to protest. We argue that the difference is best explained by stronger social motives on the political left.
... Besides the traditional repertoires of contention such as demonstrations or political gatherings, arts propel these processes of political subjectivity. Existing research has shown that arts play an important role in the mobilisation of migrants by: (1) creating sentiments of group belonging and cultural memory (Baily & Collyer, 2006;González, 2004;Lafleur & Martiniello, 2010;Nájera Ramírez, 1989); (2) expressing disagreement to the dominant culture and prevailing ideologies (Danaher, 2010;Eyerman & Jamison, 1998;Godin, 2016;Martiniello & Lafleur, 2008); and (3) supporting the recruitment of members and the visibility of existing social movements (Eyerman, 2002;Garlough, 2008;Martiniello, 2015). Thus, there is a nexus between the arts and the political mobilisation of migrants, in which the arts become a participative and collective form of making politics. ...
Diasporas can create, transform, and exploit transnational networks to engage in politi‐ cal movements in their homeland and in their hostland, engaging in both electoral and non‐electoral politics through political parties, political campaigns, and hometown organisations. However, the individual processes of subjectivation and its relation‐
ship with arts as a form of political engagement have been under‐explored especially in contexts of violence and insecurity. This ethnographic paper sheds light on the micro‐level of diaspora mobilisation by introducing the concept of “subjectivity” as a key term to analyse the transnational and unconventional political practices organised by migrants. As a result, this research aims to answer the following questions: (1) How are Mexican migrants becoming diasporic political subjects and creating spaces of transnational political activism in reaction to the context of violence in their home‐ land? (2) What makes them resort to art as a repertoire of contention against violence in their home towns? The paper introduces empirical examples collected in Brussels during 19 months of fieldwork with members of the Mexican diaspora, including semi‐structured interviews with key informants and participant observation at political demonstrations, music rehearsals, charity concerts, gastronomic and artistic festivals, and political debates.
... On the contrary, it can be channelled in a multitude of antithetical political orientations. In Eyerman's aforementioned study, the role of music within the American Civil Rights movement is studied together with far right White Power (Vit Makt) music in Sweden (Eyerman 2002). Likewise, in the contemporary Greek context, music has not been the exclusive privilege of a left-wing imaginary; certainly, 'one could hardly describe "Greek popular music" as a unified field of study' (Tragaki 2019, p. 4). ...
In recent years, rap music has been growing rapidly within the Greek cultural landscape. This paper places emphasis on a particular politicised current within the genre, examining closely two recent examples from the Greek context. Although such performances have already been broadly discussed as ‘populist’ within public debate, this paper aims at rigorously assessing this claim. To do so, it first turns to contemporary populism research in order to articulate a consistent and operational approach that can be utilised in the analysis of rap performances. Against the background of a minimal definitional consensus highlighting populism's people-centrism and anti-elitism, this contribution will then focus on (a) the performative dimension of populism and its occasional extra-political conditioning and (b) populist performances within popular music, namely rap. Could one designate rap music as a locus of populist performance(s)? How could such a hypothesis be substantiated through the analysis of concrete examples from the contemporary Greek scene?
... Besides serving as a space for protest and resistance, festivals have also been linked to more organised movements for social change . They provide an opportunity for members of the movement to build networks and celebrate solidarity (Eyerman, 2002). ...
The aim of this doctoral thesis was to better understand the role of national drug legislation and drug policies in the stigmatization and normalization of cannabis use. This study concentrated on a consumer perspective, and researched the experiences, practices, and perceptions of cannabis users. The first empirical part of the research was conducted in cannabis festivals in the capital cities of four EU Member States: the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, and Greece. The second empirical step was a survey in Dutch coffeeshops among users residing in one of these EU countries, as well as users from France, Portugal, and the United Kingdom. Together, these countries represented maximum variation in national cannabis policy within Europe, on a continuum from relatively liberal to punitive.
... The central role of white power music within the extreme-right sub-culture offers similar in-roads for cross-national collaboration. Not only have right-wing extremists been collaborating and promoting their musical endeavors for decades longer than they have been creating hateful memes, but the explosion of the internet has also allowed a new avenue for this medium to evolve (Bláha, 2018;Corte and Edwards, 2008;Eyerman, 2002;Lööw, 1998). While relatively wellknown musical acts from the 1980s through the 2000s such as Skrewdriver and Prussian Blue maintained a certain level of notoriety during their stints in the limelight (limelight that complicated their ability to sway unsympathetic audiences to their cause), music within the extreme-right still brings individuals together from varied backgrounds and nationalities (Davis, 2009;Spracklen, 2010). ...
In the early morning of July 2, 2020, 46-year-old Manitoban Corey Hurren drove his pickup truck through the front gates of Rideau Hall in Ottawa. There, he picked up five of his loaded guns and wandered around the property until confronted by Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) officers, who diffused the situation and convinced Hurren to surrender peacefully after 90 minutes (Humphreys in Correy Hurren on Rideau Hall Attack: ‘I Figured as Soon as I Got on the Property, I Would Get Shot Down’. National Post, 2021). During the aftermath of the event, it was revealed that Hurren was an avid conspiracy theorist and anti-COVID-19COVID-19 activist who dabbled in and consumed online content from far-rightFar-rightwebsitesWebsitesand social mediaSocial media.
... Preexisting African American songs provided new kinds of emancipatory and visionary messages for the U.S. civil rights movement in the late 1950s and early 1960s. White power music-including country, folk, Viking, black metal, and hard rock, which developed in the Western world-is commonly found in neo-fascist movements [8]. ...
Protest music is a phenomenal and widely circulated form of protest art in social movements. Previous protest music research has extensively focused on lyrics while ignoring other musical features that also contribute to the role of protest music in social movements. This study fills a gap in previous research by converting 397 unstructured musical pieces into structured music features and proposing a k-means clustering analysis to categorize protest songs based on both high-level conceptual features collected from Spotify and low-level descriptive audio features extracted via Librosa. The Davies–Bouldin index, inertia curve, Silhouette curve, and Silhouette diagram were the main measurements used to compare model performance. An innovative threshold filtering approach (optimizer area) was used to label 128 protest songs. Through a bottom-up folksonomy approach to music classification, this study overcomes the limitations of traditional genre classification by introducing other high-level features (e.g., energy, danceability, instrumentalness) and their roles in determining protest music categories.
... La cultura-arte está correlacionada con la antiestructura, la inversión simbólica y la inversión potencial (Turner 1969: 41). Concierne, por lo tanto, las músicas (Eyerman 2002, Eyerman & Jamison 1998, las actuaciones teatrales, el graffiti (Wacquant 2000, Kramer 2009, Petropoulou et. al. 2019, los juegos de malabares. ...
... La cultura-arte está correlacionada con la antiestructura, la inversión simbólica y la inversión potencial (Turner 1969: 41). Concierne, por lo tanto, las músicas (Eyerman 2002, Eyerman & Jamison 1998, las actuaciones teatrales, el graffiti (Wacquant 2000, Kramer 2009, Petropoulou et. al. 2019, los juegos de malabares. ...
... Besides serving as a space for protest and resistance, festivals have also been linked to more organised movements for social change (Sharpe, 2008). They provide an opportunity for members of the movement to build networks and celebrate solidarity (Eyerman, 2002). ...
... By contrast, right-wing protests are often a platform to express anger about society at large (Chermak, Freilich, and Suttmoeller 2013) and more often involve violent elements (Della Porta 2006). More generally, music and cultural expression have been shown to serve as facilitators of collective identity, which fosters solidarity within a movement (Danaher 2010;Eyerman 2002). In so doing, culture can function as an effective lever to overcome free-rider incentives and reinforce participation intentions in light of growing protest turnout. ...
Many social movements face fierce resistance in the form of a countermovement. Therefore, when deciding to become politically active, a movement supporter has to consider both her own movement’s activity and that of the opponent. This paper studies the decision of a movement supporter to attend a protest when faced with a counterprotest. We implement two field experiments among supporters of a right- and left-leaning movement ahead of two protest–counterprotest interactions in Germany. Supporters were exposed to low or high official estimates about their own and the opposing group’s turnout. We find that the size of the opposing group has no effect on supporters’ protest intentions. However, as the own protest gets larger, supporters of the right-leaning movement become less while supporters of the left-leaning movement become more willing to protest. We argue that the difference is best explained by stronger social motives on the political left.
... The association between music and social movements is not something new. A number of scholars have examined the relationship between music and political activism (Eyerman and Jamison 1998;Eyerman 2002;Street 2002;Huang 2003;Rosenthal and Flacks 2011;Kutschke and Norton 2013;Street 2013;Shank 2014;Manabe 2016;Maultsby et al. 2018;Garofalo et al. 2020). The majority of studies have focused primarily on the role of music, musicians, and musical aesthetics with regard to political movements. ...
K-pop (Korean Pop Music) fans and artists have become visible political actors in the Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement in the US in 2020. We investigate why K-pop fans and musicians mobilized to support BLM and, more generally, minority rights in the US by focusing on BTS fans, known as ARMY. We argue that the relationship between K-pop fans and artists is not unilateral, but mutual. Diverse voices and power differentials among K-pop fans exist, but were unified during this time. For example, the Black ARMY not only reminded other fans of racism within the fandom, but also asked BTS and their fellow ARMYs to support BLM. By considering K-pop as a battlefield of consent and resistance, we examine how K-pop and its fandoms has the potential for affecting local and national politics outside of South Korea.
... Internet juga memberikan kesempatan yang lebih luas untuk mendapatkan dukungan dan sumber daya keuangan yang sebelumnya tidak ada. Salah satu aspek dari pandangan Ron Eyerman (2002) tentang musik dan gerakan sosial menyimpulkan bahwa internet telah membuka sumber pendapatan baru dan sangat menguntungkan bagi kelompok supremasi kulit putih. Seperti yang dia jelaskan, "melalui internet, individu yang tersebar luas dapat menemukan satu sama lain, dan gerakan dapat mengoordinasikan pertemuan mereka dan kegiatan lainnya. ...
Buku ini adalah akumulasi kekesalan dan pengalaman penulis sebagai pengajar matakuliah Pengantar Sosiologi. Salah satu tantangan utama adalah bagaimana menjelaskan jalinan konsep dan teori dalam sosiologi dengan cara yang paling sederhana. Jika saya mengatakan interaksi sosial, semua orang melakukan itu tanpa disadari. Namun memahami interaksi sosial secara teoritik adalah hal yang amat berbeda. Sama halnya dengan berbagai konsep lain, misalnya stratifikasi sosial, konflik sosial, dan lain sebagainya. Belajar dari pengalaman, bahwa mahasiswa yang saya temui mengalami kesulitan mendasar untuk melihat keterkaitan antarteori, yang boleh jadi disebabkan karena dua hal. Pertama, boleh jadi karena mahasiswa yang saya temui bukan dari major sosiologi. Kedua, boleh jadi karena sebagai generasi Z, mahasiswa ini cenderung untuk selalu kembali ke dunia maya untuk mencari jawaban. Jika saya bertanya tentang konsep interaksi sosial, maka mereka hanya menjelaskan bahwa interaksi adalah hubungan antar individu. Mereka tidak melihat, atau tidak merasa perlu melihat, bagaimana interaksi berkaitan dengan pelapisan sosial, dengan gejala bahasa, dengan relasi kekuasaan. Maka tidak heran jika mereka memahami konsep sepotong- sepotong tanpa melihat keterkaitan antar konsep. Menjawab kedua tantangan tersebut, maka saya memilih untuk menjadikan buku ini bukan sebagai buku pegangan, melainkan pintu masuk untuk masuk ke dalam belantara konsep dan teori dalam sosiologi. Keputusan saya untuk menjelaskan berbagai konsep dan teori dalam satu payung besar, yang kemudian ditarik ke dalam pecahan dan kerangka yang lebih kecil adalah cara saya untuk menjelaskan bagaimana keterkaitan antara satu konsep dengan konsep lainnya.
... Put differently, the obituaries for young people's political engagement were premature as young people both perceive the world around them and care for it (Street and Inthorn, 2010), though their strategies for engagement do not distinguish between the public and private sphere as previous generations' political engagement did, making issue and lifestyle based politics increasingly relevant (Ward, 2008;Stolle and Hooghe, 2011;Hedegaard, 2014;Mendick, Allen and Harvey, 2015). To provide a brief example, vegetarianism turns up frequently in studies with young people (Eyerman, 2002;Beardsworth and Bryman, 2004;Manning, 2010;Piotrowski, 2010;Micheletti, Stolle and Berlin, 2012) as a phenomenon of diet and commensality with a long history, that has increasingly become a way to find something "radical to eat" (Engler, 2012), to turn the intuitively private realm of self-care into political resistance against "power and political stasis" (Tanke, 2007, p. 79) reflecting contemporary tendencies among young people to moralize and personalize the political, and politicize the personal and the everyday. ...
The transitions of young people to adulthood in the UK are a political threshold that has received much public attention. The trend for young people to abstain from elections relative to older generations is one example of the many reasons young people’s politics have come under the microscope of researchers who claim that the manner of young people’s transitions to citizenship represents an incipient crisis for the UK as a democratic system (Farthing, 2010; O’Toole, 2015, p. 175). This thesis responds to calls for more research into young people’s lives as sites for political subjectivity as well as, in the UK, for explorations of the main question in the field of young people’s politics: the extent and nature of young people’s relative disengagement from politics, and their marginalization from institutional politics in general
The theoretical basis for this research project is a constructionist framework based on Bourdieu’s methods for uncovering social worlds (Bourdieu, 1996, p. 1) that also attempts to approach young people as equals in a political sense (Rancière, 1991, p. 229). Focus groups with young people at one vocational college, one secondary school and one youth group in the UK, utilizing participant photography as a data generation technique, provide the data for this study in an everyday politics approach. Young people’s perceptions of their everyday worlds are developed into broader discussions of political subjectivity, perceptions and actions.
... Ya sea a través de la cualidad callejera del candombe afrouruguayo, o llevando el lenguaje artístico de las danzas de orixás a la calle, estas performances culturales abren canales para la reconceptualización de la política y la resistencia-acción, politizando la expresión y el goce de su práctica colectiva. A través de estas performances, sus protagonistas incorporan el pasado y se construyen como sujetos en espacios de experimentación, de aprendizaje cultural y político [Eyerman 2002] y como "emprendedores de memoria" [Jelín 2002a]; elaboran y transmiten sentidos del pasado y presente, involucrando a otros, generan participación y ponen en juego nuevas ideas, creaciones y reflexiones, al ser testigos de su propia acción. ...
In this work I address articulations between art, politics and memory, based on the resignification processes regarding the Afro-Latin American cultural expressions that have given rise to the development of political performances in the public spaces of Buenos Aires. To do this, I focus on the annual mobilization to the emblematic Plaza de Mayo on March 24 -the date of the 1976 coup d'etat- where artistic-political Afro-culture groups are increasingly proposing new channels of expression. Based on my ethnographic field work, I recognize the continuity of these groups in the transformations of this march of memory, in dialogue with the changes in the forms of contextual social mobilization and the local dissemination of Afro-Latin American cultural and political expressions. Likewise, I analyze the movement’s links with groups that surpass an “afro” inscription and how this signifier is revisited, thus building bridges of meaning -regarding “afro intra-genealogy” - within the overall performance.
... While most studies have examined the role of certain forms of artistic expression in social movements, like visual art (Corrigall-Brown and Wilkes 2012), music (Roy 2010;Eyerman 2002;Futrell et al. 2006;Rosenthal 2001), theater/dramatic art (Moser 2003;Shepard 2010) or literature (Isaac 2009), only a small number have analysed the role of multiple forms of artistic expression. For example, to understand the way in which activists can make use of more artistic forms of expression in the same social movement, Everhart (2012) has studied the variety of artforms present in the movement of the UPR students from 2010, exploring the way in which these art forms have worked inside the movement and their impact. ...
The present paper analyses the presence of art and artists during the largest protests from post-communist Romania, known as the #rezist protests. The research is applied to the protests from two perspectives: the first refers to the way in which, especially well-known, artists become influencers of protest movements, by joining the protesters in the streets, by intensively using social media or by creating artistic products that support the protests; the second perspective refers to the identification of various forms of action that entail a significant artistic component, employed by protesters in order to accomplish the desired results: mobilisation of participants, generating solidarity or gaining the media‘s attention. In this research we have combined quantitative and qualitative analysis of data
in order to explore the presence of the artistic dimension during the protests from the beginning of 2017. The active involvement of notorious Romanian artists from different fields was unprecedented in Romania, as they had an important contribution in promoting the dominant way of thinking and, consequently, in creating a sense of solidarity and mobilising people. Activism was visible online and offline, as protesters showed their creativity in slogans, banners with humorous, ironic or uncompromising images and messages, in spectacular choreographies and laser projections but also in releasing manifesto-songs.
... There is a growing literature about the ways in which music and popular culture can generate political engagement (Gracyk, 2001), and restructure negative identities (Cieslik and Pollock, 2002). Eyerman (2002) describes how music can help form collective identities and thus contribute to collective positive action. Music and expression of identity are connected with young people's style, language and personality development (Schwartz and Fouts, 2003). ...
This article explores the impact of a global youth work project that aimed to engage young people in social issues through the medium of hip-hop. We discuss the literature on education for social justice and then give an overview of the hip-hop project we analysed. We go on to explore
the qualitative findings, asking what practices were most successful in engaging 'marginalized' young people and whether the project met its aims in terms of the perceived outcomes for and of the participants. We consider how the project built self-esteem and draw conclusions about the implications
of such projects for developing positive attitudes to learning and for consciousness-raising regarding global social issues.
... Aquí debemos subrayar que el mismo Durkheim reconoció que los rituales no solamente juegan este papel en el ámbito religioso, sino que también en el secular, donde sobresale el dominio cívico de las naciones modernas (Durkheim 1971;véase también Connerton, 1989y Olick, 2008. De especial relevancia para el caso de los homenajes a Violeta Parra es cómo el uso ritual del canto y la música han sido indispensables para mantener el ánimo, la cohesión y la memoria en los movimientos sociales, un fenómeno que se ha demostrado en múltiples estudios socio históricos (véase, por ejemplo, Eyerman, 2002;Futrell, Simi y Gottschalk, 2006;Rosenthal y Flacks, 2011;y Spener, 2017). 2 Otros dos conceptos sociológicos son indispensables para analizar la práctica de los homenajes a Violeta Parra frente a su tumba. El primero es el concepto de trauma cultural, que guarda una relación esencial con el segundo, el de generación social. ...
This paper presents a sociohistorical study of the ritual homages carried out by singers, artists, and left-wing activists at the graveside of Violeta Parra every February 5 in Santiago, Chile. The homages date from the years immediately following her death in 1967 and persisted during the military dictatorship, when they acquired an important political dimension. They have continued without interruption to the present day. The analysis privileges the concepts of collective memory, cultural trauma, social generation, and the importance of song in social movements.
... También, los ejercicios emancipatorios o de resistencia que algunos artistas vienen realizando en la ejecución misma de sus 8 John Street, "'Fight the Power': The Politics of Music and the Music of Politics", Government and Opposition 38:1, 2003, 113-30. 9 James Currie, Music and Politics, Routledge Handbooks Online, 2011; Silvia Herrera Ortega, "Un acercamiento al estudio y análisis de la relación música-política", Revista Folios 23, 2011 composiciones 17 y la creación de canciones -o apropiación de otras ya existentes-por parte de organizaciones sociales para acompañar sus luchas y reivindicaciones 18 . ...
Este artículo analiza los usos y funciones que tuvo la música producida por las
FARC-EP para la organización y su trabajo político-militar durante el conflicto armado en
Colombia. A partir de la revisión de fuentes primarias y secundarias, observación
participante en 5 conciertos farianos y 14 entrevistas, se afirma que la música fariana -como sonido y práctica- cumplió un papel fundamental para afianzar la cohesión social e
ideológica de las FARC-EP, para motivar e inspirar a sus miembros y para sostener una
identidad colectiva tanto en el campo como en las ciudades. Respecto al trabajo político de la insurgencia con la sociedad civil, la música se usó para amenizar, generar simpatías y sumar solidaridades.
English: This article analyzes the uses and functions that the music produced by the FARC-EP had for the organization and its political-military work during the armed conflict in Colombia. Based on the review of primary and secondary sources, participant observation in 6 "fariano concerts" and 14 interviews, it is affirmed that Fariano music -as sound and practice-fulfilled fundamental role to strengthen the social and ideological cohesion of the FARC-EP, to motivate and inspire its members and to sustain a collective identity both in the countryside and in the cities. Regarding thepolitical work of the insurgency with civil society, music was used to entertain, generate sympathy and add solidarity.
La música tiene una capacidad particular de generar eco a partir de diversas prácticas sonoras que alimentan la acción colectiva. Por esto se ha constituido en uno de los repertorios con mayor resonancia dentro de las diferentes tácticas culturales empleadas para la movilización política y social. En el marco de la protesta social buscamos aquí comprender el rol de la música como lenguaje clave de las gramáticas de resistencia y transformación social, sus funciones, formas y afectos. Partiremos de la vinculación entre arte y política para luego profundizar en la trama sonora que se produce en medio de la protesta, hasta llegar a una lectura de la experiencia de la Segunda Línea, colectivo que surgió en el contexto de lo que se conoce como el estallido social de Colombia.
Music has a unique capacity to create a resonance through various sound practices that feed collective action. For this reason, it has become one of the most important repertoires within the different cultural tactics used for political and social mobilization. Within the framework of social protest, we seek here to understand the role of music as a key language in the grammars of resistance and social transformation, its functions, forms and affects. We will first examine the connection between art and politics, and then delve into the weave of sound that emerges during the protest, until we reach a reading of the experience of Segunda Línea, a group that arose in the midst of what is known as the social outbreak in Colombia.
A música tem a capacidade particular de gerar eco desde diversas práticas sonoras, que nutrem a ação coletiva. É por isso que se tem construído um dos repertórios com mais ressonância dentro das diferentes táticas culturais empregadas para a mobilização política e social. No cotexto da protesta social, queremos compreender o papel da música como linguagem essencial das gramáticas de resistência e transformação social, suas funções, suas formas e seus afetos. Pesquisaremos a vinculação entre arte e política para profundar logo na trama sonora que se faz no meio da protesta, até chegar à leitura da experiência da Segunda Línea, o coletivo que surgiu no contexto da eclosão social de Colômbia.
In the current chapter, the authors explore the growing concerns around a globalized extreme-right movement. Discussion of the contradiction between the ideological principles of the global extreme-right and actual operational practices as well as an overview of the recent trends in the transnational spread of extreme-right ideology and violence is discussed. Looking at the cases of individuals like Brenton Tarrant and Philip Manshaus as well as the online spaces they operated within prior to their arrest offers further insights into the online ecosystem of the globalizing extreme-right. Finally, the authors utilize a modification of Moghadam’s classification of collaboration to observe the potential means of coordination between extremist groups (high-end or low-end collaboration). The authors conclude that while there is some merit to certain concerns of a globe-spanning threat, the current ecosystem of the extreme-right does not seem to be indicative of a rapidly increasing trend but rather a proliferation of shared ideological and cultural trends. Further studies are recommended to observe the potential reasonings a global convergence has not been seen more pointedly in the case of the global extreme-right.
Este artículo analiza la musicación de los balcones durante el primer confinamiento provocado por la COVID-19 en España. A partir de un amplio análisis de corte cualitativo, se presenta la experiencia de interpretar, compartir y escuchar música en los balcones como una respuesta socialmente resiliente. La motivación para interpretar música nació de la voluntad de asistencia y ayuda; las redes tejidas en torno a la experiencia musical estimularon reacciones de empoderamiento colectivo, ayudando también a nuevos procesos de identificación con la comunidad de pertenencia. El análisis de la musicación de los balcones reivindica el concepto de resiliencia social como herramienta para el análisis social de las pandemias, orientando la atención hacia la complejidad de las respuestas sociales ante las grandes crisis, y defendiendo el interés de considerar a las experiencias artísticas como espacios donde se pueden sentar las bases para el impulso de nuevas formas de confianza social.
Arts programming can amplify youth voice, creative self-expression, and promote civic engagement and social change. This paper describes a case study of a youth participatory action research at an arts organization in the northeast of the U.S. that promoted youth participation, critical reflection, and action. Field observations and individual interviews with adult and youth staff were conducted and analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings suggest YPAR represented an opportunity for youth to develop critical consciousness, leadership skills, and create change. Adults integrated opportunities for youth to lead in arts dissemination and action initiatives. Implications and challenges including sustainability were identified.
¿Está el mundo en el que vivimos tan secularizado como lo creía la sociología de la religión del siglo pasado? ¿qué hace la gente cuando vive eso que llama religión? ¿cómo y qué estudia la sociología de la religión actual? Para la sociología, la religión es una forma de práctica humana que tiene como referencia una dimensión sobrenatural, a veces entendida como sagrada. Sirve para cualquier fin humano, desde la salvación después de la muerte, el fortalecimiento de un matrimonio, o la reconstrucción del sí mismo. Es un fenómeno relevante en cualquier sociedad, con iglesias y asociaciones religiosas que controlan amplios recursos y que proveen servicios sociales de importancia. Pero también es un medio a través del cual la gente puede trabajar y reconstruir su micro-contexto social, incluyendo su propia identidad. Los capítulos de este libro son traducciones de artículos originalmente publicados en la revista académica Qualitative Sociology entre 2011 y 2018, período en el cual David Smilde fue su director. Reflejan las tendencias más recientes en metodología cualitativa y la dirección conceptual en los estudios de la religión que se ha denominado “la religión vivida.”
In this paper, the authors try to provide an overview of the new socialmovement variant, which is the anti-war movements initiated by hippies.The hippie culture developed rapidly in the 1960s in the United Statesand now has spread to the whole world through cultural globalization.Hippie Movement itself is a subculture movement that has a significantrole in forming a counter-culture in the United States. This movement’ssuccess cannot be separated from the support of the musicians ofthe world through popular culture that will be discussed in this paper throughcultural globalization.
This Chapter aims to present a review of the research literature on music information seeking and its application to popular songs and social change, with particular reference to Shanghai. Owing to its history as an immigrant city with strong foreign influence, it has developed a unique culture that combines West and East. The chapter aims to present how the history of popular songs in Shanghai shows how individual and collective identities have been constructed in interaction with contending local, national and international forces and influences. In a historical analysis, four areas are discussed in regard to music information needs: (1) a literature review on the East-West cultural exchange, (2) an examination of the expression of China's national humiliations, (3) an exploration of how cultural hegemony is exercised through the use of the Shanghainese dialect to promote Shanghai's popular songs in the local context, and (4) how Western and Asian popular songs have been promoted by and incorporated into Shanghai's contemporary society.
The present study examines the dynamics of youth artivism -artistic activism- in selected countries of the Arab World as manifested in protest songs, produced by young singers and bands during the popular uprisings between 2010 and 2013. The study analyzes the stylistic, linguistic, and aesthetic features of protest songs, and their function as instruments employed to articulate collective defiance, grievances, and aspirations. The study, also, investigates the political engagement of young Arab protest singers in the homeland and diaspora, by analyzing their role as activist-artists in generating songs that represent an alternative national consciousness reflective of the popular masses. This national-popular consciousness is represented and documented in the protest songs accompanying the eruption of popular political contention. Central to this research is the assertion that the cultural phenomenon of Arab artivism is best understood within its social, political, and historical contexts. Presenting a critical discussion of neo-Marxist and post-Marxist approaches, the study is informed by Antonio Gramsci’s concepts of ‘hegemony’ and ‘national-popular’ in an attempt to highlight the cultural paradigm of subversive artistic activism.
The Americas are a strong example of the intense connection between music
and politics. Beyond the state-driven attempts in the Americas to link musical
production to the official narration of the nation, massive, innovative musical
movements have emerged since the 20th century that provide countercultural
and alternative narrations of the social context.
With the common correlation of the patriotic music community to “America,” country music after 9/11, in many respects, could be seen as a site for the reinforcement and construction of American national identity. This article particularly explores the use of country music in the United States to represent and create a political ideology of “imagined” national identity in the time period between September 11, 2001 and the invasion of Iraq in the Spring of 2003. However, the nation, as imagined in these country song lyrics, has very specific dimensions. It is not just any nation. It is perceived (and valued, for that matter) as justifiably aggressive. It is a Christian nation defined in opposition to the Islamic “other.” This targeted racial and religious group is not just an outside foreign “other” but a heavily stigmatized foreigner from within their own country. The mapping of these particular concepts of nation and religion onto mainstream country music constitutes its primary imagined identity.
This article considers the analytical potential of a concept of care that foregrounds human interdependencies, relational ties and the needs of others as the basis for action in analysing work, such as creative work, which is neither directly nor obviously associated with care provision. Work in the creative industries has recently become a central concern in sociology. Much of this scholarship reproduces or extends the idea of creative work as a paradigm of individualized work in contemporary societies that is characterized by high levels of worker autonomy, passion, self-expression and self-enterprise. This article challenges such theorizations by calling attention to the role of caring in creative work, understood both as an ontological phenomenon and as a relational practice of sustaining and repairing the world. Drawing on a qualitative study of socially engaged art in South-East Europe, I argue that creative work manifests itself as a labour of care and compassion.
During India’s Emergency, anti-state poetry of a decidedly amateurish quality proliferated. Anti-Emergency poetry did little to bring about the restoration of democracy, nor could it have reasonably been mistaken for great art. So what was the purpose of writing resistance poetry if it was not meant to directly influence politics nor to be great art? Poetry as politics has a long history in the Islamicate world, dating back to the pre-Islamic Arabian Peninsula. While until the 19th century Islamicate poetry was tied to the Caliphates who employed poets to extol the virtues of the ruling classes, after the so-called ‘Rise of the West’ Islamicate poetry became associated instead with anti-colonial and anti-state movements across the Islamicate world from Morocco to Indonesia and from Central Asia to the Indian Ocean. In this essay, I argue that the utility of resistance poetry in anti-state movements in South Asia has been to build solidarity among social movement participants. The sociology of social movements has long placed emphasis on the role of affective bonds and solidarity building for predicting social movement success, and poetry, in the Islamicate context especially, I argue, does exactly that. By circulating poems, social movement participants inform the reader that resistance and opposition exist, they inspire participants and would-be participants and calm fears that participants might have, especially in moments of political repression. These poems generate emotional and cultural bonds among social movement participants by linking anti-state movements to the centuries-old tradition of Islamicate poetry, thereby fostering solidarity and providing a firm basis for collective action.
In 2003, the occupation of a state-owned building in Rome led to the emergence of a new extreme-right youth movement: CasaPound Italia (CPI). Its members described themselves as "Fascists of the Third Millennium", and were unabashed about their admiration for Benito Mussolini. Over the next 15 years, they would take to the street, contest national elections, open over a hundred centres across Italy, and capture the attention of the Italian public. While CPI can count only on a few thousands votes, it enjoys disproportionate attention in public debates from the media. So what exactly is CasaPound? How can we explain the high profile achieved by such a nostalgic group with no electoral support?
In this book, Caterina Froio, Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Giorgia Bulli and Matteo Albanese explore CasaPound Italia and its particular political strategy combining the organization and style of both political parties and social movements and bringing together extreme-right ideas and pop-culture symbols. They contend that this strategy of hybridization allowed a fringe organization like CasaPound to consolidate its position within the Italian far-right milieu, but also, crucially, to make extreme-right ideas routine in public debates. The authors illustrate this argument drawing on unique empirical material gathered during five years of research, including several months of overt observation at concerts and events, face-to-face interviews, and the qualitative and quantitative analysis of online and offline campaigns.
By describing how hybridization grants extremist groups the leeway to expand their reach and penetrate mainstream political debates, this book is core reading for anyone concerned about the nature and growth of far-right politics in contemporary democracies. Providing a fresh insight as to how contemporary extreme-right groups organize to call public attention, this study will also be of interest to students, scholars and activists interested in the complex relationship between party competition and street protest more generally.
https://www.routledge.com/CasaPound-Italia-Contemporary-extreme-right-politics/Froio-Gattinara-Bulli-Albanese/p/book/9780367435493
Members of societies in conflict hold stable positive and negative views, and emotions of the in‐group and out‐group, respectively. Music is a potent tool to express and evoke emotions. It is a social product created within a social and political context, reflecting, and commenting it. Protest songs aim to change views and attitudes toward ongoing conflicts. Their message may be expressed positively (pro‐peace songs) or negatively (anti‐war songs). Previous research has shown that evoking emotions such as guilt toward the in‐group or empathy toward the out‐group may influence attitudes toward reconciliation. The present research, conducted in Israel, presents three studies investigating whether emotions evoked by positive or negative protest songs may influence in‐group members' guilt toward the in‐group (Israeli Jews) and empathy toward the out‐group (Palestinians). Studies 1 and 2 show that negative emotions evoked by negative protests songs predicted both empathy and guilt when the out‐group is considered as a whole (Study 1) or as a particular individual (Study 2). Study 2 in addition showed that empathy predicts an altruistic decision regarding an out‐group member. Emotions evoked by lyrics alone (Study 3) did not contribute to explained variance in either guilt or empathy, nor the altruistic decision. Results suggest that negative emotions expressed by negative protest songs, focused on the in‐group, are more effective in influencing attitudes toward out‐groups. Results are discussed in the context of group emotions in conflict and the role of protest songs in intergroup relations.
This chapter introduces the LGBTQ festivals active in the post-Yugoslav countries in the first decade of the millennium. It discusses the broader field of action of the festivals in order to prepare for the analyses of discourses as well as of organizational and audience practices of the two festivals: Queer Zagreb festival and Ljubljana gay and lesbian film festival. Their regional negotiation of non-normativity through arts and culture, what I call regional queerness, is connected to the multiple ties that survived the dissolution of the former country but also to the dynamic feminist and LGBTQ activism in this region. Situating the research within fields of feminist visual culture and contemporary history of Southeastern Europe, the chapter ends with an account of chosen qualitative methodology.
Public Culture 12.1 (2000) 21-38
One of the most surprising cultural and political phenomena of recent years has been the emergence of memory as a key concern in Western societies, a turning toward the past that stands in stark contrast to the privileging of the future so characteristic of earlier decades of twentieth-century modernity. From the early twentieth century's apocalyptic myths of radical breakthrough and the emergence of the "new man" in Europe via the murderous phantasms of racial or class purification in National Socialism and Stalinism to the post-World War II American paradigm of modernization, modernist culture was energized by what one might call "present futures." Since the 1980s, it seems, the focus has shifted from present futures to present pasts, and this shift in the experience and sensibility of time needs to be explained historically and phenomenologically.
But the contemporary focus on memory and temporality also stands in stark contrast to so much other recent innovative work on categories of space, maps, geographies, borders, trade routes, migrations, displacements, and diasporas in the context of postcolonial and cultural studies. Indeed, not so long ago there was a widespread consensus in the United States that in order to understand postmodern culture, the focus had to be shifted from the problematics of time and memory ascribed to an earlier form of high modernism to that of space as key to the postmodern moment. But, as the work of geographers such as David Harvey has shown, we would separate time and space at great peril to a full understanding of either modern or postmodern culture. Time and space as fundamentally contingent categories of historically rooted perception are always bound up with each other in complex ways, and the intensity of border-crossing memory discourses that characterizes so much of contemporary culture in so many different parts of the world today proves the point. Indeed, questions of discrepant temporalities and differently paced modernities have emerged as key to new and rigorous understandings of the long-term processes of globalization, which supplant rather than merely adjust Western modernization paradigms.
Memory discourses of a new kind first emerged in the West after the 1960s in the wake of decolonization and the new social movements and their search for alternative and revisionist histories. The search for other traditions and the tradition of "others" was accompanied by multiple statements about endings: the end of history, the death of the subject, the end of the work of art, the end of metanarratives. Such claims were frequently understood all too literally, but in their polemical thrust and replication of the ethos of avantgardism, they pointed directly to the ongoing recodification of the past after modernism.
Memory discourses accelerated in Europe and the United States in the early 1980s, energized by the broadening debate about the Holocaust (triggered by the network television series Holocaust and, somewhat later, the testimony movement) and by media attention paid to the fortieth and fiftieth anniversaries of events in the history of the Third Reich: Hitler's rise to power in 1933 and the infamous book burnings remembered in 1983; Kristallnacht, the organized pogrom of 1938 against Germany's Jews publicly commemorated in 1988; the Wannsee conference of 1942 initiating the "Final Solution" remembered in 1992 with the opening of a museum in the Wannsee villa where the conference had taken place; the Normandy invasion of 1944 remembered with grand spectacle by the allies but without Russian presence in 1994; the end of World War II in 1945 remembered in 1985 with a stirring speech by the German president and again in 1995 with a whole series of international events in Europe and Japan. Such mostly "German anniversaries," along with the historians' debate of 1986, the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, and German national unification in 1990, received intense coverage in the international media, stirring up post-World War II codifications of national history in France, Austria, Italy, Japan, even the United States, and most recently Switzerland. The Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, planned during the 1980s and inaugurated in 1993, gave rise to debate about the Americanization of the Holocaust. But the resonance of Holocaust memory did...
In order to remedy substantive gaps in published academic literature, this article examines the American straightedge youth subculture. Conducting content analyses of straightedge music lyrics and other primary subcultural artefacts, this study delineates a history of the group since its appearance in the US during the early 1980s. Straightedge music lyrics suggest that the straightedge youth subculture has experienced a number of noteworthy transitions since its emergence. Early straightedge youth galvanized largely around an opposition to drugs, alcohol, and perceived forms of promiscuous sexual activity. During the late 1980s, however, straightedge youth intensified their opposition to intoxicants and they incorporated animal rights issues into their subcultural ideology. Moreover, in recent years several distinct factions have emerged from the general straightedge youth subculture. This article provides a substantive basis for future theoretical elaborations not only of processes of subcultural emergence, but also of processes of subcultural change and schism.
Researchers claim that the American skinhead subculture largely has been a racist phenomenon since its emergence. Moreover, researchers posit that the American skinhead subculture emerged primarily as a result of social network connections between organized American racists and British skinheads. This study challenges and adds to these claims. In particular, analyses of music lyrics, primary subcultural artifacts, and secondary sources indicate that the development of the American skinhead phenomenon largely was influenced by an indigenous and nonracist subculture known as “hardcore.” Findings contribute to a more complete understanding of American skinhead subcultural origins. Findings also provide support for recent theories about evolution and schism among contemporary youth subcultures.
The author argues that the distinctive properties of sound give music a very particular role in the organisation of social, economic, and political spaces. Music gains the cultural authority necessary for participation in such spatial processes through properties of sound, which are not fixed and universal but temporally and spatially specific, actively produced in the material/imaginal networks of musical performance. He examines theoretical arguments concerning the performative specificity of sonic experience and considers three ways in which the sonic properties of music are centrally involved in the production of cultural geographies. He draws examples from English music of the period 1880-1940 in order to explore how sound informs moral geographies of landscape, nation, and citizen.
The Skinheads and the magical recovery of community Resistance through rituals The souls of black folk
- J Clarke
Clarke, J. (1976). The Skinheads and the magical recovery of community. In S. Hall & T. Jefferson (Eds.), Resistance through rituals. London: Hutchinson. Du Bois, W. E. B. (1903[1989]). The souls of black folk. New York: Bantam Books.
Between national opportunity and transnational action: New right and anti-racist protest in post-Cold War Denmark. Unpublished ms
- R Karpantschof
Karpantschof, R. (2001). Between national opportunity and transnational action: New right and anti-racist protest in post-Cold War Denmark. Unpublished ms., University of Copenhagen.
The philosophy of Punk
- O Hara
O'Hara, C. (1999). The philosophy of Punk. London: AK Press.
Nynazismen og dens modstandere i Danmark (Neo-Nazism and its Opponents in Denmark)
- R Karpantschof
Karpantschof, R. (1999). Nynazismen og dens modstandere i Danmark (Neo-Nazism and its Opponents in Denmark). Esbjerg: Sydjysk Universitetsforlag.
Just my soul responding
- B Ward
Ward, B. (1998). Just my soul responding. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Refuse to stand silently by
- E Wigginton
Wigginton, E. (Ed.) (1991). Refuse to stand silently by. New York: Doubleday.
Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements P1: Noise: The political economy of music Popular music and youth culture Vit maktmusik
- P1: Fhd / Ivo / Lct P2: Gcr / Lct Qc Fhd / Ivo / Lct P2: Gcr / Lct Qc Fhd / Ivo / Lct P2: Gcr / Lct Qc Fhd / Ivo / Lct P2: Gcr / Lct Qc Fhd / Ivo / Lct P2: Gcr / Lct Qc Fhd / Ivo / Lct P2: Gcr / Lct Qc Fhd / Ivo / Lct P2: Gcr / Lct Qc Fhd / Ivo / Lct P2: Gcr / Qc
P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Movements REFERENCES Attali, J. (1985). Noise: The political economy of music. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Bennett, A. (2000). Popular music and youth culture. London: Palgrave. BR A (1999). Vit maktmusik. Stockholm: Fritzes.
Performing rites Art into pop
- S Frith
- Fhd
- Ivo
- Lct P
- Gcr
- Lct
Frith, S. (1996). Performing rites. Oxford: Oxford University Press. P1: FHD/IVO/LCT P2: GCR/LCT QC: Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph132-quas-375999 June 13, 2002 19:33 Style file version June 4th, 2002 458 Eyerman Frith, S., & Horne, H. (1987). Art into pop. London: Methuen.
Nazismen i SverigeNazism in Sweden) Contentious politics
- H Löö
Löö, H. (1998). Nazismen i Sverige 1980–1997 (Nazism in Sweden). Stockholm: Ordfront. McAdam, D., Tilly, C., & Tarrow, S. (2001). Contentious politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.